No More Learning

This attitude permeates the public school system of northern
states. A recent report on the condition of Negro pupils in the New York
City public schools professes to give "few, perhaps no, recommendations
that would not apply to the children of other races. Where the
application is more true in regard to colored children, it seems largely
to be because of this lack of equal justice in the cases of their
parents. Race weakness appears but this could easily be balanced by the
same or similar weakness in other races. Given an education carefully
adapted to his needs and a fair chance for employment, the normal child
of any race will succeed, unless the burden of wrong home conditions
lies too heavily upon him. "[131]

As the writer does not define what she means by "succeed," one is
obliged to guess at what she means: Her anthropology is apparently
similar to that of Franz Boas of Columbia University, who has said that,
"No proof can be given of any material inferiority of the Negro
race;--without doubt the bulk of the individuals composing the race are
equal in mental aptitude to the bulk of our own people. "

If such a statement is wholly true, the color line can hardly be
justified, but must be regarded, as it is now the case sometimes, as
merely the expression of prejudice and ignorance. If the only
differences between white and black, which can not be removed by
education, are of no real significance,--a chocolate hue of skin, a
certain kinkiness of hair, and so on,--then logically the white race
should remove the handicaps which lack of education and bad environment
have placed on the Negro, and receive him on terms of perfect equality,
in business, in politics, and in marriage.

The proposition needs only to be stated in this frank form, to arouse an
instinctive protest on the part of most Americans. Yet it has been urged
in an almost equally frank form by many writers, from the days of the
abolitionists to the present, and it seems to be the logical consequence
of the position adopted by such anthropologists as Professor Boas, and
by the educators and others who proclaim that there are no significant
differences between the Negro and the white, except such as are due to
social conditions and which, therefore, can be removed.

But what are these social differences, which it is the custom to dismiss
in such a light-hearted way? Are they not based on fundamental
incompatibilities of racial temperament, which in turn are based on
differences in heredity? Modern sociologists for the main part have no
illusions as to the ease with which these differences in racial
tradition and custom can be removed.

The social heritage of the Negro has been described at great length and
often with little regard for fact, by hundreds of writers. Only a glance
can be given the subject here, but it may profitably be asked what the
Negro did when he was left to himself in Africa.

"The most striking feature of the African Negro is the low forms of
social organization, the lack of industrial and political cooperation,
and consequently the almost entire absence of social and national
self-consciousness. This rather than intellectual inferiority explains
the lack of social sympathy, the presence of such barbarous institutions
as cannibalism and slavery, the low position of woman, inefficiency in
the industrial and mechanical arts, the low type of group morals,
rudimentary art-sense, lack of race-pride and self-assertiveness, and in
intellectual and religious life largely synonymous with fetishism and
sorcery. "[132]

An elementary knowledge of the history of Africa, or the more recent and
much-quoted example of Haiti, is sufficient to prove that the Negro's
own social heritage is at a level far below that of the whites among
whom he is living in the United States. No matter how much one may
admire some of the Negro's individual traits, one must admit that his
development of group traits is primitive, and suggests a mental
development which is also primitive.

If the number of original contributions which it has made to the world's
civilization is any fair criterion of the relative value of a race, then
the Negro race must be placed very near zero on the scale. [133]

The following historical considerations suggest that in comparison with
some other races the Negro race is germinally lacking in the higher
developments of intelligence:

1. That the Negro race in Africa has never, by its own initiative, risen
much above barbarism, although it has been exposed to a considerable
range of environments and has had abundant time in which to bring to
expression any inherited traits it may possess.

2. That when transplanted to a new environment--say, Haiti--and left to
its own resources, the Negro race has shown the same inability to rise;
it has there, indeed, lost most of what it had acquired from the
superior civilization of the French.

3. That when placed side by side with the white race, the Negro race
again fails to come up to their standard, or indeed to come anywhere
near it. It is often alleged that this third test is an unfair one; that
the social heritage of slavery must be eliminated before the Negro can
be expected to show his true worth. But contrast his career in and after
slavery with that of the Mamelukes of Egypt, who were slaves, but slaves
of good stock. They quickly rose to be the real rulers of the country.
Again, compare the record of the Greek slaves in the Roman republic and
empire or that of the Jews under Islam. Without pushing these analogies
too far, is not one forced to conclude that the Negro lacks in his
germ-plasm excellence of some qualities which the white races possess,
and which are essential for success in competition with the
civilizations of the white races at the present day?

If so, it must be admitted not only that the Negro is _different_ from
the white, but that he is in the large eugenically _inferior_ to the
white.

This conclusion is based on the relative achievements of the race; it
must be tested by the more precise methods of the anthropological
laboratory. Satisfactory studies of the Negro should be much more
numerous, but there are a few informative ones. Physical characters are
first to be considered.

As a result of the careful measurement of many skulls, Karl Pearson[134]
has come to the following conclusions:

"There is for the best ascertainable characters a continuous
relationship from the European skull, through prehistoric European,
prehistoric Egyptian, Congo-Gaboon Negroes to Zulus and Kafirs.

"The indication is that of a long differentiated evolution, in which the
Negro lies nearer to the common stem than the European; he is nearer to
the childhood of man. "

This does not prove any mental inferiority: there is little or no
relation between conformation of skull and mental qualities, and it is a
great mistake to make hasty inferences from physical to mental traits.
Bean and Mall have made studies directly on the brain, but it is not
possible to draw any sure conclusions from their work. A. Hrdlicka
found physical differences between the two races, but did not study
traits of any particular eugenic significance.

On the whole, the studies of physical anthropologists offer little of
interest for the present purpose. Studies of mental traits are more to
the point, but are unfortunately vitiated in many cases by the fact that
no distinction was made between full-blood Negroes and mulattoes,
although the presence of white blood must necessarily have a marked
influence on the traits under consideration. If the investigations are
discounted when necessary for this reason, it appears that in the more
elementary mental processes the two races are approximately equal. White
and "colored" children in the Washington, D. C. , schools ranked equally
well in memory; the colored children were found to be somewhat the more
sensitive to heat. [135] Summing up the available evidence, G. O. Ferguson
concludes that "in the so-called lower traits there is no great
difference between the Negro and the white. In motor capacity there is
probably no appreciable racial difference. In sense capacity, in
perceptive and discriminative ability, there is likewise a practical
equality. "

This is what one would, _a priori_, probably expect. But it is on the
"higher" mental functions that race progress largely depends, and the
Negro must be judged eugenically mainly by his showing in these higher
functions. One of the first studies in this line is that of M. J.
Mayo,[136] who summarizes it as follows:

"The median age of white pupils at the time of entering high school in
the city of New York is 14 years 6 months: of colored pupils 15 years 1
month--a difference of 7 months. The average deviation for whites is 9
months; for colored 15 months. Twenty-seven per cent of the whites are
as old as the median age of the colored or older.

"Colored pupils remain in school a greater length of time than do the
whites. For the case studied [150 white and 150 colored], the average
time spent in high school for white pupils was 3. 8 terms; for colored
4. 5 terms. About 28% of the whites attain the average time of attendance
for colored.

"Considering the entire scholastic record, the median mark of the 150
white pupils is 66; of the 150 colored pupils 62; a difference of 4%.
The average deviation of white pupils is 7; of colored 6. 5. Twenty-nine
per cent. of the colored pupils reach or surpass the median mark of the
whites.

"The white pupils have a higher average standing in all subjects . . .
the colored pupils are about 3/4 as efficient as the whites in the
pursuit of high school studies. "

This whole investigation is probably much too favorable to the Negro
race, first because Negro high school pupils represent a more careful
selection than do the white pupils; but most of all because no
distinction was made between Negroes and mulattoes.

B. A. Phillips, studying the public elementary schools of Philadelphia,
found[137] that the percentage of retardation in the colored schools
ranged from 72. 8 to 58. 2, while the percentage of retardation in the
districts which contained the schools ranged from 45. 1 to 33. 3. The
average percentage of retardation for the city as a whole was 40. 3. Each
of the colored schools had a greater percentage of retardation than any
of the white schools, even those composed almost entirely of foreigners,
and in those schools attended by both white and colored pupils the
percentage of retardation on the whole varied directly with the
percentage of colored pupils in attendance.

These facts might be interpreted in several ways. It might be that the
curriculum was not well adapted to the colored children, or that they
came from bad home environments, or that they differed in age, etc. Dr.
Phillips accordingly undertook to get further light on the cause of
retardation of the colored pupils by applying Binet tests to white and
colored children of the same chronological age and home conditions, and
found "a difference in the acceleration between the two races of 31% in
favor of the white boys, 25% in favor of the white girls, 28% in favor
of the white pupils with boys and girls combined. "

A. C. Strong, using the Binet-Simon tests, found[138] colored school
children of Columbia, S. C. , considerably less intelligent than white
children.

W. H. Pyle made an extensive test[139] of 408 colored pupils in
Missouri public schools and compared them with white pupils. He
concludes: "In general the marks indicating mental ability of the Negro
are about two-thirds those of the whites. . . . In the substitution,
controlled association, and Ebbinghaus tests, the Negroes are less than
half as good as the whites. In free association and the ink-blot tests
they are nearly as good. In quickness of perception and discrimination
and in reaction, the Negroes equal or excel the whites. "

"Perhaps the most important question that arises in connection with the
results of these mental tests is: How far is ability to pass them
dependent on environmental conditions? Our tests show certain specific
differences between Negroes and whites. What these differences would
have been had the Negroes been subject to the same environmental
influences as the whites, it is difficult to say. The results obtained
by separating the Negroes into two social groups would lead one to think
that the conditions of life under which the negroes live might account
for the lower mentality of the Negroes. On the other hand, it may be
that the Negroes living under better social conditions are of better
stock. They may have more white blood in them. "

The most careful study yet made of the relative intelligence of Negroes
and whites is that of G. O. Ferguson, Jr. ,[140] on 486 white and 421
colored pupils in the schools of Richmond, Fredericksburg, and Newport
News, Va. Tests were employed which required the use of the "higher"
functions, and as far as possible (mainly on the basis of skin-color)
the amount of white blood in the colored pupils was determined. Four
classes were made: full-blood Negro, 3/4 Negro, 1/2 Negro (mulatto) and
1/4 Negro (quadroon). It was found that "the pure Negroes scored 69. 2%
as high as the whites; that the 3/4 pure Negroes scored 73. 2% as high as
the whites; that the mulattoes scored 81. 2% as high as the whites; and
that the quadroons obtained 91. 8% of the white score. " This confirms the
belief of many observers that the ability of a colored man is
proportionate to the amount of white blood he has.

Summarizing a large body of evidence, Dr. Ferguson concludes that "the
intellectual performance of the general colored population is
approximately 75% as efficient as that of the whites," but that pure
Negroes have only 60% of white intellectual efficiency, and that even
this figure is probably too high. "It seems as though the white type has
attained a higher level of development, based upon the common elementary
capacities, which the Negro has not reached to the same degree. " "All of
the experimental work which has been done has pointed to the same
general conclusion. "

This is a conclusion of much definiteness and value, but it does not go
as far as one might wish, for the deeper racial differences of impulse
and inhibition, which are at present incapable of precise measurement,
are likewise of great importance. And it is the common opinion that the
Negro differs in such traits even more than in intellect proper. He is
said to be lacking in that aggressive competitiveness which has been
responsible for so much of the achievement of the Nordic race; it is
alleged that his sexual impulses are strongly developed and inhibitions
lacking; that he has "an instability of character, involving a lack of
foresight, an improvidence, a lack of persistence, small power of
serious initiative, a tendency to be content with immediate
satisfactions. " He appears to be more gregarious but less apt at
organization than most races.

The significance of these differences depends largely on whether they
are germinal, or merely the results of social tradition. In favor of the
view that they are in large part racial and hereditary, is the fact that
they persist in all environments. They are found, as Professor Mecklin
says, "Only at the lower level of instinct, impulse and temperament, and
do not, therefore, admit of clear definition because they are overlaid
in the case of every individual with a mental superstructure gotten from
the social heritage which may vary widely in the case of members of the
same race. That they do persist, however, is evidenced in the case of
the Negroes subjected to the very different types of civilization in
Haiti, Santo Domingo, the United States, and Jamaica. In each of these
cases a complete break has been made with the social traditions of
Africa and different civilizations have been substituted, and yet in
temperament and character the Negro in all these countries is
essentially the same. The so-called 'reversion to type' often pointed
out in the Negro is in reality but the recrudescence of fundamental,
unchanged race traits upon the partial breakdown of the social heritage
or the Negro's failure successfully to appropriate it. "

Again, as Professor Ferguson points out, the experimental tests above
cited may be thought to give some support to the idea that the emotional
characteristics of the Negro are really inherent. "Strong and changing
emotions, an improvident character and a tendency to immoral conduct are
not unallied," he explains; "They are all rooted in uncontrolled
impulse. And a factor which may tend to produce all three is a deficient
development of the more purely intellectual capacities. Where the
implications of the ideas are not apprehended, where thought is not
lively and fertile, where meanings and consequences are not grasped, the
need for the control of impulse will not be felt. And the demonstrable
deficiency of the Negro in intellectual traits may involve the dynamic
deficiencies which common opinion claims to exist. "

There are other racial and heritable differences of much importance,
which are given too little recognition--namely, the differences of
disease resistance. Here one can speak unhesitatingly of a real
inferiority in respect to the environment of North America.

As was pointed out in the chapter on Natural Selection, the Negro has
been subjected to lethal selection for centuries by the Negro diseases,
the diseases of tropical Africa, of which malaria and yellow fever are
the most conspicuous examples. The Negro is strongly resistant to these
and can live where the white man dies. The white man, on the other hand,
has his own diseases, of which tuberculosis is an excellent example.
Compared with the Negro, he is relatively resistant to phthisis and will
survive where the Negro dies.

When the two races are living side by side, it is obvious that each is
proving a menace to the other, by acting as a disseminator of
infection. The white man kills the Negro with tuberculosis and typhoid
fever. In North America the Negro can not kill the white man with
malaria or yellow fever, to any great extent, because these diseases do
not flourish here. But the Negro has brought some other diseases here
and given them to the white race; elephantiasis is one example, but the
most conspicuous is hookworm, the extent and seriousness of which have
only recently been realized.

In the New England states the average expectation of life, at birth, is
50. 6 years for native white males, 34. 1 years for Negro males. For
native white females it is 54. 2 years and for Negro females 37. 7 years,
according to the Bureau of the Census (1916). These very considerable
differences can not be wholly explained away by the fact that the Negro
is crowded into parts of the cities where the sanitation is worst. They
indicate that the Negro is out of his environment. In tropical Africa,
to which the Negro is adapted by many centuries of natural selection,
his expectation of life might be much longer than that of the white man.
In the United States he is much less "fit," in the Darwinian sense.

In rural districts of the South, according to C. W. Stiles, the annual
typhoid death rate per 100,000 population is:

_Whites_ _Negroes_
Males 37. 4 75. 3
Females 27. 4 56. 3

These figures again show, not alone the greater intelligence of the
white in matters of hygiene, but probably also the greater inherent
resistance of the white to a disease which has been attacking him for
many centuries. Biologically, North America is a white man's country,
not a Negro's country, and those who are considering the Negro problem
must remember that natural selection has not ceased acting on man.

From the foregoing different kinds of evidence, we feel justified in
concluding that the Negro race differs greatly from the white race,
mentally as well as physically, and that in many respects it may be said
to be inferior, when tested by the requirements of modern civilization
and progress, with particular reference to North America.

We return now to the question of intermarriage. What is to be expected
from the union of these diverse streams of descent?

The best answer would be to study and measure the mulattoes and their
posterity, in as many ways as possible. No one has ever done this. It is
the custom to make no distinction whatever between mulatto and Negro, in
the United States, and thus the whole problem is beclouded.

There is some evidence from life insurance and medical sources, that the
mulatto stands above the Negro but below the white in respect to his
health. There is considerable evidence that he occupies the same
relation in the intellectual world; it is a matter of general
observation that nearly all the leaders of the Negro race in the United
States are not Negroes but mulattoes.

Without going into detail, we feel perfectly safe in drawing this
conclusion: that in general the white race loses and the Negro gains
from miscegenation.

This applies, of course, only to the germinal nature. Taking into
consideration the present social conditions in America, it is doubtful
whether either race gains. But if social conditions be eliminated for
the moment, biologists may believe that intermarriage between the white
and Negro races represents, on the whole, an advance for the Negro; and
that it represents for the white race a distinct loss.

If eugenics is to be thought of solely in terms of the white race, there
can be no hesitation about rendering a verdict. We must unhesitatingly
condemn miscegenation.

But there are those who declare that it is small and mean to take such a
narrow view of the evolution of the race. They would have America open
its doors indiscriminately to immigration, holding it a virtue to
sacrifice one's self permanently for someone else's temporary happiness;
they would equally have the white race sacrifice itself for the Negro,
by allowing a mingling of the two blood-streams. That, it is alleged, is
the true way to elevate the Negro.

The question may well be considered from that point of view, even
though the validity of such a point of view is not admitted.

To ensure racial and social progress, nothing will take the place of
leadership, of genius. A race of nothing but mediocrities will stand
still, or very nearly so; but a race of mediocrities with a good supply
of men of exceptional ability and energy at the top, will make progress
in discovery, invention and organization, which is generally recognized
as progressive evolution.

If the level of the white race be lowered, it will hurt that race and be
of little help to the Negro. If the white race be kept at such a level
that its productivity of men of talent will be at a maximum, everyone
will progress; for the Negro benefits just as the white does from every
forward step in science and art, in industry and politics.

Remembering that the white race in America is nine times as numerous as
the black race, we conclude that it would be desirable to encourage
amalgamation of the two races only in case the average of mulattoes is
superior to the average of the whites. No one can seriously maintain
that this supposition is true. Biologically, therefore, there is no
reason to think that an increase in the number of mulattoes is
desirable.

There is a curious argument in circulation, which points out that
mulattoes are almost always the offspring of Negro mothers and white
fathers, not of Negro fathers and white mothers. Therefore, it is said,
production of mulattoes does not mean at all a decrease in the number of
white births, but merely substitutes a number of mulatto births for an
equivalent number of pure Negro births. It is therefore alleged that the
production of mulattoes is in the long run a benefit, elevating the
Negro race without impairing the white race.

But this argument assumes that most mulatto births are illegitimate,--a
condition which eugenists do not sanction, because it tends to
disintegrate the family. Rather than such a condition, the legitimate
production of pure-blood Negroes is preferable, even though they be
inferior in individual ability to the illegitimate mulattoes offered as
a substitute. There are not at the present time enough desirable white
fathers in the country. If desirable ones are set aside to produce
mulattoes, it would be a great loss to the nation; while if the
mulattoes are the offspring of eugenically undesirable white fathers,
then the product is not likely to be anything America wants.
From whatever standpoint we take, we see nothing good to be said for
miscegenation. [141] We have discussed the problem as a particular one
between the blacks and whites but the argument will hold good when
applied to any two races between which the differences are so marked
that one may be considered decidedly inferior to the other.

Society,--white society,--long ago reached the instinctive conclusion,
which seems to us a correct one, that it must put a ban on intermarriage
between two such races. It has given expression to this feeling by
passing laws to prohibit miscegenation in 22 states, while six other
states prohibit it in their constitutions. There are thus 22 states
which have attempted legally to prevent intermarriage of the white and
black race. While in 20 states there is no law on the subject, it is
needless to say that popular feeling about it is almost uniform, and
that the legislators of New England for instance would refuse to give
their daughters in marriage to Negroes, even though they might the day
before have voted down a proposed law to prohibit intermarriage on the
ground that it was an expression of race prejudice.

In a majority of the states which have no legislation of this kind,
bills have been introduced during the last two or three years, and have
been defeated through the energetic interference of the National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People, an organization of
which Oswald Garrison Villard is chairman of the Board of Directors and
W. E. B. DuBois, a brilliant mulatto, is Director of Publicity and
Research. As this association represents a very large part of the more
intelligent Negro public opinion, its attitude deserves careful
consideration. It is set forth summarily in a letter[142] which was
addressed to legislators in various states, as follows:

"The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
earnestly protests against the bill forbidding intermarriage between the
races, not because the Association advocates intermarriage, which it
does not, but primarily because whenever such laws have been enacted
they have become a menace to the whole institution of matrimony, leading
directly to concubinage, bastardy, and the degradation of the Negro
woman. No man-made law can stop the union of the races. If intermarriage
be wrong, its prevention is best left to public opinion and to nature,
which wreaks its own fearful punishments on those who transgress its
laws and sin against it. We oppose the proposed statute in the language
of William Lloyd Garrison in 1843, in his successful campaign for the
repeal of a similar law in Massachusetts: 'Because it is not the
province, and does not belong to the power of any legislative assembly,
in a republican government, to decide on the complexional affinity of
those who choose to be united together in wedlock; and it may as
rationally decree that corpulent and lean, tall and short, strong and
weak persons shall not be married to each other as that there must be an
agreement in the complexion of the parties. '

"We oppose it for the physical reason that to prohibit such
intermarriage would be publicly to acknowledge that black blood is a
physical taint, something no self-respecting colored man and woman can
be asked to admit. We oppose it for the moral reason that all such laws
leave the colored girl absolutely helpless before the lust of the white
man, without the power to compel the seducer to marry. The statistics of
intermarriage in those states where it is permitted show this happens
so infrequently as to make the whole matter of legislation unnecessary.
Both races are practically in complete agreement on this question, for
colored people marry colored people, and white marry whites, the
exceptions being few. We earnestly urge upon you an unfavorable report
on this bill. "

Legislation on the subject of marriage is clearly inside the province of
government. That such an argument as is quoted from William Lloyd
Garrison can still be circulated in the United States and apparently
carry weight, is sufficient cause for one to feel pessimistic over the
spread of the scientific spirit in this nation. Suffice it to say that
on this point the National Association is a century behind the times.

The following policy seems to us to be in accordance with modern
science, and yet meet all the legitimate arguments of the National
Association. We will state our attitude as definitely as possible:

1. We hold that it is to the interests of the United States, for the
reasons given in this chapter, to prevent further Negro-white
amalgamation.

2. The taboo of public opinion is not sufficient in all cases to prevent
intermarriage, and should be supplemented by law, particularly as the
United States have of late years received many white immigrants from
other countries (e. g. , Italy) where the taboo is weak because the
problem has never been pressing.

3. But to prevent intermarriage is only a small part of the solution,
since most mulattoes come from extramarital miscegenation. The only
solution of this, which is compatible with the requirements of eugenics,
is not that of _laissez faire_, suggested by the National Association,
but an extension of the taboo, and an extension of the laws, to prohibit
all sexual intercourse between the two races.

Four states (Louisiana, Nevada, South Dakota and Alabama) have already
attempted to gain this end by law. We believe it to be highly desirable
that such laws should be enacted and enforced by all states. A necessary
preliminary would be to standardize the laws all over the Union,
particularly with a view to agreement on what a "Negro" legally is; for
in some states the legislation applies to one who is one-sixteenth, or
even less, Negro in descent, while in other states it appears to refer
only to full-blood or, at the most, half-blood individuals.

Such legislation, and what is more important, such public opinion,
leading to a cessation of Negro-white amalgamation, we believe to be in
the interests of national eugenics, and to further the welfare of both
of the races involved. Miscegenation can only lead to unhappiness under
present social conditions and must, we believe, under _any_ social
conditions be biologically wrong.

We favor, therefore, the support of the taboo which society has placed
on these mixed marriages, as well as any legal action which can
practicably be taken to make miscegenation between white and black
impossible. Justice requires that the Negro race be treated as kindly
and considerately as possible, with every economic and political
concession that is consistent with the continued welfare of the nation.
Such social equality and intercourse as might lead to marriage are not
compatible with this welfare.




CHAPTER XV

IMMIGRATION


There are now in the United States some 14,000,000 foreign-born persons,
together with other millions of the sons and daughters of foreigners who
although born on American soil have as yet been little assimilated to
Americanism. This great body of aliens, representing perhaps a fifth of
the population, is not a pool to be absorbed, but a continuous,
inflowing stream, which until the outbreak of the Great War was steadily
increasing in volume, and of which the fountain-head is so inexhaustible
as to appal the imagination. From the beginning of the century, the
inflow averaged little less than a million a year, and while about
one-fifth of this represented a temporary migration, four-fifths of it
meant a permanent addition to the population of the New World.

The character of this stream will inevitably determine to a large extent
the future of the American nation. The direct biological results, in
race mixture, are important enough, although not easy to define. The
indirect results, which are probably of no less importance to eugenics,
are so hard to follow that some students of the problem do not even
realize their existence.

The ancestors of all white Americans, of course, were immigrants not so
very many generations ago. But the earlier immigration was relatively
homogeneous and stringently selected by the dangers of the voyage, the
hardships of life in a new country, and the equality of opportunity
where free competition drove the unfit to the wall. There were few
people of eminence in the families that came to colonize North America,
but there was a high average of sturdy virtues, and a good deal of
ability, particularly in the Puritan and Huguenot invasions and in a
part of that of Virginia.

In the first three-quarters of the nineteenth century, the number of
these "patriots and founders" was greatly increased by the arrival of
immigrants of similar racial stocks from Ireland, Germany, Scandinavia,
and to a less extent from the other countries of northern and western
Europe. These arrivals added strength to the United States, particularly
as a large part of them settled on farms.

This stream of immigration gradually dried up, but was succeeded by a
flood from a new source,--southern and eastern Europe. Italians, Slavs,
Poles, Magyars, East European Hebrews, Finns, Portuguese, Greeks,
Roumanians and representatives of many other small nationalities began
to seek fortunes in America. The earlier immigration had been made up
largely of those who sought escape from religious or political tyranny
and came to settle permanent homes. The newer immigration was made up,
on the whole, of those who frankly sought wealth. The difference in the
reason for coming could not fail to mean a difference in selection of
the immigrants, quite apart from the change in the races.

Last of all began an immigration of Levantines, of Syrians, Armenians,
and other inhabitants of Asiatic Turkey. Beyond this region lie the
great nations of Asia, "oversaturated" with population. So far there has
been little more than the threat of their overflow, but the threat is
certain to become a reality within a few years unless prevented by legal
restriction.

The eugenic results of immigration are partly indirect and partly
direct. Direct results follow if the newcomers are assimilated,--a word
which we shall use rather narrowly to mean that free intermarriage takes
place between them and all parts of the older population. We shall
discuss the direct results first, the nature of which depends largely on
whether the newcomers are racially homogeneous with the population
already in the country.

If they are like, the old and new will blend without difficulty. The
effects of the immigration then depend on whether the immigrants are
better or worse in average quality than the older residents. If as good
or better, they are valuable additions; if inferior they are
biologically a detriment.

But if the new arrivals are different, if they represent a different
subspecies of _Homo sapiens_, the question is more serious, for it
involves the problem of crossing races which are biologically more or
less distinct. Genetics can throw some light on this problem.

Waiving for the moment all question as to the relative quality of two
distinct races, what results are to be expected from crossing? It (1)
gives an increase of vigor which diminishes in later generations and (2)
produces recombination of characters.

The first result may be disregarded, for the various races of man are
probably already much mixed, and too closely related, to give rise to
much hybrid vigor in crosses.

The second result will be favorable or unfavorable, depending on the
characters which go into the cross; and it is not possible to predict
the result in human matings, because the various racial characters are
so ill known. It is, therefore, not worth while here to discuss at
length genetic theory. In general it may be said that some valuable
characters are likely to disappear, as the result of such crosses, and
less desirable ones to take their place. The great bulk of the
population resulting from such racial crosses is likely to be more or
less mongrel in nature. Finally, some individuals will appear who
combine the good characters of the two races, without the bad ones.

The net result will therefore probably be some distinct gain, but a
greater loss. There is danger that complex and valuable traits of a race
will be broken down in the process of hybridization, and that it will
take a long time to bring them together again. The old view that racial
crosses lead fatally to race degeneration is no longer tenable, but the
view recently advanced, that crosses are advantageous, seems equally
hasty. W. E. Castle has cited the Pitcairn Islanders and the
Boer-Hottentot mulattoes of South Africa as evidence that wide crosses
are productive of no evil results. These cases may be admitted to show
that such a hybrid race may be physically healthy, but in respect of
mental traits they hardly do more than suggest the conclusion we
advanced in our chapter on the Color Line,--that such miscegenation is
an advantage to the inferior race and a disadvantage to the superior
one.

On the whole, we believe wide racial crosses should be looked upon with
suspicion by eugenists.

The colonizers of North America mostly belonged to the Nordic race. [143]
The earlier immigrants to the United States,--roughly, those who came
here before the Civil War,--belonged mostly to the same stock, and
therefore mixed with the early settlers without difficulty. The
advantages of this immigration were offset by no impairment of racial
homogeneity.

But the more recent immigration belongs mostly to other races,
principally the Mediterranean and Alpine. Even if these immigrants were
superior on the average to the older population, it is clear that their
assimilation would not be an unmixed blessing, for the evil of
crossbreeding would partly offset the advantage of the addition of
valuable new traits. If, on the other hand, the average of the new
immigration is inferior in quality, or in so far as it is inferior in
quality, it is evident that it must represent biologically an almost
unmixed evil; it not only brings in new undesirable traits, but injures
the desirable ones already here.

E. A. Ross has attempted to predict some of the changes that will take
place in the population of the United States, as a result of the
immigration of the last half-century. [144] "It is reasonable," he
thinks, "to expect an early falling off in the frequency of good looks
in the American people. " A diminution of stature, a depreciation of
morality, an increase in gross fecundity, and a considerable lowering of
the level of average natural ability are among other results that he
considers probable. Not only are the races represented in the later
immigration in many cases inferior in average ability to the earlier
immigrant races, but America does not get the best, or even a
representative selection,[145] from the races which are now contributing
to her population. "Europe retains most of her brains, but sends
multitudes of the common and sub-common. There is little sign of an
intellectual element among the Magyars, Russians, South Slavs, Italians,
Greeks or Portuguese" who are now arriving. "This does not hold,
however, for currents created by race discrimination or oppression. The
Armenian, Syrian, Finnish and Russo-Hebrew streams seem
_representative_, and the first wave of Hebrews out of Russia in the
eighties was superior. "

While the earlier immigration brought a liberal amount of intelligence
and ability, the later immigration (roughly, that of the last half
century) seems to have brought distinctly less. It is at present
principally an immigration of unskilled labor, of vigorous, ignorant
peasants. Some of this is "promoted" by agents of transportation
companies and others who stand to gain by stirring up the population of
a country village in Russia or Hungary, excite the illiterate peasants
by stories of great wealth and freedom to be gained in the New World,
provide the immigrant with a ticket to New York and start him for Ellis
Island. Naturally, such immigration is predominantly male. On the whole,
females make up one-third of the recent inflow, but among some
races--Greeks, Italians and Roumanians, for example--only one-fifth.

In amount of inherent ability these immigrants are not only less highly
endowed than is desirable, but they furnish, despite weeding out,
altogether too large a proportion of the "three D's"--defectives,
delinquents and dependents. In the single year 1914 more than 33,000
would-be immigrants were turned back, about half of them because likely
to become public charges. The immigration law of 1907, amended in 1910,
1913 and 1917, excludes the following classes of aliens from admission
into the United States:

Idiots, imbeciles, feeble-minded persons, epileptics, insane
persons, persons who have been insane within 5 years previously;
persons who have had two or more attacks of insanity at any time
previously or who are affected by constitutional psychopathic
inferiority or chronic alcoholism; paupers, vagrants, persons
likely to become public charges; professional beggars, persons
afflicted with tuberculosis or with a loathsome or contagious
disease; persons who have been convicted of a crime involving moral
turpitude; polygamists, anarchists, contract laborers, prostitutes,
persons not comprehended within any one of the foregoing excluded
classes who are found to be and are certified by the examining
surgeon as being mentally or physically defective, such mental or
physical defect being of such a nature as to affect the ability of
the alien to earn a living.

[Illustration: EXAMINING IMMIGRANTS AT ELLIS ISLAND, NEW YORK

FIG. 39. --Surgeons of the United States Public Health Service
test every immigrant, physically and mentally, in order to send back any
who give promise of being undesirable additions to the population. The
above photograph shows how the examination of those whose condition has
aroused suspicion, is conducted. The boy under the measuring bar, in the
foreground, and the three immediately to the left of the desk, are
examples of congenital asthenia and poor physique; two of the four were
found to be dull mentally. Photograph from U. S. Public Health Service. ]

Despite the efficiency of the U. S. Public Health Service, it is quite
impossible for its small staff to examine thoroughly every immigrant,
when three or four thousand arrive in a single day, as has frequently
happened at Ellis Island. Under such circumstances, the medical officer
must pass the immigrants with far too cursory an inspection. It is not
surprising that many whose mental defects are not of an obvious nature
manage to slip through; particularly if, as is charged,[146] many of the
undesirables are informed that the immigrant rush is greatest in March
and April, and therefore make it a point to arrive at that time, knowing
the medical inspection will be so overtaxed that they will have a better
chance to get by. The state hospitals of the Atlantic states are rapidly
filling up with foreign-born insane. [147] Probably few of these were
patently insane when they passed through the port of entry. Insanity, it
must be remembered, is predominantly a disease of old age, whereas the
average alien on arrival is not old. The mental weakness appears only
after he has been here some years, perhaps inevitably or perhaps because
he finds his environment in, say, lower Manhattan Island is much more
taxing to the brain than the simple surroundings of his farm overlooking
the bay of Naples.

The amount of crime attributable to certain sections of the more recent
immigration is relatively large. "It was frequently stated to the
members of the Immigration Commission in southern Italy that crime had
greatly diminished in many communities because most of the criminals had
gone to America. " The amount of crime among immigrants in the United
States is partly due to their age and sex distribution, partly due to
their concentration in cities, partly to the bad environment from which
they have sometimes come; partly to inherent racial characteristics,
such as make crimes of violence frequent among the Southern Italians,
crimes of gain proportionately more frequent among the Jews, and
violence when drunk more a characteristic of the Slavs. No restriction
of immigration can wholly eliminate the criminal tendencies, but, says
Dr. Warne,[148] after balancing the two sides, "It still remains true
that because of immigration we have a greater amount of pauperism and
crime than would be the case if there were no immigration. It is also an
indisputable fact that with a better regulation of immigration the
United States would have less of these social horrors. "

To dwell too much on the undesirable character of part of the present
immigration would be to lose perspective. Most of it consists of
vigorous, industrious, ignorant peasants, induced to come here in search
of a better living than they can get at home. But it is important to
remember that if they come here and stay, they are pretty certain to be
assimilated sooner or later. In cases superior to the average of the
older population, their arrival should be welcomed if not too racially
diverse; but if, as we believe the record of their achievements shows, a
large part of the immigration is on the average inferior to the older
population of the United States, such are eugenically a detriment to the
future progress of the race. The direct biological result to be expected
from the assimilation of such newcomers is the swamping of the best
characteristics of the old American stock, and a diminution of the
average of intelligence of the whole country.

The interbreeding is too slow at present to be conspicuous, and hence
its effects are little noticed. The foreigners tend to keep by
themselves, to form "Little Italies," "Little Russias," transplanted
Ghettoes and "foreign quarters," where they retain their native
languages and customs and marry compatriots. This condition of
segregation can not last forever; the process of amalgamation will be
more rapid with each generation, particularly because of the
preponderance of males in the newer immigration who must marry outside
their own race, if they are to marry at all.

The direct results of immigration that lead to intermarriage with the
older population are fairly easy to outline. The indirect results, which
we shall now consider, are more complex. We have dealt so far only with
the effects of an immigration that is assimilated; but some immigration
(that from the Orient, for example) is not assimilated; other
immigration remains unassimilated for a long time. What are the eugenic
consequences of an unassimilated immigration?

The presence of large numbers of immigrants who do not intermarry with
the older stock will, says T. N. Carver,[149] inevitably mean one of
three things:

1. Geographical separation of races.

2. Social separation of races (as the "color line" in the South and to a
large extent in the North, between Negroes and whites who yet live side
by side).

3. Continuous racial antagonism, frequently breaking out into race war.
This third possibility has been at least threatened, by the conflict
between the white and yellow races in California, and the conflict
between whites and Hindus in British Columbia.

None of these alternatives is attractive. The third is undesirable in
every way and the first two are difficult to maintain. The first is
perhaps impossible; the second is partly practicable, as is shown by the
case of the Negro. One of its drawbacks is not sufficiently recognized.

In a soundly-organized society, it is necessary that the road should be
open from top to bottom and bottom to top, in order that genuine merit
may get its deserts. A valuable strain which appears at the bottom of
the social scale must be able to make its way to the top, receiving
financial and other rewards commensurate with its value to the state,
and being able to produce a number of children proportionate to its
reward and its value. This is an ideal which is seldom approximated in
government, but it is the advantage of a democratic form of government
that it presents the open road to success, more than does an oligarchic
government. That this freedom of access to all rewards that the state
can give should be open to every one (and conversely that no one should
be kept at the top and over-rewarded if he is unworthy) is essential to
eugenics; but it is quite incompatible with the existence within the
state of a number of isolated groups, some of which must inevitably and
properly be considered inferior. It is certain that, at the present time
in this country, no Negro can take a place in the upper ranks of
society, which are and will long remain white. The fact that this
situation is inevitable makes it no less unfortunate for both Negro and
white races; consolation can only be found in the thought that it is
less of a danger than the opposite condition would be. But this
condition of class discrimination is likely to exist, to a much less
extent it is true, in every city where there are foreign-born and
native-born populations living side by side, and where the epithets of
"Sheeny," "Dago," "Wop," "Kike," "Greaser," "Guinea," etc. , testify to
the feeling of the older population that it is superior.

While eugenic strength in a state is promoted by variety, too great a
heterogeneity offers serious social difficulties. It is essential if
America is to be strong eugenically that it slow down the flood of
immigrants who are not easily assimilable. At present a state of affairs
is being created where class distinctions are likely to be barriers to
the promotion of individual worth--and equally, of course, to the
demotion of individual worthlessness.

Even if an immigration is not assimilated, then, it yet has an indirect
effect on eugenics. But there are other indirect effects of immigration,
which are quite independent of assimilation: they inhere in the mere
bulk and economic character of the immigration. The arrivals of the past
few decades have been nearly all unskilled laborers. Professor Carver
believes that continuous immigration which enters the ranks of labor in
larger proportion and the business and professional classes in a smaller
proportion than the native-born will produce the following results:

1. Distribution. It will keep competition more intense among laborers
and less intense among business and professional men: it will therefore
raise the income of the employing classes and lower the wages of
unskilled labor.

2. Production. It will give a relatively low marginal productivity to a
typical immigrant and make him a relatively unimportant factor in the
production of wealth.

3. Organization of industry. Immigrants can only be employed
economically at low wages and in large gangs, because of (2).

4. Agriculture. If large numbers of immigrants should go into
agriculture, it will mean one of two things, probably the second:

(a) Continuous subdivision of farms resulting in inefficient and
wasteful application of labor and smaller crops per man, although
probably larger crops per acre.

(b) Development of a class of landed proprietors on the one hand and a
landless agricultural proletariat on the other.

It is true that the great mass of unskilled labor which has come to the
United States in the last few decades has made possible the development
of many industries that have furnished an increased number of good jobs
to men of intelligence, but many who have made a close study of the
immigration problem think that despite this, unskilled labor has been
coming in altogether too large quantities. Professor Ross publishes the
following illustration:

"What a college man saw in a copper-mine in the Southwest gives in a
nutshell the logic of low wages.

"The American miners, getting $2. 75 a day, are abruptly displaced
without a strike by a train-load of 500 raw Italians brought in by the
company and put to work at from $1. 50 to $2 a day. For the Americans
there is nothing to do but to 'go down the road. ' At first the Italians
live on bread and beer, never wash, wear the same filthy clothes night
and day, and are despised. After two or three years they want to live
better, wear decent clothes, and be respected. They ask for more wages,
the bosses bring in another train-load from the steerage, and the partly
Americanized Italians follow the American miners 'down the road. ' No
wonder the estimate of government experts as to the number of our
floating casual laborers ranges up to five millions! "

"It is claimed that the natives are not displaced" by the constant
inflow of alien unskilled labor, says H. P. Fairchild,[150] but that they
"are simply forced into higher occupations. Those who were formerly
common laborers are now in positions of authority. While this argument
holds true of individuals, its fallacy when applied to groups is
obvious. There are not nearly enough places of authority to receive
those who are forced out from below. The introduction of 500 Slav
laborers into a community may make a demand for a dozen or a score of
Americans in higher positions, but hardly for 500. "

"The number of unskilled workers coming in at the present time is
sufficient to check decidedly the normal tendency toward an improved
standard of living in many lines of industry," in the opinion of J.