No More Learning

The Romans were still much inferior
in numbers, and anxiously awaited an opportunity to pour down upon
the
enemy
while on the march. For some time however the Goths made
no move; when at length they attempted to seize the higher ground the
battle began. The Roman left wing was broken and the legionaries were
forced to retreat, but neither side gained any decisive advantage: the
Goths remained for seven days longer within the shelter of their camp
while the Romans drove other troops of barbarians to the north of the
mountain chain (early autumn 377). At this time Richomer returned
in order to secure further help from Gratian, while Saturninus arrived
from Asia with the rank of magister equitum, in command, it would
seem, of reinforcements. But the tide of fortune which had favoured
the Romans during the previous months now ebbed. The Goths, de-
spairing of breaking the cordon or piercing the Balkan passes, by promises
of unlimited booty won over hordes of Huns and Alans to their side.
Saturninus found that he could hold his position no longer, and was
thus forced to retire on the Rhodope chain. Save for a defeat at
Dibaltus near the sea-coast he successfully masked his retreat, while
Frigeridus, who was stationed in the neighbourhood of Beroea, fell back
before the enemy upon Illyricum, where he captured the barbarian leader
Farnobius and defeated the Taifali; as in Valentinian's day the captives
were settled in the depopulated districts of Italy. The help however
which was expected from the West was long delayed ; in February 378
the Lentienses chanced to hear from one of their fellow-tribesmen who
CH. VIII.


## p. 234 (#264) ############################################

234
The Battle of Hadrianople
(378
زر
was serving in the Roman army that Gratian had been summoned to
the East. Collecting allies from the neighbouring clans, they burst
across the border some 40,000 strong (panegyrists said 70,000).
Gratian was forced to recall the troops who had already marched into
Pannonia, and in command of these as well as of his Gallic legionaries
he placed Nannienus and the Frankish king Mallobaudes. At the
battle of Argentaria, near Colmar in Alsace, Priarius the barbarian
king was slain and with him, it is said, more than 30,000 of the enemy:
according to the Roman estimate only some 5000 escaped through the
dense forests into the shelter of the hills. Gratian in person then crossed
the Rhine and after laborious operations among the mountains starved
the fugitives into surrender; by the terms of peace they were bound to
furnish recruits for the Roman army. The result of the campaign was
a very real triumph for the youthful Emperor of the West.
Meanwhile Sebastian, appointed in the East to succeed Trajan in
the command of the infantry, was raising and training a small force of
picked men with which to begin operations in the spring. In April 378
Valens left Antioch for the capital at the head of reinforcements drawn
from Asia : he arrived on 30 May. The Goths now held the Schipka
Pass and were stationed both north and south of the Balkans at Nico-
polis and Beroea. Sebastian had successfully freed the country round
Hadrianople from plundering bands, and Fritigern concentrating the
Gothic forces had withdrawn north to Cabyle. At the end of June
Valens advanced with his army from Melanthias, which lay some 15 miles
west of Constantinople. Against the advice of Sebastian the Emperor
determined upon an immediate march in order to effect a junction with
the forces of his nephew, who was now advancing by Lauriacum and
Sirmium. The eastern army entered the Maritza Pass, but at the same
time Fritigern would seem to have despatched some Goths southwards.
These were sighted by the Roman scouts, and in fear that the passes
should be blocked behind him and his supplies cut off, the Emperor
retreated towards Hadrianople. Fritigern himself meanwhile marched
south over the pass of Bujuk-Derbent in the direction of Nike, as though
he would intercept communication between Valens and his capital.
Two alternative courses were now open to the Emperor: he might take
up a strong position at Hadrianople and await the army of the West
(this was Gratian's counsel brought by Richomer who reached the camp
on 7 August), or he might at once engage the enemy. Valens adopted
the latter alternative; it would seem that he under-estimated the
numbers of the Goths, and it is possible that he desired to shew that he
too could win victories in his own strength as well as the western
Emperor; Sebastian, who had at his own request left the service of
Gratian for that of Valens, may have sought to rob his former master of
any further laurels. At dawn on the following morning (9 August)
the advance began ; when about midday the armies came in sight of


## p. 235 (#265) ############################################

378–379]
Death and Character of Valens
235
each other (probably near the modern Demeranlija) Fritigern, in order
to gain time, entered into negotiations, but on the arrival of his cavalry
he felt sure of victory and struck the first blow. We cannot reconstruct
the battle: Valens, Trajan and Sebastian all fell, and with them two-
thirds of the Roman army. In the open country no resistance could be
offered to the victorious barbarians, but they were beaten back from the
walls of Hadrianople, and a troop of Saracen horsemen repelled them
from the capital. Victor bore the news of the appalling catastrophe
to Gratian.
In the face of hostile criticism Valentinian had chosen Valens as his
co-Augustus, intending that he should carry out in the East the same
policy which he himself had planned for the West. His judgment was
not at fault, for in the sphere of religion alone did the two Emperors
pursue different ends. Like an orderly, with unfailing loyalty Valens
obeyed his brother's instructions. He too strengthened the frontier
with fortresses and lightened the burden of taxation, while under
his care magnificent public buildings rose throughout the eastern
provinces. But Valentinian's masterful decision of character was alien
to Valens: his was a weaker nature which under adversity easily yielded
to despair. Severity, anxiously assumed, tended towards ferocity, and
a consciousness of insecurity rendered him tyrannical when his life or
throne was threatened. His subjects could neither forget nor forgive
the horrible excesses which marked the suppression of the rebellion of
Procopius or of the conspiracy of Theodorus. He was hated by the
orthodox as an Arian heretic and by the Pagans as a Christian zealot,
while it was upon the Emperor that men laid the responsibility for the
overwhelming disaster of Hadrianople. Thus there were few to judge
him with impartial justice, and it is probable that even later historians
have been unduly influenced by the invectives of his enemies. His
imperious brother had made of an excellent civil servant an Emperor
who was no match for the crisis which he was fated to meet.
On the news of the defeat at Hadrianople Gratian at once turned
to the general who had shewn such brilliant promise a few years before
in the defence of Moesia. The young Theodosius was recalled from his
retirement in Spain and put in command of the Roman troops in
Thrace. Here, it would appear, he was victorious over the Sarmatians,
and at Sirmium in the month of January 379 (probably 19 January 379)
Gratian created him co-Augustus. was only after long hesitation
that Theodosius accepted the heavy task of restoring order in the
eastern provinces, but the decision once taken there was no delay.
Before the Emperors parted company their joint forces seem to have
defeated the Goths ; Gratian then relinquished some of his troops in
favour of Theodosius and himself started with all speed for Gaul, where
Franks and Vandals had crossed the Rhine. After defeating the
invaders Gratian went into winter quarters at Trier. Theodosius was
CH. VIII.


## p. 236 (#266) ############################################

236
Theodosius I and the War against the Goths (379–380
1
2
left to rule the Eastern praefecture, while it must perhaps remain a
doubtful question whether eastern Illyricum was not also included
within his jurisdiction.
The course of events which led up to the final subjection of the
Gothic invaders by Theodosius is for us a lost chapter in the story of
East Rome. Some few disconnected fragments can, it is true, be recovered,
but their setting is too often conjectural. Many have been the attempts
to unravel the confused tangle of incidents which Zosimus offers in
the place of an ordered history, but however the ingenuity of critics
may amaze us, it rarely convinces. Even so bald a statement as that
of the following paragraphs is, it must be confessed, in large measure but
a hypothetical reconstruction.
A pestilence had broken out among the barbarians besieging
Thessalonica, and plague and famine drove them from the walls. The
city could therefore be occupied without difficulty by Theodosius, who
chose it for his base of operations. Its natural position made it an
admirable centre : from it led the high roads towards the north to the
Danube and towards the east to Constantinople. Its splendid harbour
offered shelter to merchant ships from Asia and Egypt, and thus the
army's stores and provisions could not be intercepted by the Goths;
while from this point military operations could be undertaken alike in
Thrace and in Illyricum. The first task to which Theodosius directed
his commanding energy was the restoration of discipline among his
disorganised troops ; no longer did the Emperor hold himself aloof-
an unapproachable being hedged about with awe and majesty: the con-
ception which had since Diocletian become a court tradition gave place
to the liberality and friendliness of a captain in the midst of his men.
Early in June Theodosius reached Thessalonica, and despatched Modares,
a barbarian of royal blood, to sweep the Goths from Thrace. Falling
upon the unsuspecting foe, the Romans massacred a host of marauders
laden with the booty of the provinces. The legionaries recovered
confidence in themselves, and the main body of the invaders was driven
northwards. The Enıperor himself, with Thessalonica secured and
garrisoned, marched north towards the Danube to Scupi (Uskub:
6 July 379) and Vicus Augusti (2 August). From the first he was
determined to win the victory, if it were possible, rather by conciliation
than armed force. It would seem probable that even in the year 379
he was enrolling Goths among his troops and converting bands of
pillagers into Roman subjects. But in his winter quarters at Thessalonica
the Emperor was struck down by disease, and for long his life hung in
the balance (February 380). He prepared himself for his end by
baptism—the magical sacrament which obliterated all sin, and was
therefore postponed till the hour when life itself was ebbing. Military
action was paralysed, and the fruits of the previous year's campaign
were lost. The Goths took fresh courage; Fritigern led one host into
1


## p. 237 (#267) ############################################

380—382]
Peace
237
Thessaly, Epirus and Achaia, another under Alatheus and Saphrax
devastated Pannonia, while Nicopolis was lost to the Romans. Gratian
hastened perforce to the help of his disabled colleague; Bauto and
Arbogast were despatched to check the Goths in the north, and in the
summer Gratian himself marched to Sirmium, where he concluded a
truce with the barbarians under which the Romans were to supply pro-
visions, while the Goths furnished recruits for the army. It is probable
that Gratian and Theodosius met in conference at Sirmium in September.
The danger in the south was averted by the death of Fritigern ; without
a leader the Gothic host turned once more northwards. In the autumn
Theodosius was back in Thessalonica, and in November he entered
Constantinople in triumph. This fact of itself must signify that the
immediate peril was past.
Fortune now favoured Theodosius: Fritigern his most formidable
opponent was dead, and, at length, the pride of the aged Athanarich was
broken. Wearied out by feuds among his own people he, together with
his followers, sought refuge amongst his foes. On 11 January 381 he
was welcomed beyond the city walls by Theodosius and escorted with all
solemnity and kingly pomp into the capital. Fourteen days later he
died, and was buried by the Emperor with royal honours. The mag-
nanimity of Theodosius and the respect paid to their great chieftain
did more than many military successes to subdue the stubborn Gothic
tribesmen. We hear of no more battles, and in the following year peace
was concluded. Saturninus was empowered to offer the Goths new homes
in the devastated districts of Thrace, and the victors of Hadrianople
became the allies of the Empire', pledged in the event of war to furnish
soldiers for the imperial army. Themistius, the Court orator, could
express the hope that when once the wounds of strife were healed Rome's
bravest enemies would become her truest and most loyal friends.
Peace was hardly won in the East before usurpation and murder
threw the West into turmoil. In the early years of the reign of Gratian
Christian and Pagan alike had been captivated by the grace and charm
of their youthful ruler. His military success against the Lentienses, his
heroic efforts to bring help to the East in her darkest hour and the
loyal support which he had given to Theodosius only served to heighten
his popularity. The orthodox found in him a fearless champion of
their cause: the incomes of the vestal virgins were appropriated in part
for the relief of the imperial treasury and in part for the purposes of the
public post; in future the immemorial sisterhood was to hold no real
property whatever. The altar and statue of Victory which Julian had
restored to the senate house and which the tolerance of Valentinian had
permitted to stand undisturbed were now ordered to be removed (382).
Damasus, bishop of Rome, and Ambrose, bishop of Milan, claiming to
represent a Christian majority in the senate, prevailed upon the Emperor
1 The actual word foederati first occurs in a document of A. D. 406.
CH. VIII.


## p. 238 (#268) ############################################

238
The Death of Gratian
[383
to refuse to receive an embassy, headed by Symmachus, of the leading
Pagans in Rome, and the church was overjoyed at the uncompromising
zeal of their Emperor. But the radiant hopes which men had formed
of Gratian were not fulfilled ; his private life remained blameless, and
he was still liberal and humane, but affairs of state failed to interest
him and he devoted his days to sport and exercise. His love for the
chase became a passion, and he would take part in person in the wild-
beast hunts of the amphitheatre. Emergencies which, in the words of
a contemporary, would have taxed the statesmanship of a Marcus
Aurelius were disregarded by the Emperor; he alienated Roman
sentiment by his devotion to his German troops, and although he might
court popularity amongst the soldiers by permitting them to lay aside
breastplate and helm and to carry the spiculum in place of the weighty
pilum, yet the favours shewn to the Alans outweighed all else and
jealousy awoke disaffection amongst the legionaries. The malcontents
were not long in finding a leader. Magnus Clemens Maximus, a
Spaniard who claimed kinship with Theodosius and had served with him
in Britain, won a victory over the Picts and Scots. In spite of his
protests the Roman army in Britain hailed him as Augustus (early in
383 ? ) and leaving the island defenceless he immediately crossed the
Channel, determined to strike the first blow. From the mouth of the
Rhine where he was welcomed by the troops Maximus marched to Paris,
and here he met Gratian. For five days the armies skirmished, and then
the Emperor's Moorish cavalry went over to the usurper in a body.
Gratian saw his forces melting away, and at length with 300 horsemen
fled headlong for the Alps; nowhere could he find a refuge, for the
cities of Gaul closed their gates at his approach. The accounts of his
death are varied and inconsistent, but it would seem that Andragathius
was sent by Maximus hot-foot after the fugitive; at Lugdunum by a
bridge over the Rhone Gratian was captured by means of a stratagem
and was murdered within the city walls. Assured of his life by a
solemn oath and thus lulled into a false security, he was treacherously
stabbed by his host while sitting at a banquet (25 August 383). The
murderer (who was perhaps Andragathius himself) was highly rewarded
by Maximus.
Forthwith the usurper sent his chamberlain to Theodosius to claim
recognition and alliance. The historian notices as a remarkable exception
to the customs of the time that this official was not a eunuch, and further
states that Maximus would have no eunuchs about his court. Theodosius
had planned a campaign of vengeance for the death of the young ruler to
whom he owed so much, but on the arrival of the embassy he temporised.
It would be dangerous for him to leave the East: in Persia Ardaschir
(379–383) had just died and the policy of the new monarch Sapor III
(383–388) was quite unknown ; troubles had arisen on the frontier : the
nomad Saracens had broken their treaty of alliance with Rome, and
Richomer had marched on a punitive expedition. Although the Goths
}
+
1


## p. 239 (#269) ############################################

383–384]
The usurper Maximus and Valentinian II
239
were now peacefully settled on Haemus and Hebrus and had begun to
cultivate their allotted lands, although it was once more safe to travel
by road and not only by sea, yet for many years the Scyri, the Carpi, and
the Huns broke ever and again across the boundaries of the Empire and
gave work to the generals of Theodosius ; the newly won quiet and
order in Thrace might easily have been imperilled by the absence of
the Emperor. With the deliberate caution that always characterised
his action save when he was seized by some gust of passion, Theodosius
acknowledged his co-Augustus and ordered statues to be raised to him
throughout the East Africa, Spain, Gaul and Britain, it would seem,
acknowledged Maximus, while even in Egypt the mob of Alexandria
shouted for the western Emperor.
Meanwhile upon his brother's death Valentinian II began his personal
rule in Italy. For the next few years Ambrose and Justina fight a long- W
drawn duel to decide whether mother or bishop shall frame the young
Emperor's policy: on Justina's death there remained no rival to challenge
the influence of Ambrose. The latter was indeed throughout Valentinian's
reign the power behind the throne; born probably in 340, the son of a
praetorian praefect of Gaul, he had been educated in Rome until in the
year 374 he was appointed consularis of Aemilia and Liguria. In this
capacity he was present at the election (autumn 374) of a new bishop
in Milan; while he was taking anxious precautions lest the contest
between Arian and orthodox should end in bloodshed, a child's cry (says
the legend) of “Bishop Ambrose ! ” suggested a candidate whom both
factions agreed to accept. The city would take no refusal: against his
will the statesman governor became the statesman bishop. Thus in the
winter of 383-4, although Valentinian looked to Theodosius for help
and counsel, Constantinople seemed to the Court at Milan to lie at
a hopeless distance, while Maximus in Gaul was perilously near. The
Emperor instinctively turned to Ambrose, his one powerful protector,
while even Arianism forgot its feud with orthodoxy. At Justina's
request the bishop started on an embassy to secure peace between Gaul
and Italy. Maximus, however, desired that Valentinian should leave
Milan and that together they should consider the terms of their agree-
ment. Ambrose objected that it was winter: how in such weather
could a boy and his widowed mother cross the Alps ? His own authority
was only to treat for peace—he could promise nothing. Accordingly
Maximus sent his son Victor (shortly afterwards created Caesar) to
Valentinian to request his presence in Gaul. But the net had been
spread in the sight of the bird, and Victor returned from his mission
unsuccessful; when he arrived at Mogontiacum, Ambrose left for Milan
and met on the journey Valentinian's envoys bearing a formal reply
to the proposals of Maximus. If the bishop's diplomacy had achieved
nothing else, precious time had been gained, for Bauto had occupied the
Alpine passes and thus secured Italy from invasion.
CH. VIII.


## p. 240 (#270) ############################################

240
The Partition of Armenia
[384–387
In the year 384 the Pagan party in Rome had taken fresh heart;
the Emperor had raised two of their number to high office-Symmachus
had been made urban praefect and Praetextatus praetorian praefect. Men
began to hope for a repeal of the hostile measures of Gratian, and a
resolution of the senate empowered Symmachus to present to Valentinian
their plea for toleration and in especial for the restoration of the altar
of Victory. Gratian had thought (the praefect contended) that he
was fulfilling the senate's own desires, but the Emperor had been misled;
the senate, nay Rome herself, prayed to retain that honoured symbol
of her greatness before which her sons for countless generations had
pledged their faith. It was the loyalty to their past and to that
Godhead before whom their ancestors had bowed that had made the
Romans masters of the world and had filled their lands with increase.
It was a high and noble argument, but it availed nothing before the
scornful taunts of Ambrose, and Valentinian dismissed the ambassadors
with a refusal.
At this time a Persian embassy arrived in Constantinople (384)
announcing the accession of Sapor III (383–388), and bringing costly
gifts for Theodosius-gems, silk and even elephants, while in 385 the
Emperor secured the submission of the revolted eastern tribes. In the
following years the disputed question of predominance in Armenia was
revived : Stilicho was sent to represent Rome at the Persian Court and
in 387 a treaty between the two great powers was concluded, whereby
Armenia was partitioned. Some districts were annexed by Rome and
some by Persia, while two vassal kings were in future to govern the
country, some four-fifths of which was to acknowledge the supremacy
of Persia, and the remaining one-fifth the lordship of Rome. Modern
historians have condemned Theodosius for his acceptance of these terms,
but he needed peace on the eastern frontier if he were to march against
his western rival, and his predecessors had all experienced the extreme
difficulty of retaining the loyalty of Armenian kings: better a disadvan-
tageous partition with security, he may have argued, than an independent
State in secret alliance with the enemy. The Emperor was, in fact, forced
to recognise the strength of Persia's position'. In the West Ambrose
once more travelled to Gaul at Valentinian's request upon a diplomatic
mission probably at the end of 385 or in 386. He sought the consent of
Maximus to the burial of Gratian's corpse in Italian soil, but permission
was refused. Maximus was heard to regret that he had not invaded
Italy on Gratian's death: Ambrose and Bauto, he muttered, had foiled
1 It is thus highly improbable that Persia should have agreed to pay tribute
to Rome : ipse ille rex. . . etsi adhuc nomine foederatus, iam tamen tuis cultibus
tributarius est (Pacatus, c. 22 s. f. ) are the words of a court orator addressing the
Emperor in Rome when a Persian embassy announcing the accession of Bahram IV
was in the city. If Persia had really agreed to the payment of tribute the language
of the panegyric would have been less studiously vague.
2 Cf. Rauschen, Jahrbücher, Appendix x. p. 487.


## p. 241 (#271) ############################################

387]
Riot in Antioch
241
his schemes. When the bishop returned to Milan he was convinced
that the peace could not endure.
Indeed, events shewed the profound suspicion and mistrust which
underlay fair-seeming concord. Bauto was still holding the Alpine
passes when the Juthungi, a branch of the Alemanni, entered Rhaetia
to rob and plunder. Bauto desired that domestic pillage should recall
the tribesmen to their homes. And at his instigation the Huns and
Alans who were approaching Gaul were diverted and fell upon the
territory of the Alemanni. Maximus complained that hordes of
marauders were being brought to the confines of his territory, and
Valentinian was forced to purchase the retreat of his own allies.
Preparations for the coming struggle with Maximus absorbed the
attention of Theodosius in the East, and the exceptional expenditure
placed a severe strain upon his resources. In one and the same year,
it would seem (January 387), the Emperor celebrated his own decennalia
and the quinquennalia of his son Arcadius who had been created
Augustus in the year 383. On the occasion of this double festival
heavy sums in gold were needed for distribution as donatives among
the troops. In consequence, an extraordinary tax was laid upon the
city of Antioch, and the magnitude of the sum demanded reduced the
senators and leading citizens to despair. But with the inherited
resignation of the middle classes of the Roman Empire they yielded
to inexorable fate. Not so the populace: turbulent spirits with little
to lose and led by foreigners clamoured round the bishop Flavian's
house; in his absence, their numbers swollen by fresh recruits from the
city mob, they burst into the public baths intent on destruction, and
then overturning the statues of the imperial family dashed them to
pieces. One house was already in flames and a move had been made
towards the imperial palace when at length the authorities took action,
the governor (or comes orientis) interfered and the crowd was dispersed.
Immediately the citizens were seized with hopeless dismay as they
realised the horror of their crime. A courier was forthwith despatched
with the news to the Emperor, while the authorities, attempting to
atone by feverish violence for past neglect, began with indiscriminate
haste to condemn to death men, women and even children: some were
burned alive and others were given to the beasts in the arena. The
glory of the East saw her streets deserted and men awaited in shuddering
terror the arrival of the imperial commissioners. While Chrysostom
in his Lenten homilies endeavoured to rouse his flock from their
anguish of dread, while Libanius strove to stay the citizens from
headlong fight, the aged Flavian braving the hardships of winter
journeyed to Constantinople to plead with Theodosius. On Monday
of the third week of the fast the commissioners arrived-Caesarius
magister officiorum and Hellebicus magister militiae— bearing with
them the Emperor's edict: baths, circus and theatres were to be closed,
C. MED. H. VOL. I. CH. VIII.
16


## p. 242 (#272) ############################################

242
Maximus invades Italy
[387
the public distribution of grain was to cease, and Antioch was to lose
her proud position and be subjected to her rival Laodicea. On the
following Wednesday the commission began its sittings; confessions
were wrung from the accused by torture and scourgings, but to the
unbounded relief of all no death sentences were passed, and judgment
upon the guilty was left to the decision of Theodosius. Caesarius
himself started with his report for the capital : sleepless and unresting,
he covered the distance between Antioch and Constantinople in the
incredibly short space of six days. The prayers of Flavian had calmed
the Emperor's anger and the passionate appeal of Caesarius carried the
day: already the principal offenders had paid the forfeit of their lives,
the city in its agony of terror had drained its cup of suffering: let
Theodosius have mercy and stay his hand ! The news of a complete
amnesty was borne hot-foot to Antioch, and to the joy of Easter were
added the transports of a pardoned city.
At length in the West the formal peace was broken, and in 387 the
army of Gaul invaded Italy. Of late Justina's influence had gained the
upper hand in Milan, and the Arianism of Valentinian afforded a laudable
pretext for the action of Maximus; he came as the champion of
oppressed orthodoxy :-previous warnings had produced no effect on
the heretical Court; it must be chastened by the scourge of God. It
would seem that Valentinian's opposition to Ambrose had for the time
alienated the bishop, and the Emperor no longer chose him as his
ambassador. Domninus sought to strengthen good relations between
Trier and Milan, and asked that help should be given in the task of driving
back the barbarians who threatened Pannonia. The cunning of
Maximus seized the favourable moment; he detached a part of his own
army with orders to march to the support of Valentinian. He himself
however at the head of his troops followed close behind, and was thus
able to force the passes of the Cottian Alps unopposed. This treacherous
attack upon Valentinian was marked by the murder of Merobaudes, the
minister who had carried through the hasty election at Bregetio
(autumn 387). From Milan Justina and her son fled to Aquileia,
from Aquileia to Thessalonica where they were joined by Theodosius,
who had recently married Galla, the sister of Valentinian II.
Here it
would seem that the Emperor of the East received an embassy from
Maximus, the latter doubtless claiming that he had only acted in
the interests of the Creed of Nicaea, of which his co-Augustus was so
staunch a champion. The action of Theodosius was characteristic; he
gave no definite reply, while he endeavoured to convert the fugitive
Emperor to orthodoxy. The whole winter through he made his
preparations for the war which he could no longer honourably escape.
Goths, Huns and Alans readily enlisted ; Pacatus tells us that from the
Nile to the Caucasus, from the Taurus range to the Danube, men
streamed to his standards. Promotus, who had recently annihilated


## p. 243 (#273) ############################################

388]
The Fall of Maximus
243
a host of Greutungi under Odothaeus upon the Danube (386), commanded
the cavalry and Timasius the infantry; among the officers were Richomer
and Arbogast. In June Theodosius with Valentinian marched towards
the West; he could look for no support from Italy, for Rome had fallen
into the hands of Maximus during the preceding January, and the
usurper's fleet was cruising in the Adriatic. Theodosius reached Stobi
on June 14 and Scupi (Uskub) on June 21. It would seem that
emissaries of Maximus had spread disaffection among the Germans in
the eastern army, but a plot to murder Theodosius was disclosed in time
and the traitors were cut down in the swamps to which they had fled
for refuge. The Emperor advanced to Siscia on the Save; here, despite
their inferiority in numbers, his troops swam the river and charged and
routed the enemy. It is probable that in this engagement Andragathius,
the foremost general on the side of Maximus, met his death. Theodosius
won a second victory at Poetovio, where the western forces under the
command of the usurper's brother Marcellinus fed in wild disorder.
Many joined the victorious army, and Aemona (Laibach), which had
stubbornly withstood a long siege, welcomed Theodosius within its walls.
Maximus retreated into Italy and encamped around Aquileia. But he
was allowed no opportunity to collect fresh forces wherewith to renew
the struggle. Theodosius followed hard on the fugitive's track.
Maximus with the courage of despair fell upon his pursuers, but was
driven back into Aquileia and forced to surrender. Three miles from
the city walls the captive was brought into the Emperor's presence.
The soldiers anticipated the victor's pity and hurried Maximus off to
his death (probably 28 July 388). Only a few of his partisans, among
them his Moorish guards, shared their leader's fate. His fleet was
defeated off Sicily, and Victor who had been left as Augustus in Gaul
was slain by Arbogast. A general pardon quieted unrest in Italy, and
Theodosius remained in Milan during the winter. Valentinian was
restored to power, and with the death of his mother Justina his conversion
to orthodoxy was completed.
Maximus had fallen, and for a court orator his character possessed
no redeeming feature. But from less prejudiced authorities we seem
to gain a picture of a man whose only fault was his enforced disloyalty
to Theodosius, and of an Emperor who shewed himself a vigorous and
upright ruler, and who could plead as excuse for his avarice the pressure
of long-threatened war with his co-Augustus. From these exactions
which were perhaps unavoidable Gaul suffered severely, and on his
departure from the West, while Nannienus and Quintinus were acting
as joint magistri militum, the Franks burst across the Rhine under
Genobaudes, Marcomir and Sunno and threatened Cologne. After a
Roman victory at the Silva Carbonaria (near Tournai ? ) Quintinus
invaded barbarian territory from Novaesium, but the campaign was a
disastrous failure. On the fall of Victor Arbogast remained, under the
,
CH. VIII.
1642


## p. 244 (#274) ############################################

I
244
Ambrose and Theodosius I
388-390
vague title of Comes or Count, the virtual ruler of Gaul, while Carietto
and Syrus succeeded as magistri militum the nominees of Maximus.
Arbogast on his arrival counselled a punitive expedition, but it would
seem that Theodosius did not accept the advice. A peace was concluded,
Marcomir and Sunno gave hostages, and Arbogast himself retired to
winter quarters in Trier.
Valentinian remained with Theodosius in Milan during the winter
of 388–9 and was with him on 13 June 389 when he made his solemn
entry into Rome, accompanied by his five year old son Honorius. On
this, apparently his only visit to the western capital he anxiously
endeavoured to weaken the power and influence of Paganism, while he
effected reforms both in the social and municipal life of the city. Το
the stern and haughty Diocletian the familiarity of the populace had
been insufferable: Theodosius was liberal with his gifts, attended the
public games and won all hearts by his ready courtesy and genial
humanity. In the autumn of 389 he returned to Milan, and there he
remained during 390—that memorable year in which Church and State
met as opposing powers and a righteous victory lay with the Church.
In fact, he who would write of affairs of state during the last years of the
fourth century must ever go borrowing from the church historians; he
dare not at his peril omit the figure of the counsellor of Emperor after
Emperor, the fearless, tyrannous, passionate and loving bishop of Milan.
Though the conduct of Ambrose may at times be arbitrary and repellent,
the critic in his own despite admits perforce that he was a man worthy
of a sovereign's trust and confidence. The facts of the massacre of
Thessalonica are well known. Popular discontent had been aroused
by the billeting upon the inhabitants of barbarian troops, and resent-
ment sought its opportunity. Botherich, captain of the garrison,
imprisoned a favourite charioteer for gross immorality and refused to
free him at the demand of the citizens. The mob seized the occasion :
disappointed of its pleasure, it murdered Botherich with savage brutality.
The anger of Theodosius was ungovernable, and the repeated prayers
of Ambrose for mercy were of no avail. The court circle had long
been jealous of the bishop's influence and had endeavoured to exclude
him from any interference with state policy. Ambrose knew well that
he no longer enjoyed the full confidence of the Emperor. Theodosius
listened to his ministers who urged an exemplary punishment, and the
order was issued for a ruthless vengeance upon Thessalonica. The
message cancelling the imperial command arrived too late to save the
city. The Emperor had decreed retribution and his officers gave rein
to their passions. Upon the people crowded in the circus the soldiers
poured and an indiscriminate slaughter ensued ; at least 7000 victims
fell before the troops stayed their hand. Ambrose, pleading illness,
withdrew from Milan and refused to meet Theodosius. With his own
hand he wrote a private letter to the Emperor, acknowledging his zeal


## p. 245 (#275) ############################################

391–392]
Valentinian II and Arbogast
245
and love for God, but claiming that for such a crime of headlong passion
there must be profound contrition : as David listened to Nathan, so let
Theodosius hear God's minister ; until repentance he dare not offer
the sacrifice in the Emperor's presence. The letter is the appeal
of undaunted courage to the essential nobility of the character of
Theodosius. The gusts of fury passed and remorse issued in penitence.
With his subjects around him in the Cathedral of Milan the Emperor,
stripped of his royal purple, bowed himself in humility before the offended
majesty of Heaven. Men have sought to heighten the victory of the
Church and fables have clustered round the story, but the dignity of
fact in its simplicity is far more splendid than the ornate fancies of any
legend. Bishop and Emperor had proved each worthy of the other.
In 391 Theodosius returned to Constantinople by way of Thessalonica
and Valentinian was left to rule the West. He did not reach Gaul
till the autumn of 391 ; it was too late. Three years of undisputed
power had left Arbogast without a rival in Gaul. It was not the troops
alone who looked to their unconquered captain with blind admiration
and unquestioning devotion : he was surrounded by a circle of Frankish
fellow-countrymen who owed to him their promotion, while his honourable
character, his generosity and the sheer force of his personality had brought
even the civil authorities to his side. There was one law in Gaul, and
that was the will of Arbogast, there was only one superior whom
Arbogast acknowledged, and he was the Emperor Theodosius who had
given the West into his charge. From the first Valentinian's authority
was flouted : his legislative power was allowed to rust unused, his orders
were disobeyed and his palace became his prison : not even the imperial
purple could protect Harmonius, who was slain by Arbogast's orders at
the Emperor's very feet. Valentinian implored support from Theodosius
and contemplated seeking refuge in the East; he solemnly handed the
haughty Count his dismissal, but Arbogast tore the paper in pieces with
the retort that he would only receive his discharge from the Emperor who
had appointed him. A letter was despatched by Valentinian urging
Ambrose to come to him with all speed to administer the sacrament
of baptism ; clearly he thought his life was threatened. He hailed the
pretext of barbarian disturbances about the Alpine passes and himself
prepared to leave for Italy, but mortification and pride kept him still
in Vienne. The Pagan party considered that at length the influence
of Arbogast might procure for them the restoration of the altar of Victory,
but the disciple of Ambrose refused the ambassadors' request. A few
days later it was known that Valentinian had been strangled. Contem-
poraries could not determine whether he had met his death by violence
or by his own hand (15 May 392). Ambrose seems to have accepted
the latter alternative, and the guilt of Arbogast was never proven ; with
the longed-for rite of baptism so near at hand suicide certainly appears
improbable, but perhaps the strain and stress of those days of waiting
CH. VIII.


## p. 246 (#276) ############################################

246
Eugenius
(393–394
broke down the Emperor's endurance, and the mockery of his position
became too bitter for a son of Valentinian I. His death, it must be
admitted, did not find Arbogast unprepared. He could not declare
himself Emperor, for Christian hatred, Roman pride and Frankish
jealousy barred the way; thus he became the first of a long line of
barbarian king-makers : he overcame the reluctance of Eugenius and
placed him on the throne.
The first sovereign to be at once the nominee and puppet of a barbarian
general was a man of good family; formerly a teacher of rhetoric and later
a high-placed secretary in the imperial service, the friend of Richomer
and Symmachus and a peace-loving civilian—he would not endanger
Arbogast's authority. Himself a Christian, although an associate of
the Pagan aristocrats in Rome, he was unwilling to alienate the sympathies
of either party, and adopted an attitude of impartial tolerance; he
hoped to find safety in half measures. Rome saw a feverish revival of
the old faith with strange processions of oriental deities, while Flavianus,
a leading pagan, was made praetorian praefect. The altar of Victory was
restored, but Eugenius sought to respect Christian prejudices, and the
temples did not recover their confiscated revenues ; these were granted
as a personal gift to the petitioners. But in the fourth century none
save minorities would hear of toleration, and men drew the inference
that he who was no partisan was little better than a traitor. The
orthodox Church in the person of Ambrose withdrew from Eugenius
as from an apostate. The new Emperor naturally recognised Theodosius
and Arcadius as co-Augusti, but in all the transactions between the
western Court and Constantinople the person of Arbogast was discreetly
veiled; his name was not suggested for the consulship, and it was no
Frankish soldier who headed the embassy to Theodosius: the wisdom
of Athens in the person of Rufinus and the purity of Christian bishops
attested the king-maker's innocence, but the ambiguous reply of
Theodosius hardly disguised his real intentions. The nomination of
Eugenius was, it would seem, disregarded in the East, while in West and
East alike diplomacy was but a means for gaining time before the
inevitable arbitrament of war. To secure Gaul during his absence
Arbogast determined to impress the barbarians with a wholesome dread
of the power of Rome; in a winter campaign he devastated the territories
of Bructeri and Chamavi, while Alemanni and Franks were forced to
accept terms of peace whereby they agreed to furnish recruits for the
Roman armies. Thus freed from anxiety in the West, Arbogast and
Eugenius left with large reinforcements for Italy, where it seems that
the new Emperor had been acknowledged from the time of his accession
(spring 393 ? ). In the following year Theodosius marched from
Constantinople (end of May 394); Honorius, who had been created
Augustus in January 393, was left behind with Arcadius in the capital.
The Emperor appointed Timasius as general-in-chief with Stilicho for


## p. 247 (#277) ############################################

394–395]
The Battle on the Frigidus
247
his subordinate; immense preparations had been made for the campaign-
of the Goths alone some 20,000 under the leadership of Saul, Gaïnas
and Bacurius had been enlisted in the army. Arbogast, either through
the claim of kinship or as virtual ruler of the West, could bring into
the field large forces both of Franks and Gauls, but he was outnumbered
by the troops of Theodosius. Eugenius did not leave Milan till
1 August. Flavianus, as augur, declared that victory was assured; he
had himself undertaken the defence of the passes of the Julian Alps,
where he placed gilded statues of Jupiter to declare his devotion to
Paganism. Theodosius overcame all resistance with ease and Flavianus,
discouraged and ashamed, committed suicide. At about an equal
distance between Aemona and Aquileia, on the stream of the Frigidus
(Wipbach), the decisive battle took place. The Western army was
encamped in the plain, awaiting the descent of Theodosius from the
heights; Arbogast had posted Arbitio in ambush with orders to fall
upon the unsuspecting troops as they left the higher ground. The
Goths led the van and were the first to engage the enemy. Despite
their heroic valour, the attack was unsuccessful; Bacurius was slain and
10,000 Goths lost their lives. Eugenius, as he rewarded his soldiers,
considered the victory decisive, and the generals of Theodosius counselled
retreat. Through the hours of the night the Emperor prayed alone
and in the morning (6 September) with the battle-cry of “Where is
the God of Theodosius ? ” he renewed the struggle. Arbitio played the
traitor's part and leaving his hiding-place joined the Eastern army.
But it was no human aid which decided the issue of the day. A
A
tempestuous hurricane swept down upon the enemy: blinded by clouds
of dust, their shields wrenched from their grasp, their missiles carried
back upon themselves, the troops of Eugenius turned in panic flight.
Theodosius had called on God, and Heaven had answered. The moral
effect was overwhelming. Eugenius was surrendered by his own soldiers
and slain ; Arbogast fled into the mountains and two days later fell by
his own hand.
Theodosius did not abuse his victory; he granted a general pardon
-even the usurper's ministers lost only their rank and titles, which
were restored to them in the following year. But the fatigues and
hardships of the war had broken down the Emperor's health ; Honorius
was summoned from Constantinople and was present in Milan at his
father's death (17 January 395).
From the invective of heathen critics and the fattery of court
orators it is no easy task rightly to estimate the character and work
of Theodosius. To the Christians he was naturally first and foremost
the founder of an orthodox State and the scourge of heretics and pagans,
while to the worshippers of the older faith it was precisely his religious
views and the legislation inspired by them which inflamed their furious
resentment. The judgment of both parties on the Emperor's policy
CH. VIII.


## p. 248 (#278) ############################################

248
The Legislation of Theodosius I
as a whole was determined by their religious preconceptions. Rome
at least was his debtor; in the darkest hour after the disaster at
Hadrianople he had not despaired of the Empire, but had proved
himself at once statesman and general. The Goths might have become
to the provinces of the East what the Alemanni had long been to Gaul;
the fact that it was otherwise was primarily due to the diplomacy of
Theodosius. Retrenchment and economy, a breathing space in which
to recover from her utter exhaustion, were a necessity for the Roman
world; a brilliant and meteoric sovereign would have been but an added
peril. To the men of his time the unwearying caution of Theodosius
was a positive and precious virtue. His throne was supported by no
hereditary dynastic sentiment, and he thus consciously and deliberately
made a bid for public favour; he abandoned court tradition and
appealed with the directness of a soldier to the sympathies of his
subjects. In this he was justified: throughout his reign it was only
in the West that usurpers arose, and even they would have been content
to remain his colleagues, had he only consented. But this was not the
only result of his refusal to play the demigod; Valentinian had often
been perforce the tool of his ministers, but Theodosius determined
to gather his own information and to see for himself the abuses from
which the Empire suffered. His legislation is essentially detailed and
practical : the accused must not be haled off forthwith on information
laid against him, but must be given thirty days to put his house in order ;
provision is to be made for the children of the criminal, whether he be
banished or executed, for they are not to suffer for their father's sins,
and some share of the convict's property is to pass to his issue ; men
are not to be ruined by any compulsion to undertake high-priestly
offices, as that of the high-priesthood of the province of Syria which
entailed the holding of costly public games ; provincials should not be
driven to sell corn to the State below its market price, while corn from
sea-coast lands is to be shipped to neighbouring sea-coast towns and
not to distant inland districts, in order that the cost of transport may
not ruin the farmer. Fixed measures in metal and stone must be used
by imperial tax collectors, that extortion may be made more difficult,
while defensores are to be appointed to see to it that through the
connivance of the authorities robbers and highwaymen shall not escape
unpunished. Theodosius himself had superintended the work of clearing
Macedonia from troops of brigands, and he directed that men were to
be permitted to take the law into their own hands if robbed on the
high-roads or in the villages by night, and might slay the offender where
he stood. Examples might be increased at will, but such laws as these
suffice to illustrate the point. In a word, Theodosius knew where the
a ,
shoe pinched, and he did what he could to ease the pain. Even when
claims of Church and State conflicted, he refused to sacrifice justice to
the demands of orthodox intolerance; in one case the tyrannous insistence


## p. 249 (#279) ############################################

“ Theodosius the Great'
249
of Ambrose conquered, and Christian monks who had at Callinicum
destroyed a Jewish synagogue were at last freed from the duty of
making reparation; but even here the stubborn resistance of the
Emperor shews the general principles which governed his administration.
Though naturally merciful, so that contemporaries wondered at his
clemency towards the followers of defeated rivals, yet when seized by
some sudden outburst of passion he could be terrible in his ferocity.
He himself was conscious of his great failing, and when his anger had
passed, men knew that he was the readier to pardon: Praerogativa
ignoscendi erat indignatum fuisse. But with every acknowledgment
made of his weaknesses he served the Empire well; he brought the East
from chaos into order; and even if it be on other grounds, posterity can
hardly dispute the judgment of the Church or deny that the Emperor
has been rightly styled “Theodosius the Great. "
CH, VIII.


## p. 250 (#280) ############################################

250
CHAPTER IX.
THE TEUTONIC MIGRATIONS, 378-412.
。
The enormous force of the onrush made by the Huns upon
the
Ostrogoths had been decisive for the fate of the Visigoths also. A
considerable part of Athanarich's army under their leaders Alavio and
Fritigern had asked for and obtained from the Emperor Valens in the
year 376 land for settlements on the right bank of the Danube. From
that time these Goths were foederati of the Empire, and as such were
obliged to render armed assistance and supply recruits. A demand
for land made by bands of Ostrogoths under Alatheus and Saphrax was
refused; nevertheless these bold Teutons effected the crossing of the
river and followed their kinsmen. Quarrels between Romans and
Goths led to Fritigern's victory of Marcianople, which opened the way
to the Goths as far as Hadrianople. They were pushed back indeed
into the Dobrudscha by Valens' army, and the troops under Richomer
sent from the West by Gratian to assist the Eastern Empire were able
to join the Eastern forces. After this however the success of arms
remained changeable, especially when a section of Huns and Alani had
joined the Goths. Thrace was left exposed to the enemy's raids, which
extended as far as Macedonia. Now it was time for the Emperor to
intervene in person, the more so as Gratian had promised to come
quickly to his assistance. At first the campaign was successful. The
Goths were defeated on the Maritza near Hadrianople, and Valens
advanced towards Philippopolis to effect a junction with Gratian. But
Fritigern hastened southward to cut Valens off from Constantinople.
The Emperor was forced to turn back, and whilst at Hadrianople was
asked by Gratian in a letter delivered by Richomer to postpone the final
attack until his arrival. At a council of war however Valens complied
with his general Sebastian's opinion to strike without delay, as he had
been informed that the enemy numbered but ten thousand. In any case
they would have had to wait a long time for Gratian, who was hurrying
eastward from a remote field of war. After rejecting a very ambiguous
message from Fritigern, Valens led the Romans against the Goths, and
(9 Aug. 378) a battle took place to the north-east of Hadrianople,
probably near Demeranlija. The Goths were fortunate in receiving
a


## p. 251 (#281) ############################################

378]
Sequel to the Battle of Hadrianople
251
timely assistance (from the Ostrogoths and Alani under Alatheus
and Saphrax) after they had already defeated a body of Roman
cavalry, which had attacked them prematurely. The Roman infantry
also met with defeat at the hands of the Goths, and two-thirds of
their army perished. The Emperor himself was killed by an arrow, and
his generals Sebastian and Trajan also lost their lives. When he heard
the news from Richomer, Gratian withdrew to Sirmium, and now the
Eastern Empire lay open to the attacks of the barbarians.
On 10 August the Goths advanced to storm Hadrianople, as
they had been informed that there, in a strongly fortified place, the
Emperor's treasure and the war-chest were kept. But their efforts to
seize the town were in vain. The municipal authorities of Hadrianople
had not even admitted within its walls those Roman soldiers, who
during the night after their defeat had fled there and found shelter
in the suburbs under the ramparts. At ten o'clock in the morning
the long-protracted struggle for the town began. In the midst of
the turmoil three hundred Roman infantry formed a wedge and went
over to the enemy, by whom, strange to say, all were killed. At last a
terrible storm put an end to the fight by bringing the besieged the
much needed supply of water, for want of which they had suffered
the utmost distress. After this the Goths made several fruitless
attempts to take the town by stratagem. When in the course of the
struggle it became evident that many lives were being sacrificed to no
purpose the Goths abandoned the siege from which the prudent Fritigern
had from the beginning tried to dissuade them. Early on 12 August
a council of war was held, in which it was decided to march against
Perinthus on the Propontis, where, according to the report of many
deserters, great treasures were to be found.
When the Goths had left Hadrianople the Roman soldiers gathered
together and during the night one part of them, avoiding the high-roads,
marched by lonely forest-paths to Philippopolis and thence to Sardica,
probably to effect a junction with Gratian; whilst another part conveyed
the well-preserved imperial treasures to Macedonia, where the Emperor,
whose death was as yet unknown, was supposed to be. It will be
observed that at this time the position of the Eastern Empire seemed
hopeless. It could no longer defend itself against those robbing and
plundering barbarians who, now that the battle was won, actually
thought themselves strong enough to advance southward as far as the
Propontis, and on their march could also rely on the assistance of the
Huns and Alani. But here again the Goths had trusted too mạch to their
good fortune. For, though on their arrival in the environs of Perinthus
they encamped before the town, they did not feel strong enough for an
attack, and carried on the war by terrible and systematic devastations
only. In these circumstances it is surprising that they next marched
upon Constantinople itself, the treasures of which greatly excited their
сн. Іх.


## p. 252 (#282) ############################################

252
Gratian's action
[378
а
covetousness. Apparently they hoped to surprise and take the capital
at one blow. This time, however, through fear of hostile attacks they
decided to approach the town in close array. They had almost reached
Constantinople when they encountered a body of Saracens, who had
come out in its defence. It is reported that by a monstrous deed one of
these, a hairy, naked fellow, caused them to turn back. He threw
himself with wild screams on one of the Goths, pierced his throat with a
dagger, and greedily drank the blood which welled forth. For a time
the struggles seem to have continued, but soon the Goths saw that they
were powerless against the large and strongly fortified town and that
they suffered greater loss than they inflicted. They therefore destroyed
their siege engines on the Bosphorus, and bursting forth in single
detachments, moved in a north-westerly direction through Thrace, Moesia
and Illyricum as far as the foot of the Julian Alps, plundering and
devastating the country as they went. Every hand in the Eastern
Empire was paralysed with horror at the unrestrained ferocity of the
barbarians. Only Julius, the magister militum, who held the command
in the province of Asia, had courage enough for a terrible deed, which
shews the boundless hatred felt by the Romans for the Goths, as well as
the cruelty practised in warfare at that time. He announced that on a
certain day all Gothic soldiers in the towns and camps of Asia should
receive their pay; instead of which all of them were at his command cut
down by the Romans. In this manner he freed the provinces of the
.
East from future danger. At the same time this incident shews clearly
the straits to which the Eastern Empire was reduced. There was need
of a clear-headed and determined ruler, if peace was ever to be restored to
the Empire. With regard to this, however, everything depended upon
the decision of Gratian, of whose doings we shall now have to give a
short account.
We know that Gratian had made efforts long before the catastrophes
to come to his uncle's aid against the Goths. From this he was
prevented by a war with the Alemanni. An Aleman from the country
of the Lentienses (afterwards the Linzgau on the Lake of Constance)
who served in the Roman Guard had returned to his country with the
news that Gratian was shortly going to render assistance to his uncle in
the East. This news had induced his tribesmen to make a raid across
the Rhine in February 378. They were at first repulsed by frontier-
troops ; but when it became known that the greater part of the Roman
army had marched for Illyricum they prevailed upon their tribesmen to
join in a big campaign. It was rumoured in Gaul that 40,000 or even
as many as 70,000 Alemanni were on the war-path. Gratian at once
called back those of his cohorts which were already on the way to
Pannonia and put the comes Brittanniae Nannienus in command of his
troops, together with the brave Mallobaudes, king of the Franks. A
battle was fought at Argentaria (near Colmar), in which the Romans,


## p. 253 (#283) ############################################

379–380]
Appointment of Theodosius
253
thanks to the skill of their generals, won a complete victory, and
Priarius, the chieftain of the Lentienses, was killed.