The bat-
tle of Zama resulted in favour of the Romans.
tle of Zama resulted in favour of the Romans.
Charles - 1867 - Classical Dictionary
Sea'iir.
) By the computation of Euscbius, how-
ever, it took place 37 years before Troy was destroyed.
The second founding of Carthage occurred 173 years
subsequent to the former one (Chron. Euscb. , Hicron.
td . V*m. , 971), or, if we follow Syncellus (p. 181, A),
133 years after the taking of Troy. With this epoch
the mention of Dido comes in for the first time. Her
true era, however, appears to be that of the third found-
ing of the city, 190 years later, according to Josephus
(in Apitm. , 1, 18, p. 1042). --The Greeks called Car-
thage Kap^Tjouv, and the Carthaginians, Kapxvdovioi.
The name of the place in Punic was Carthada, i. e. ,
"The New City," in contradistinction to the old or
parent city of Tyre. (Compare Gescnius, Gcsch.
Hcbr. Spr. , p. 229. --Id. , Phan. Man. , p. 421. )--Car-
thage was situated on a peninsula, in the recess of a
spacious bay, formed by the promontory Hermsum
(Cape Bon) on the east, and that of Apollo (Cape
Ztbib) on the west. The Bagradas flows into the
bay between Utica and the peninsula, and, being an
inundating river, has doubtless caused many changes
in this bay. The adventurers who founded Carthage
bought a small piece of land, for which they paid a
yearly tax; with the increasing wealth and power of
the city, the respective conditions of the Carthagini-
ans anil the natives were changed, and the merchants
assumed and maintained a dominion over the Libyans
who dwelt around them. The Carthaginians upheld
'. heir control over the native tribes by sending out colo-
nies, as the Romans did into the Italic states; a mixed
population would thus soon arise. A regular colonizing
system was part of the Carthaginian policy. (Aris-
lot, Poltt. , 6, 3. ) To provide for the poor by grants
of land, and to avoid popular commotion, which is
naturally produced by poverty, was the object of their
colonial establishments. This kind of relief cannot be
permanent, and we consequently read of more colonics
of this description in the later periods of Carthage.
Their settlements in Africa were principally on the
coast between Carthage and the Syrtis Minor: they ap-
pear to have been underthe immediate control of the pa-
rent city. But there is no reason for supposing that
the genuine Phoenician colonies, those established by
Tyre, or other cities of the parent country, were in this
kind of dependance on Carthage. --It was the policy
of Carthage to encourage the agriculture of the pro-
ductive region of Byzacium: their city was thus sup-
plied with the prime necessaries of life. --The bounda-
ries of the Carthaginian territories in Africa were these:
on the east the tower of Euphranta was the barrier be-
tween them and the Cyrenasans. From this place,
which was on the eastern shore of the Syrtis Major,
or from Charan, which was near to it, the Carthagin-
ians carried on a contraband trade to procure the sil-
phium. {Strabo, 836. ) The southern boundary was
determined by natural limits: the sandy desert and its
wandering inhabitants owned no master. It is more
difficult to assign a western boundary: they had posts,
nr trading positions, along the northern ooast as far as
the Straits of Gibraltar, but this will not prove that
they had any territorial possession. The Nomades
would give themselves little concern about a small isl-
and opposite to the coast, or a barren rock upon it,
and the Carthaginians might gradually attain some
? mail tract besides the spot which was a depot for com-
modities. The Carthaginian possessions which were
? ? undisputed probably did not extend west of the 26th
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? CARTHAGO.
CARTHAGO.
meetings. The kings or suffetcs, and the generals of
the republic, were elected by the people in their public
assemblies; but bribery was so usual that Aristotle
considered those high distinctions as saleable at the
time when he wrote. When the surTetes and the
senate could not agree about any proposed enactment,
the people had the right of deciding between them.
The senate possessed the chief power, both legislative
and executive; but we are entirely ignorant of the
constitution of this body. It is only from the compar-
ison made by Aristotle and Polybius between the con-
atitutions of Carthage and Sparta, and the additional
resemblance between that of Carthage and Rome in
the time of Polybius, that we can attain to any proba-
bilities. We suppose, then, that the senators might
hold their offices for life; that their number was con-
siderable, and that they possessed the principal legis-
lative and executive power. The presiding officers
of the senate and the chief civil magistrates were the
suffetes: the Greek writers call them kings, and the
Roman historian, Livy, compares them with the con-
suls. They were elected from the richest and noblest
families (Arislot. , Polil. , 2, 81); we suppose the num-
ber was two, like that of the kings of Sparta and con-
suls of Rome: any further conjectures about them may
be ingenious, but they will also be ubcIcss. The gen-
erals of the state were elected also from the most dis-
tinguished families. The civil and the military power
in Carthage were distinct. We may find instances in
which the kings seem to have had something like mil-
itary command, as in the case of King Hanno, who
conducted the colonial expedition; but, in general, we
can havp no doubt that the generals of the republic
were officers chosen by the people to command the
armies in foreign expeditions or in domestic dissen-
sion. The judicature of Carthage resembled that of
Sparta; the judges of the several courts had the full
and complete cognizance of all civil and criminal cases,
without the aid of jurymen. (Arislot. , Polil. , 3, 1. )
The court of the one hundred was the supreme tribunal
of Carthage, and the account of its origin, given by
Justin (18, 7), is rendered more probable by Aristotle's
comparing this body with that of the Spartan Ephori.
Such a tribunal as this could be converted by favoura-
ble circumstances and a few bold leaders into a real
court of inquisition: it actually became so in the later
ages of the commonwealth; and, if we believe Livy
(33, 46), the lives and property of the citizens were
disposed of according to its caprice. Any injury, real
or imaginary, done to one of the body, was an offence
against the dignity of the whole college. Hannibal
overturned the throne of the inquisitors, and destroyed
this tyrannical and dangerous tribunal. This body
was not chosen by the people, but by courts called
Pcntarchics: we know nothing more of these latter
courts, except that they had cognizance of very im-
portant cases, and enjoyed the privilege of supplying
the vacancies that happened in their own body. The
members of the court of one hundred retained their
place for a long time, though originally not for life.
(Aristot. , Poltt. , 2, 8. ) Our materials will hardly ad-
mit any farther development of the constitution of
Carthage. In the decline of the state, we know from
Aristotle that the influence of a few rich families in
obtaining possession of places of importance, and the
union of several distinct offices in one person, con-
tributed materially to hasten the end of the political
? ? system. (Hccren's ldccn, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 118, tcqq.
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? CARTHAGO.
. 7, 4-- Plin. , 8, l), was held sacred to Baal.
Owlking at leant is certain, that in Africa these pious
vault were in some degree connected with the wor-
th? of Ammon; and th>' coins of Juba, king of Mau-
Siaa, display on one side the head of Jupiter Am-
M. and on the other an elephant. (Eckhel, Doctr.
I'd. , vol. 4, p. 154. ) -- To the Sun-God, as
th of the skies and supreme generator, was
joined a female divinity, aa the great goddess nar'
isjjv, as the queen of heaven, and the principle of
. mined nature. This divinity makes her appear-
iM under various forms and different names in almost
ill iV religions of Asia. (Compare Nouvcau Journal
, vol. 1 (1828), page 11, scqq. -- Creuzer't
, pur Guigmaut, vol. 2, p. 232. ) At Car-
aa in Syria and Phoenicia, she appears to have
taw the name of Astarte or Astaroth, which corre-
jpoods to the idea of sovereign of the heavens and the
das. Thus the Greeks called her, in their language,
CrsM, and the Romans the "Celestial Goddess. "
Hi deity was worshipped in numerous templos at
i. 'atiage, along the coast of Africa, at Malta, and in
if other isles of the Mediterranean, as also in Spain,
sar Gtides; and her rites were no less voluptuous in
Vir character than those of Mylitta at Babylon, of
Amilis in Armenia, and of Venus-Urania in Cyprus.
'. Unlcr, Rd. der Karthager, p. 80, seqq. )--Immedi-
ately after Baal and Astarte, was placed, among the
national divinities of Carthage, Mclkarth, the "king
of Iht citv," the tutelary deity of the parent city of
Tyre (foUntcr, ibid. , p. 36, seqq. ) Wherever the
Paanicians penetrated, the altars that were raised in
honour of this god, and the various traces of his wor-
ihip, testify the high veneration which this people en-
tertained for him. The Tyrian colonies regarded him
as their common protector . they adored him as a kind
rfdwine mediator; as a sort of sacred bond, uniting
them one with another and with their common coun-
try The symbol of the victorious course of the sun,
lad identical, in this" respect, with the Grecian Hercu-
les, he naturally became, for these hardy navigators,
the celestial guide of their distant expeditions, and,
consequently, the god of commerce. (Creuzer's Sym-
Wii. par Gu. ignia. ut, vol. 2, p. 172, n. 4. ) In this way
he was in some measure assimilated to another de-
ity, Sumci, whose Phoenician name recalls the Som
of Egypt. (Compare Bcllcrmann, iibcr Phoenic.
Jfin:. , 1, p. 25. ) A similar alliance existed at Rome
between Hercules and Mercury, both deities being
considered as the jedg of riches and abundance. Mel-
karth was, in fa;t, like the Grecian Hercules, the
same with the sui. The Tynans raised, in his temple
at Gades, an alar to the year (Eustath. ad Dionys.
Pcricg. , p. 45S}, and it is in a point of view directly
analogous, tha Nonnus calls Hercules the conductor
of the twelv, months. (Dionyt. , 40, 338. ) Every
year they kurlled at Carthage, as at Tyre, and probably
in all the Ptoenician colonies, a large pyre in honour
of Melkarth. whence an eagle was let loose, as a sym-
bol, like thf Egyptian phoenix, of the sun, and of time
renewing fsclf from its own ashes. This scene was
transferred by the Greeks to Mount CEta, where Her-
cules, in ibnsuming himself on the funeral pile, cele-
brates hif apotheosis after the accomplishment of his
twelve toours. (Dio Chrysostom. , Oral. , 33. --Vol.
2; P- 2? ed. ReUke. ) The worship of a Hercules,
distinctfrom the one of Thebes, was continued, even
*? 'he 1st periods of paganism, in Carthage and in all
? ? the Phtnician cities. --Omitting the mention of other
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? CARTHAGO.
CARTHAGO.
however, were defeated at Himera by Gclon, king of
Syracuse, and obliged to sue for peace, and to abstain
from offering human sacrifices. In the war with
Hiero, the next king, the Carthaginians conquered the
cities Sclinus, Himera, and Agngentum. Dionysius
the elder obtained a temporary peace. But, after Ti-
moleon had delivered Syracuse and Sicily from the
yoke of tyranny, the Carthaginians were peculiarly
unfortunate. Contagious diseases and frequent muti-
nies reduced the strength of the city. When Sicily
suffered under the tyranny of Agathocles, Carthage
engaged in a war with him, and was soon attacked
and severely pressed by the usurper. After the death
cf Agathocles, Carthage once more took part in the
commerce of Sicily, when difficulties broke out there
with their auxiliaries the Mamertines. The Romans
took advantage of these troubles to expel the Cartha-
ginians from Sicily, although they had previously re-
ceived assistance from them in the war against Pyr-
rhus, king of Epirus, in Sicily and Lower Italy. Here
begins the third period of Carthaginian history, em-
bracing the thrice-repeated struggle for dominion be-
tween Rome and Carthage, in the interval between
264 and 146 B. C. The first Punic war continued 23
years. The fleets and armies of Carthage were van-
quished. By the peace (B. C. 241) the Carthaginians
lost all their possessions in Sicily. Upon this, the
mercenary forces, whose wages could not be paid by
the exhausted treasury of the ci'y, took up arms.
Hamilcar Barcas conquered them, and restored the
Carthaginian power in Africa. Notwithstanding. the
peace with Carthage, the Romans took possession of
Sardinia in 228, wacrc the mercenary troops of Car-
thage had revolted. Hamilcar, who was at the head
of the democratic party, now undertook the conquest
of Spain, whose rich mines tempted his countrymen.
For the success of this enterprise, within 17 years,
Carthage was indebted to the family of Barcas, which
could boast of the glorious names of Hamilcar, Has-
drubal, and Hannibal. To secure the possession of
this acquisition, Hasdrubal founded New Carthage
(Carthagena), the most powerful of all the Carthagin-
ian colonies. The second Punic war (from 218 to
201 B. C. ), notwithstanding the abilities of the gen-
eral, ended with the subjugation of Carthage. Han-
nibal, neglected by his countrymen, and waakened by
a victory that cost him so much blood, was obliged to
leave Italy, in order to hasten to the assistance of Car-
thage, which was threatened by the Romans.
The bat-
tle of Zama resulted in favour of the Romans. Scipio
granted the city peace under the severest conditions.
Carthage ceded Spain, delivered up all her ships ex-
cept ten, paid 10,000 talents (about 810,000,000),
and promised to engage in no war without the con-
sent of the Romans. Besides this, Masinissa, the
ally of Rome and implacable enemy of Carthage, was
placed on the Numidian throne. This king, under the
protection of Rome, deprived the Carthaginians of the
best part of their possessions, and destroyed their trade
in the interior of Africa. The third war with the Ro-
mans was a desperate contest. The disarmed Car-
thaginians were obliged to demolish part of their own
walls. Then, taking up arms anew, they fought for
death or life. After three years, the younger Scipio
ended this war by the destruction of the city, B. C.
146. Only 5000 persons are said to have been found
within its walls. It was 23 milcB in circumference;
? ? and when it was set on fire by the Romans, it burned
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? CARTHAGO.
pirt(, like Athens, Corinth, and other large cities of
Greece. Sicily was much frequented by the Punic
merchants; and tho rich emporium of Syracuse, in
times of peace, saw its port crowded with African
vessels. Oil and ? wine were imported from Sicily;
both of these articles were produced in Africa, but it
is probable that the supply was insufficient. Strabo
(S36) speaks of a contraband trade carried on by Car-
thage with the Cy renseans, through the port of Charax;
the Punic merchant brought wine, and received in ex-
change the precious silphium. The treaties with Rome
preserved in Polybius, and the remarks of Aristotle in
his PoUtica, prove the active commerce of-the Car-
thaginians and their jealousy of foreign rivals. The
Etrurians, who had built towns in Campania, were
probably rather pirates than merchants: they procured
the wares which they had to exchange for other com-
modities by robbing vessels on the sea, or the towns
of the coast. The Carthaginians, as has already been
remarked, had commercial treaties with the Etrurians,
who, from the nature of their profession, could furnish
them with most of the articles that the Mediterranean
produced. In return, their African friends gave them
slaves, precious stones, ivorv, and gold, the produce
of the vast continent behind their city. Malta, and
the small adjoining island of Gaulus (Gozo), were Car-
thaginian possessions: cloth for wearing apparel was
manufactured in Malta, and probably from a native
cotton. The wax of Corsica was also an article of
commerce: the natives of the island were prized for
making excellent servants. (DM. Sic, 5,13. ) The
little island of -Ethalia or Ilva, now Elba, has fur-
nished iron ore from the remotest historical period; the
foreign trader and the merchant of Carthage purcha-
sed the ore when it was smelted, and deposited it in
the hands of their countrymen for farther improve-
ment. Majorca and Minorca exchanged mules and
fruit for wine and female slaves; the latter article
these rude islanders were always ready to purchase.
The precious metals of Spain have been frequently
alluded to; some of the mines appear to have been
public property, while in other cases the merchant pro-
cared gold-dust from the natives by an exchange of
commodities. There is no impossibility involved in
supposing that the Phoenicians or the Carthaginians
visited the northern shores of Europe; but, as direct
evidence is wanting, it is not necessary to assume
that the tin and the amber which they sold to the
world were brought by their own ships from the Scilly
islands (Cassitendes) or the coast of the Baltic. The
trading towns established on the shores of Mauritania
seem to have been intended to form a commercial
connexion with central Africa: the carriers of the des-
ert, would bring the products of Soudan to the small
island of Ceme, the most southern of the colonies es-
tablished by Hanno. The Carthaginians supplied
them from the stores in Ceme with earthen vessels,
trinkets, and ornaments of various kinds. There was
also a fishery on this coast, according to the book of
wonders ascribed to Aristotle (c. 148). The fish was
salted and carried to Carthage, where it commanded a
higb price. As regards the discovery-voyage of Han-
no, we feel some curiosity to know whether it was use-
ful in establishing a trade on the gold coast of Africa;
and our admiration of the extensive knowledge of He-
rodotus is increased, by finding in his history the only
extant information on this obscure subject. In the
fourth book (c. 146), he tells us, on the authority of
? ? come Carthaginians, that merchants from that renown-
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? CARTHAGO.
two'great historians of antiquity. The command of
the fleet was usually separated from that of the land
force, but we find instances in which a single person
possessed the direction of both. The military force
of Carthage consisted principally of hired troops, col-
lected from all the nations with which the state had
commercial connexions. Only a small part of the cit-
izens of Carthage could be employed in military ser-
vice. The mercantile occupations of the majority
would not allow them to neglect their business for
foreign conquests, or the defence of remote posses-
sions. It was found to be a more economical plan,
to make a bargain with nations who had nothing to
dispose of but their bodies, and with this saleable com-
modity to provide for the defence of their colonies or
to acquire new possessions. But the distinguished
families of Carthage served in the armies of the state,
and from this class all the commanders were chosen.
In times of danger, all the citizens would necessarily
arm themselves to repel an attack on the metropolis;
but we are now speaking of the ordinary constitution
of a Carthaginian army, and this neither admitted nor
required a large number of Carthaginian citizens. A
Punic army was like a congregation of nations: the
half-naked savage of Gaul stood by the side of the wild
Iberian; the cunning Ligurian, from the Alpine or Ap-
ennine mountains, met with the Lotophagi of Libya ,
and the Nasamones, the explorers and guides in the
Ct desert, half-bred Greeks, runaways, and slaves,
d themselves mingled in this strange assembly.
Troops of Carthaginian and Liby-Phcenician origin
were in the centre of the army: on the flank the nu-
merous Nomadic tribes of western Africa wheeled
about on unsaddled horses guided by a bridle of rush-
es. The Balearic stingers formed the vanguard, and
the elephants of . Ethiopia, with their black aonductors,
were the moveable castles that protected the front
fines. According to Polybius (1, 6), it was consid-
ered politic to form an army of such materials, that
difference of language might prevent union between
several nations, and remove all danger of a general
conspiracy: but there are disadvantages also, which
arise from the want of a medium of communication,
and these were developed in the later periods of the
republic. When Xerxes led the nations of Asia
against the Greeks of the land of Hellas, a Carthagin-
ian armament was despatched to subjugate the west-
ern colonies in Sicily. The muster-roll of the Asiat-
ic force (Herodot. , 7, 61, teqq. ) contained the names
of all the nations in his extensive empire, and even
some beyond it, who served for money. The Punic
army was composed of the tribes of the western
world and of the African desert, and' the two armies
combined would have exhibited specimens of nearly
all the tribes of men that were then known. We be-
come intimately acquainted with the nature of a Car-
thaginian army from the extant narrative of Polybius.
In the opinion of this soldier and historian, the caval-
ry of Numidia formed the strongest part of the army,
and to their quick evolutions, their sudden retreat, and
their rapid return to the charge, he attributes the suc-
cess of Hannibal in his great victories. (Polyb. , 3,
12. ) Another cause may be assigned for the losses
of the Romans, without at all impeachingthe opinion
of Polybius on the Numidian cavalry. The Romans
frequently had two consuls at the head of their armies,
and when both happened to be together in the field,
they commanded alternately, day by day. At the fatal
? ? battle of Cannae, the ignorance and presumption of
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? CAR
lions of Central Africa, we do not mean to say that it
? *33 a direct commerce, though it is possible it might
lw so in some degree. The tribes between the two
Syites travelled to Garama, and, as every great rest-
ing-place might be a depot for commodities, they could
procure from this town the products of remote lands
which the Carthaginians desired to possess. The
towns on the coast of Byzacium would be the market
for the caravans of Garama, and places of the greatest
importance for the commerce of Carthage. It docs
not appear that the wares and products of Central Af-
rica were carried by the caravans any farther than the
. towns near the Syrtes, on the edge of the desert;
thus the connexion of Carthage with the nations of the
interior appears to have attracted little attention.
(Harm, Idccn. , vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 185,seqq. --Long's Anc.
Geogr. , p: 104, itqq. )
CARTHAGO NOVA, a well-known city of Hispania
Tairaconensis, situate on the coast, a little distance
abore the boundary line between Tarraconensis and
Bztira. It was founded by Hasdrubal, the Carthagin-
ian, who succeeded B areas, the father of Hannibal,
B. C. 242. (Polyb. , 2, 3. --Mela, 2, 6. -- Slrab. , 158. )
It was taken by Scipio Afridanus during the second
Panic war, and, on falling into the hands of the Ro-
mans, it became a colony, under the title of Colonia
Ytctrix Julia Nova Carthago. (Florez, Med. de Esp. ,
TO! . 1, p. 316. ) The situation of this place was very
favourable for commerce, since it lay almost in the
middle of the southern coast of Spain, which had
hardly anv good harbours besides this along its whole
extent. (Polyb-, 10, 10. -- Id. , 3, 39. -- Strab. , 156. )
In Strabo's time it was a very important place, and
carried on an extensive commerce, and in the mount-
ains not far to the north of it were the richest silver
? nines of all Spain. The governor of the province of
farraconensis spent the winter either in this city or
Tarraco. (Strab. , 167. ) The modern Carlhagcna
occupies the site of the ancient city. (Ukcrt, Gcogr. ,
vol. 2, p. 400, seqq. )
CARVILIDS, I. one of the' four kings of Cantium
(Kent), who, at the command of Cassivelaunus, made
an attack on Caesar's naval camp, in which they were
repulsed, and lost a great number of men. (Cats. ,
B. G,, 5, 22. )--II. The first Roman who divorced his
wife during the space of six hundred years. This was
for barrenness, B. C. 231. (Vol. Max. , 2,1, 4. )--III. A
grammarian of this name, according to Plutarch (de
juast. Rom. , n. 54), first introduced the G into the
Roman alphabet, C having been previously used for it.
This was nearly 500 years after the building of the city.
(Compare Quintilian, 1, 7, 23. -- Terenl. Maur. , p.
2402. --Id. , p. 2410. --Mar. Viet. , p. 2469. --Diom. , p.
417. --Sen. ad Virg. , Gcorg. , 1, 194. --Schneider, L.
G. , vol. l,p. 233, teyq. )
CARDS, a Roman emperor, who succeeded Probus.
He was first appointed, by the latter, Praetorian prefect,
anJ after his death was chosen by the army to be his
successor, A. D. 282. Cams created his two sons,
Carinus and Numerianus, Cfesars, as soon as he was
elevated to the empire, and, some time after, gave them
each the title of Augustus. On the news of the death
of Probus, the barbarians put themselves in motion,
and Cams, sending his son Carinus into Gaul, depart-
ed with Xumerianus for Illyricum, in order to op-
pose the Sarmatse, who threatened Thrace and Ita-
ly. He slew 16,000, and made 20,000 prisoners.
Proceeding after this against the Persians, he made
? ? himself master of Mesopotamia, and of the cities of
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? CAS
time after, speaks of it as. being reduced to the lowest
state of insignificance. (Phn. , 3, 5. ) It is, however,
mentioned by Ptolemy (p. 66). The modern Capua
is generally supposed to occupy the site of Casilinum.
(Pratilli, Via Appia, 2, 12, p. 257. -- Cramer's Anc.
Italy, vol.
ever, it took place 37 years before Troy was destroyed.
The second founding of Carthage occurred 173 years
subsequent to the former one (Chron. Euscb. , Hicron.
td . V*m. , 971), or, if we follow Syncellus (p. 181, A),
133 years after the taking of Troy. With this epoch
the mention of Dido comes in for the first time. Her
true era, however, appears to be that of the third found-
ing of the city, 190 years later, according to Josephus
(in Apitm. , 1, 18, p. 1042). --The Greeks called Car-
thage Kap^Tjouv, and the Carthaginians, Kapxvdovioi.
The name of the place in Punic was Carthada, i. e. ,
"The New City," in contradistinction to the old or
parent city of Tyre. (Compare Gescnius, Gcsch.
Hcbr. Spr. , p. 229. --Id. , Phan. Man. , p. 421. )--Car-
thage was situated on a peninsula, in the recess of a
spacious bay, formed by the promontory Hermsum
(Cape Bon) on the east, and that of Apollo (Cape
Ztbib) on the west. The Bagradas flows into the
bay between Utica and the peninsula, and, being an
inundating river, has doubtless caused many changes
in this bay. The adventurers who founded Carthage
bought a small piece of land, for which they paid a
yearly tax; with the increasing wealth and power of
the city, the respective conditions of the Carthagini-
ans anil the natives were changed, and the merchants
assumed and maintained a dominion over the Libyans
who dwelt around them. The Carthaginians upheld
'. heir control over the native tribes by sending out colo-
nies, as the Romans did into the Italic states; a mixed
population would thus soon arise. A regular colonizing
system was part of the Carthaginian policy. (Aris-
lot, Poltt. , 6, 3. ) To provide for the poor by grants
of land, and to avoid popular commotion, which is
naturally produced by poverty, was the object of their
colonial establishments. This kind of relief cannot be
permanent, and we consequently read of more colonics
of this description in the later periods of Carthage.
Their settlements in Africa were principally on the
coast between Carthage and the Syrtis Minor: they ap-
pear to have been underthe immediate control of the pa-
rent city. But there is no reason for supposing that
the genuine Phoenician colonies, those established by
Tyre, or other cities of the parent country, were in this
kind of dependance on Carthage. --It was the policy
of Carthage to encourage the agriculture of the pro-
ductive region of Byzacium: their city was thus sup-
plied with the prime necessaries of life. --The bounda-
ries of the Carthaginian territories in Africa were these:
on the east the tower of Euphranta was the barrier be-
tween them and the Cyrenasans. From this place,
which was on the eastern shore of the Syrtis Major,
or from Charan, which was near to it, the Carthagin-
ians carried on a contraband trade to procure the sil-
phium. {Strabo, 836. ) The southern boundary was
determined by natural limits: the sandy desert and its
wandering inhabitants owned no master. It is more
difficult to assign a western boundary: they had posts,
nr trading positions, along the northern ooast as far as
the Straits of Gibraltar, but this will not prove that
they had any territorial possession. The Nomades
would give themselves little concern about a small isl-
and opposite to the coast, or a barren rock upon it,
and the Carthaginians might gradually attain some
? mail tract besides the spot which was a depot for com-
modities. The Carthaginian possessions which were
? ? undisputed probably did not extend west of the 26th
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? CARTHAGO.
CARTHAGO.
meetings. The kings or suffetcs, and the generals of
the republic, were elected by the people in their public
assemblies; but bribery was so usual that Aristotle
considered those high distinctions as saleable at the
time when he wrote. When the surTetes and the
senate could not agree about any proposed enactment,
the people had the right of deciding between them.
The senate possessed the chief power, both legislative
and executive; but we are entirely ignorant of the
constitution of this body. It is only from the compar-
ison made by Aristotle and Polybius between the con-
atitutions of Carthage and Sparta, and the additional
resemblance between that of Carthage and Rome in
the time of Polybius, that we can attain to any proba-
bilities. We suppose, then, that the senators might
hold their offices for life; that their number was con-
siderable, and that they possessed the principal legis-
lative and executive power. The presiding officers
of the senate and the chief civil magistrates were the
suffetes: the Greek writers call them kings, and the
Roman historian, Livy, compares them with the con-
suls. They were elected from the richest and noblest
families (Arislot. , Polil. , 2, 81); we suppose the num-
ber was two, like that of the kings of Sparta and con-
suls of Rome: any further conjectures about them may
be ingenious, but they will also be ubcIcss. The gen-
erals of the state were elected also from the most dis-
tinguished families. The civil and the military power
in Carthage were distinct. We may find instances in
which the kings seem to have had something like mil-
itary command, as in the case of King Hanno, who
conducted the colonial expedition; but, in general, we
can havp no doubt that the generals of the republic
were officers chosen by the people to command the
armies in foreign expeditions or in domestic dissen-
sion. The judicature of Carthage resembled that of
Sparta; the judges of the several courts had the full
and complete cognizance of all civil and criminal cases,
without the aid of jurymen. (Arislot. , Polil. , 3, 1. )
The court of the one hundred was the supreme tribunal
of Carthage, and the account of its origin, given by
Justin (18, 7), is rendered more probable by Aristotle's
comparing this body with that of the Spartan Ephori.
Such a tribunal as this could be converted by favoura-
ble circumstances and a few bold leaders into a real
court of inquisition: it actually became so in the later
ages of the commonwealth; and, if we believe Livy
(33, 46), the lives and property of the citizens were
disposed of according to its caprice. Any injury, real
or imaginary, done to one of the body, was an offence
against the dignity of the whole college. Hannibal
overturned the throne of the inquisitors, and destroyed
this tyrannical and dangerous tribunal. This body
was not chosen by the people, but by courts called
Pcntarchics: we know nothing more of these latter
courts, except that they had cognizance of very im-
portant cases, and enjoyed the privilege of supplying
the vacancies that happened in their own body. The
members of the court of one hundred retained their
place for a long time, though originally not for life.
(Aristot. , Poltt. , 2, 8. ) Our materials will hardly ad-
mit any farther development of the constitution of
Carthage. In the decline of the state, we know from
Aristotle that the influence of a few rich families in
obtaining possession of places of importance, and the
union of several distinct offices in one person, con-
tributed materially to hasten the end of the political
? ? system. (Hccren's ldccn, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 118, tcqq.
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? CARTHAGO.
. 7, 4-- Plin. , 8, l), was held sacred to Baal.
Owlking at leant is certain, that in Africa these pious
vault were in some degree connected with the wor-
th? of Ammon; and th>' coins of Juba, king of Mau-
Siaa, display on one side the head of Jupiter Am-
M. and on the other an elephant. (Eckhel, Doctr.
I'd. , vol. 4, p. 154. ) -- To the Sun-God, as
th of the skies and supreme generator, was
joined a female divinity, aa the great goddess nar'
isjjv, as the queen of heaven, and the principle of
. mined nature. This divinity makes her appear-
iM under various forms and different names in almost
ill iV religions of Asia. (Compare Nouvcau Journal
, vol. 1 (1828), page 11, scqq. -- Creuzer't
, pur Guigmaut, vol. 2, p. 232. ) At Car-
aa in Syria and Phoenicia, she appears to have
taw the name of Astarte or Astaroth, which corre-
jpoods to the idea of sovereign of the heavens and the
das. Thus the Greeks called her, in their language,
CrsM, and the Romans the "Celestial Goddess. "
Hi deity was worshipped in numerous templos at
i. 'atiage, along the coast of Africa, at Malta, and in
if other isles of the Mediterranean, as also in Spain,
sar Gtides; and her rites were no less voluptuous in
Vir character than those of Mylitta at Babylon, of
Amilis in Armenia, and of Venus-Urania in Cyprus.
'. Unlcr, Rd. der Karthager, p. 80, seqq. )--Immedi-
ately after Baal and Astarte, was placed, among the
national divinities of Carthage, Mclkarth, the "king
of Iht citv," the tutelary deity of the parent city of
Tyre (foUntcr, ibid. , p. 36, seqq. ) Wherever the
Paanicians penetrated, the altars that were raised in
honour of this god, and the various traces of his wor-
ihip, testify the high veneration which this people en-
tertained for him. The Tyrian colonies regarded him
as their common protector . they adored him as a kind
rfdwine mediator; as a sort of sacred bond, uniting
them one with another and with their common coun-
try The symbol of the victorious course of the sun,
lad identical, in this" respect, with the Grecian Hercu-
les, he naturally became, for these hardy navigators,
the celestial guide of their distant expeditions, and,
consequently, the god of commerce. (Creuzer's Sym-
Wii. par Gu. ignia. ut, vol. 2, p. 172, n. 4. ) In this way
he was in some measure assimilated to another de-
ity, Sumci, whose Phoenician name recalls the Som
of Egypt. (Compare Bcllcrmann, iibcr Phoenic.
Jfin:. , 1, p. 25. ) A similar alliance existed at Rome
between Hercules and Mercury, both deities being
considered as the jedg of riches and abundance. Mel-
karth was, in fa;t, like the Grecian Hercules, the
same with the sui. The Tynans raised, in his temple
at Gades, an alar to the year (Eustath. ad Dionys.
Pcricg. , p. 45S}, and it is in a point of view directly
analogous, tha Nonnus calls Hercules the conductor
of the twelv, months. (Dionyt. , 40, 338. ) Every
year they kurlled at Carthage, as at Tyre, and probably
in all the Ptoenician colonies, a large pyre in honour
of Melkarth. whence an eagle was let loose, as a sym-
bol, like thf Egyptian phoenix, of the sun, and of time
renewing fsclf from its own ashes. This scene was
transferred by the Greeks to Mount CEta, where Her-
cules, in ibnsuming himself on the funeral pile, cele-
brates hif apotheosis after the accomplishment of his
twelve toours. (Dio Chrysostom. , Oral. , 33. --Vol.
2; P- 2? ed. ReUke. ) The worship of a Hercules,
distinctfrom the one of Thebes, was continued, even
*? 'he 1st periods of paganism, in Carthage and in all
? ? the Phtnician cities. --Omitting the mention of other
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? CARTHAGO.
CARTHAGO.
however, were defeated at Himera by Gclon, king of
Syracuse, and obliged to sue for peace, and to abstain
from offering human sacrifices. In the war with
Hiero, the next king, the Carthaginians conquered the
cities Sclinus, Himera, and Agngentum. Dionysius
the elder obtained a temporary peace. But, after Ti-
moleon had delivered Syracuse and Sicily from the
yoke of tyranny, the Carthaginians were peculiarly
unfortunate. Contagious diseases and frequent muti-
nies reduced the strength of the city. When Sicily
suffered under the tyranny of Agathocles, Carthage
engaged in a war with him, and was soon attacked
and severely pressed by the usurper. After the death
cf Agathocles, Carthage once more took part in the
commerce of Sicily, when difficulties broke out there
with their auxiliaries the Mamertines. The Romans
took advantage of these troubles to expel the Cartha-
ginians from Sicily, although they had previously re-
ceived assistance from them in the war against Pyr-
rhus, king of Epirus, in Sicily and Lower Italy. Here
begins the third period of Carthaginian history, em-
bracing the thrice-repeated struggle for dominion be-
tween Rome and Carthage, in the interval between
264 and 146 B. C. The first Punic war continued 23
years. The fleets and armies of Carthage were van-
quished. By the peace (B. C. 241) the Carthaginians
lost all their possessions in Sicily. Upon this, the
mercenary forces, whose wages could not be paid by
the exhausted treasury of the ci'y, took up arms.
Hamilcar Barcas conquered them, and restored the
Carthaginian power in Africa. Notwithstanding. the
peace with Carthage, the Romans took possession of
Sardinia in 228, wacrc the mercenary troops of Car-
thage had revolted. Hamilcar, who was at the head
of the democratic party, now undertook the conquest
of Spain, whose rich mines tempted his countrymen.
For the success of this enterprise, within 17 years,
Carthage was indebted to the family of Barcas, which
could boast of the glorious names of Hamilcar, Has-
drubal, and Hannibal. To secure the possession of
this acquisition, Hasdrubal founded New Carthage
(Carthagena), the most powerful of all the Carthagin-
ian colonies. The second Punic war (from 218 to
201 B. C. ), notwithstanding the abilities of the gen-
eral, ended with the subjugation of Carthage. Han-
nibal, neglected by his countrymen, and waakened by
a victory that cost him so much blood, was obliged to
leave Italy, in order to hasten to the assistance of Car-
thage, which was threatened by the Romans.
The bat-
tle of Zama resulted in favour of the Romans. Scipio
granted the city peace under the severest conditions.
Carthage ceded Spain, delivered up all her ships ex-
cept ten, paid 10,000 talents (about 810,000,000),
and promised to engage in no war without the con-
sent of the Romans. Besides this, Masinissa, the
ally of Rome and implacable enemy of Carthage, was
placed on the Numidian throne. This king, under the
protection of Rome, deprived the Carthaginians of the
best part of their possessions, and destroyed their trade
in the interior of Africa. The third war with the Ro-
mans was a desperate contest. The disarmed Car-
thaginians were obliged to demolish part of their own
walls. Then, taking up arms anew, they fought for
death or life. After three years, the younger Scipio
ended this war by the destruction of the city, B. C.
146. Only 5000 persons are said to have been found
within its walls. It was 23 milcB in circumference;
? ? and when it was set on fire by the Romans, it burned
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? CARTHAGO.
pirt(, like Athens, Corinth, and other large cities of
Greece. Sicily was much frequented by the Punic
merchants; and tho rich emporium of Syracuse, in
times of peace, saw its port crowded with African
vessels. Oil and ? wine were imported from Sicily;
both of these articles were produced in Africa, but it
is probable that the supply was insufficient. Strabo
(S36) speaks of a contraband trade carried on by Car-
thage with the Cy renseans, through the port of Charax;
the Punic merchant brought wine, and received in ex-
change the precious silphium. The treaties with Rome
preserved in Polybius, and the remarks of Aristotle in
his PoUtica, prove the active commerce of-the Car-
thaginians and their jealousy of foreign rivals. The
Etrurians, who had built towns in Campania, were
probably rather pirates than merchants: they procured
the wares which they had to exchange for other com-
modities by robbing vessels on the sea, or the towns
of the coast. The Carthaginians, as has already been
remarked, had commercial treaties with the Etrurians,
who, from the nature of their profession, could furnish
them with most of the articles that the Mediterranean
produced. In return, their African friends gave them
slaves, precious stones, ivorv, and gold, the produce
of the vast continent behind their city. Malta, and
the small adjoining island of Gaulus (Gozo), were Car-
thaginian possessions: cloth for wearing apparel was
manufactured in Malta, and probably from a native
cotton. The wax of Corsica was also an article of
commerce: the natives of the island were prized for
making excellent servants. (DM. Sic, 5,13. ) The
little island of -Ethalia or Ilva, now Elba, has fur-
nished iron ore from the remotest historical period; the
foreign trader and the merchant of Carthage purcha-
sed the ore when it was smelted, and deposited it in
the hands of their countrymen for farther improve-
ment. Majorca and Minorca exchanged mules and
fruit for wine and female slaves; the latter article
these rude islanders were always ready to purchase.
The precious metals of Spain have been frequently
alluded to; some of the mines appear to have been
public property, while in other cases the merchant pro-
cared gold-dust from the natives by an exchange of
commodities. There is no impossibility involved in
supposing that the Phoenicians or the Carthaginians
visited the northern shores of Europe; but, as direct
evidence is wanting, it is not necessary to assume
that the tin and the amber which they sold to the
world were brought by their own ships from the Scilly
islands (Cassitendes) or the coast of the Baltic. The
trading towns established on the shores of Mauritania
seem to have been intended to form a commercial
connexion with central Africa: the carriers of the des-
ert, would bring the products of Soudan to the small
island of Ceme, the most southern of the colonies es-
tablished by Hanno. The Carthaginians supplied
them from the stores in Ceme with earthen vessels,
trinkets, and ornaments of various kinds. There was
also a fishery on this coast, according to the book of
wonders ascribed to Aristotle (c. 148). The fish was
salted and carried to Carthage, where it commanded a
higb price. As regards the discovery-voyage of Han-
no, we feel some curiosity to know whether it was use-
ful in establishing a trade on the gold coast of Africa;
and our admiration of the extensive knowledge of He-
rodotus is increased, by finding in his history the only
extant information on this obscure subject. In the
fourth book (c. 146), he tells us, on the authority of
? ? come Carthaginians, that merchants from that renown-
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? CARTHAGO.
two'great historians of antiquity. The command of
the fleet was usually separated from that of the land
force, but we find instances in which a single person
possessed the direction of both. The military force
of Carthage consisted principally of hired troops, col-
lected from all the nations with which the state had
commercial connexions. Only a small part of the cit-
izens of Carthage could be employed in military ser-
vice. The mercantile occupations of the majority
would not allow them to neglect their business for
foreign conquests, or the defence of remote posses-
sions. It was found to be a more economical plan,
to make a bargain with nations who had nothing to
dispose of but their bodies, and with this saleable com-
modity to provide for the defence of their colonies or
to acquire new possessions. But the distinguished
families of Carthage served in the armies of the state,
and from this class all the commanders were chosen.
In times of danger, all the citizens would necessarily
arm themselves to repel an attack on the metropolis;
but we are now speaking of the ordinary constitution
of a Carthaginian army, and this neither admitted nor
required a large number of Carthaginian citizens. A
Punic army was like a congregation of nations: the
half-naked savage of Gaul stood by the side of the wild
Iberian; the cunning Ligurian, from the Alpine or Ap-
ennine mountains, met with the Lotophagi of Libya ,
and the Nasamones, the explorers and guides in the
Ct desert, half-bred Greeks, runaways, and slaves,
d themselves mingled in this strange assembly.
Troops of Carthaginian and Liby-Phcenician origin
were in the centre of the army: on the flank the nu-
merous Nomadic tribes of western Africa wheeled
about on unsaddled horses guided by a bridle of rush-
es. The Balearic stingers formed the vanguard, and
the elephants of . Ethiopia, with their black aonductors,
were the moveable castles that protected the front
fines. According to Polybius (1, 6), it was consid-
ered politic to form an army of such materials, that
difference of language might prevent union between
several nations, and remove all danger of a general
conspiracy: but there are disadvantages also, which
arise from the want of a medium of communication,
and these were developed in the later periods of the
republic. When Xerxes led the nations of Asia
against the Greeks of the land of Hellas, a Carthagin-
ian armament was despatched to subjugate the west-
ern colonies in Sicily. The muster-roll of the Asiat-
ic force (Herodot. , 7, 61, teqq. ) contained the names
of all the nations in his extensive empire, and even
some beyond it, who served for money. The Punic
army was composed of the tribes of the western
world and of the African desert, and' the two armies
combined would have exhibited specimens of nearly
all the tribes of men that were then known. We be-
come intimately acquainted with the nature of a Car-
thaginian army from the extant narrative of Polybius.
In the opinion of this soldier and historian, the caval-
ry of Numidia formed the strongest part of the army,
and to their quick evolutions, their sudden retreat, and
their rapid return to the charge, he attributes the suc-
cess of Hannibal in his great victories. (Polyb. , 3,
12. ) Another cause may be assigned for the losses
of the Romans, without at all impeachingthe opinion
of Polybius on the Numidian cavalry. The Romans
frequently had two consuls at the head of their armies,
and when both happened to be together in the field,
they commanded alternately, day by day. At the fatal
? ? battle of Cannae, the ignorance and presumption of
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? CAR
lions of Central Africa, we do not mean to say that it
? *33 a direct commerce, though it is possible it might
lw so in some degree. The tribes between the two
Syites travelled to Garama, and, as every great rest-
ing-place might be a depot for commodities, they could
procure from this town the products of remote lands
which the Carthaginians desired to possess. The
towns on the coast of Byzacium would be the market
for the caravans of Garama, and places of the greatest
importance for the commerce of Carthage. It docs
not appear that the wares and products of Central Af-
rica were carried by the caravans any farther than the
. towns near the Syrtes, on the edge of the desert;
thus the connexion of Carthage with the nations of the
interior appears to have attracted little attention.
(Harm, Idccn. , vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 185,seqq. --Long's Anc.
Geogr. , p: 104, itqq. )
CARTHAGO NOVA, a well-known city of Hispania
Tairaconensis, situate on the coast, a little distance
abore the boundary line between Tarraconensis and
Bztira. It was founded by Hasdrubal, the Carthagin-
ian, who succeeded B areas, the father of Hannibal,
B. C. 242. (Polyb. , 2, 3. --Mela, 2, 6. -- Slrab. , 158. )
It was taken by Scipio Afridanus during the second
Panic war, and, on falling into the hands of the Ro-
mans, it became a colony, under the title of Colonia
Ytctrix Julia Nova Carthago. (Florez, Med. de Esp. ,
TO! . 1, p. 316. ) The situation of this place was very
favourable for commerce, since it lay almost in the
middle of the southern coast of Spain, which had
hardly anv good harbours besides this along its whole
extent. (Polyb-, 10, 10. -- Id. , 3, 39. -- Strab. , 156. )
In Strabo's time it was a very important place, and
carried on an extensive commerce, and in the mount-
ains not far to the north of it were the richest silver
? nines of all Spain. The governor of the province of
farraconensis spent the winter either in this city or
Tarraco. (Strab. , 167. ) The modern Carlhagcna
occupies the site of the ancient city. (Ukcrt, Gcogr. ,
vol. 2, p. 400, seqq. )
CARVILIDS, I. one of the' four kings of Cantium
(Kent), who, at the command of Cassivelaunus, made
an attack on Caesar's naval camp, in which they were
repulsed, and lost a great number of men. (Cats. ,
B. G,, 5, 22. )--II. The first Roman who divorced his
wife during the space of six hundred years. This was
for barrenness, B. C. 231. (Vol. Max. , 2,1, 4. )--III. A
grammarian of this name, according to Plutarch (de
juast. Rom. , n. 54), first introduced the G into the
Roman alphabet, C having been previously used for it.
This was nearly 500 years after the building of the city.
(Compare Quintilian, 1, 7, 23. -- Terenl. Maur. , p.
2402. --Id. , p. 2410. --Mar. Viet. , p. 2469. --Diom. , p.
417. --Sen. ad Virg. , Gcorg. , 1, 194. --Schneider, L.
G. , vol. l,p. 233, teyq. )
CARDS, a Roman emperor, who succeeded Probus.
He was first appointed, by the latter, Praetorian prefect,
anJ after his death was chosen by the army to be his
successor, A. D. 282. Cams created his two sons,
Carinus and Numerianus, Cfesars, as soon as he was
elevated to the empire, and, some time after, gave them
each the title of Augustus. On the news of the death
of Probus, the barbarians put themselves in motion,
and Cams, sending his son Carinus into Gaul, depart-
ed with Xumerianus for Illyricum, in order to op-
pose the Sarmatse, who threatened Thrace and Ita-
ly. He slew 16,000, and made 20,000 prisoners.
Proceeding after this against the Persians, he made
? ? himself master of Mesopotamia, and of the cities of
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? CAS
time after, speaks of it as. being reduced to the lowest
state of insignificance. (Phn. , 3, 5. ) It is, however,
mentioned by Ptolemy (p. 66). The modern Capua
is generally supposed to occupy the site of Casilinum.
(Pratilli, Via Appia, 2, 12, p. 257. -- Cramer's Anc.
Italy, vol.
