No More Learning

A cause of greater influence, in all likelihood, was the introduction of the civil marriage, by which a child begotten of patrician parents living together as married persons, although without wnfarrealr'o, acquired full burgess-rights equally with the child of a confarreatio marriage. It is at least probable that the civil marriage, which already existed in Rome before the Twelve Tables but was certainly not an original institution, was introduced for the purpose of
burgesses
CHAP- vi THE REFORMED CONSTITUTION
the disappearance of the patriciate. 1 To this connection belong also the measures which were already in the earliest times adopted with a view to maintain a numerous posterity in the several households (p. 74).
Nevertheless the number of the metoeci was of necessity constantly on the increase and liable to no diminution, while that of the burgesses was at the utmost perhaps not decreasing; and in consequence the metom' necessarily acquired by imperceptible degrees another and a freer
The non-burgesses were no longer merely emancipated slaves or strangers needing protection; their ranks included the former burgesses of the Latin com munities vanquished in war, and more especially the Latin settlers who lived in Rome not by the favour of the king or of any other burgess, but by federal right. Legally un restricted in the acquiring of property, they gained money and estate in their new home, and bequeathed, like the
their homesteads to their children and children's children. The vexatious relation of dependence on particular burgess-households became gradually relaxed. Ifthe liberated slave or the immigrant stranger still held an entirely isolated position in the state, such was no longer the case with his children, still less with his grandchildren, and this very circumstance of itself rendered their relations to the patron of less moment. While in earlier times the client was exclusively left dependent for legal protection on the intervention of the patron, the more the state became
l The enactment: of the Twelve Tables respecting mus show clearly that they found the civil marriage already in existence. In like manner the high antiquity of the civil marriage is clearly evident from the fact that equally with the religious marriage, necessarily involved the marital power (p. 73), and only differed from the religious marriage as respected the manner in which that power was acquired. The religious marriage itself was held as the proprietary and legally necessary form of acquiring a wife whereas, in the case of civil marriage, one of the general forms of acquiring property used on other occasions—delivery on the part of a person entitled to give away, or prescription-was requisite in order to lay the foundation of a valid marital power.
vol.
preventing
position.
r13
burgesses,
; r
it,
at
"4
THE NON-BURGESSES AND BOOK 1
and the importance of the clanships and households in consequence diminished, the more frequently must the individual client have obtained justice and redress of injury, even without the intervention of his patron, from the king. A great number of the non-burgesses, particularly the members of the dissolved Latin communities, had, as we have already said, probably from the outset not any place as clients of the royal or other great clans, and
the king nearly in the same manner as did the
The king, whose sovereignty over the burgesses
consolidated
obeyed
burgesses.
was in truth ultimately dependent
on the good-will of must have welcomed the means of forming out of his own pratégés essentially dependent on him a
body bound to him by closer ties.
Thus there grew up by the side of the burgesses a
second community in Rome: out of the clients arose the Plebs. This change of name is significant. In law there
was no difference between the client and the plebeian, the “dependent” and the "man of the multitude ;” but in fact there was a very important one, for the former term brought
those obeying,
Pllhl
The Ser vian con stitution.
the relation of dependence on a member of the politically privileged class; the latter suggested
merely the want of political rights. As the feeling of special dependence diminished, that of political inferiority forced itself on the thoughts of the free mined; and it was only the sovereignty of the king ruling equally over all that prevented the outbreak of political conflict between the privileged and the non-privileged classes.
The first step, however, towards the amalgamation of the two portions of the people scarcely took place in the revolutionary way which their antagonism appeared to
into prominence
The reform of the constitution, which bears the name of king Servius Tullius, is indeed, as to its historical origin, involved in the same darkness with all the
events of a period respecting which we learn whatever we
foreshadow.
CHAP- vr THE REFORMED CONSTITUTION
J15
know not by means of historical tradition, but solely by means of inference from the institutions of later times. But its character testifies that it cannot have been a change demanded by the plebeians, for the new con stitution assigned to them duties alone, and not
rights. It must rather have owed its origin either to the wisdom
of one of the Roman kings, or to the urgency of the burgesses that they should be delivered from exclusive liability to burdens, and that the non-burgesses should be made to share on the one hand in taxation-that in the obligation to make advances to the state (the tributum)_ and rendering task-work, and on the other hand in the levy. Both were comprehended in the Servian constitution, but they hardly took place at the same time. The bringing in of the non-burgesses presumably arose out of the econo mic burdens; these were early extended to such as were “possessed of means” (lamp/em) or “settled people” (ad sidui, freeholders), and only those wholly without means, the “ children-producers ” (proletarii, capite (emf), remained free from them. Thereupon followed the politically more important step of bringing in the non-burgesses to military duty. This was thenceforth laid not upon the burgesses as
such, but upon the possessors of land, the trz'éules, whether they might be burgesses or mere metom'; service in the army was changed from personal burden into burden on property. The details of the arrangement were as follow.
Every freeholder from the eighteenth to the sixtieth The in year of his age, including children in the household of am freeholder fathers, without distinction of birth, was under obligation of service; so that even the manumitted slave
had to serve, in an exceptional case he had come
into possession of landed property. The Latins also possessing land-others from without were not allowed to
acquire Roman soil—were called in to service, so far as they
if
a
a
is,
Cavalry.
116 THE NON-BURGESSES AND BOOK I
had, as was beyond doubt the case with most of them, taken up their abode on Roman territory. The body of men liable to serve was distributed, according to the size of their portions of land, into those bound to full service or the possessors of a full hide,1 who were obliged to appear in complete armour and in so far formed pre-eminently the war army (clams), and the four following ranks of smaller land holders-the possessors respectively of three fourths, of a half, of a quarter, or of an eighth of a whole farm—from whom was required fulfilment of service, but not equipment in complete armour, and they thus had a position below the full rate (infra :lassem). As the land happened to be at that time apportioned, almost the half of the farms were full hides, while each of the classes possessing respectively three-fourths, the half, and the quarter of a hide, amounted
to scarcely an eighth of the freeholders, and those again holding an eighth of a hide amounted to fully an eighth. It was accordingly laid down as a rule that in the case of the infantry the levy should be in the proportion of eighty holders of a full hide, twenty from each of the three next ranks, and twenty-eight from the last.
The cavalry was similarly dealt with. The number of divisions in it was tripled, and the only difference in this case was that the six divisions already existing with the old names (Tities, Ranmes, Luau: primi and secundz') were left to the patricians, while the twelve new divisions were formed chiefly from the non-burgesses. The reason for this difference is probably to be sought in the fact that at that period the infantry were formed anew for each campaign and discharged on their return home, whereas the cavalry with their horses were on military grounds kept together also in time of peace, and held their regular drills, which continued to subsist as festivals of the Roman
1 [Hg/2, hide, as much as can be properly tilled with one plough, nlled in Scotland at plough-gate. )
can. V] THE REFORMED CONSTITUTION
n7
equites down to the latest times. 1 Accordingly the squadrons once constituted were allowed, even under this reform, to keep their ancient names. In order to make the cavalry accessible to every burgess, the unmarried women and orphans under age, so far as they had possession of land, were bound instead of personal service to provide the horses for particular troopers (each trooper had two of them), and to furnish them with fodder. On the whole there was one horseman to nine foot-soldiers; but in actual service the horsemen were used more sparingly.
The non-freeholders (adcensi, people standing at the side of the list of those owing military service) had to supply the army with workmen and musicians as well as with a number of substitutes who marched with the army unarmed (velati), and, when vacancies occurred in the field, took their places in the ranks equipped with the weapons of the sick or of the fallen. .
To facilitate the levying of the infantry, the city was lf'l-fll distributed into four “parts” (tribus) ; by which the old me“ triple division was superseded, at least so far as concerned
its local significance. These were the Palatine, which comprehended the height of that name along with the
Velia; the Suburan, to which the street so named, the Carinae, and the Caelian belonged; the Esquiline; and the Colline, formed by the Quirinal and Viminal, the “hills” as contrasted with the “mounts” of the Capitol and Palatine. We have already spoken of the formation of these regions 64), and shown how they originated out of the ancient double city of the Palatine and the
By what process came to pass that every freeholder burgess belonged to one of those city-districts, we cannot tell; but this was now the case; and that
For the same reason, when the levy was enlarged after the admission of the Hill-Romans. the equites were doubled, while in the infantry force instead of the single "gathering " (Iegia) two legions were called out
(9- lwf-l
Quirinal.
1
it
(p.
US THE NON-BURGESSES AND sooK r
the four regions were nearly on an equality in point of numbers, is evident from their being equally drawn upon in the levy. This division, which had primary reference to the soil alone and applied only inferentially to those who
was merely for administrative purposes, and in particular never had any religious significance attached to it; for the fact that in each of the city-districts there were six chapels of the enigmatical Argei no more confers upon them the character of ritual districts than the erection of an altar to the Lares in each street implies such character in the streets.
Each of these four levy-districts had to furnish approxi mately the fourth part not only of the force as whole, but of each of its military subdivisions, so that each legion and each century numbered an equal proportion of conscripts from each region, in order to merge all distinctions of a gentile and local nature in the one common levy of the community and, especially through the powerful levelling influence of the military spirit, to blend the metom' and the burgesses into one people.
possessed
In military point of view, the male population capable tion of the of bearing arms was divided into first and second levy, my. the former of which, the “juniors” from the commence
ment of the eighteenth to the completion of the forty-sixth year, were especially employed for service in the field, while the “seniors” guarded the walls at home. The military unit came to be in the infantry the now doubled legion (p. 9o)-a phalanx, arranged and armed completely in the old Doric style, of 6000 men who, six file deep, formed front of race heavy-armed soldiers; to which were attached 2400 “unarmed” (iv/elites, see 91, note). The four first ranks of the phalanx, the classis, were formed by the fully-armed hoplites of those possessing full hide; in the fifth and sixth were placed the less completely equipped farmers of the second and third division; the
Organiza
. . _». -—~
4_—_'- — A
p. a
a
a
a
a
a
it,
cuxr. v! THE REFORMED CONSTITUTION
119
two last divisions were annexed as rear ranks to the phalanx or fought by its side as light-armed troops. Provision was made for readily supplying the accidental gaps which were so injurious to the phalanx. Thus there served in it 84 centuries or 8400 men, of whom 6000 were hoplites, 4000 of the first division, 1000 from each of the two following, and 2400 light-armed, of whom I000 belonged to tne fourth, and 1200 to the fifth division; approximately each levy-district furnished to the phalanx 2100, and to each century 2 5 men. This phalanx was the army destined for the field, while a like force of troops was reckoned for the seniors who remained behind to defend the city. In this way the normal amount'of the infantry
came to 16,800 men, 80 centuries of the first division, 20 from each of the three following, and 28 from the last division—not taking into account the two centuries
of substitutes or those of the workmen or the musicians. To all these fell to be added the cavalry, which consisted of 1800 horse; often when the army took the field, however, only the third part of the whole number was attached to it. The normal amount of the Roman army of the first and second levy rose accordingly to close upon
20,000 men: which number must beyond doubt have corresponded on the whole to the effective strength of the Roman population capable of arms, as it stood at the time
this new organization was introduced. As the
when
population
augmented, but the several divisions were strengthened by persons added, without altogether losing sight, however, of the fundamental number. Indeed the Roman corporations in general, closed as to numbers, very frequently evaded the limit imposed upon them by admitting supernumerary members.
This new organization of the army was accompanied by on. . . a more careful supervision of landed property on the part
increased the number of centuries was not
Political effects of the Ser vian‘ mili tary or ganization.
I20 THE NON-BURGESSES AND BOOK t
of the state. It was now either ordained for the first time or, if not, at any rate defined more carefully, that a land register should be established, in which the several
of land should have their fields with all their appurtenances, servitudes, slaves, beasts of draught and of burden, duly recorded. Every act of alienation, which did not take place publicly and before witnesses, was declared null; and a revision of the register of landed
which was at the same time the levy-roll, was directed to be made every fourth year. The manaltatio and the cem-us thus arose out of the Servian military organization.
It is evident at a glance that this whole institution was from the outset of a military nature. In the whole detailed scheme we do not encounter a single feature suggestive of any destination of the centuries to other than purely military purposes; and this alone must, with every one accustomed to consider such matters, form a suflicient reason for pronouncing its application to political objects a later innovation. as probable, in the earliest period every one who had passed his sixtieth year was excluded from the centuries, this has no meaning, so far as they were intended from the first to form representation of the burgess-community similar to and parallel with the curies. Although, however, the organization of the centuries was introduced merely to enlarge the military resources of the burgesses the inclusion of the "mom' and, in so far, there no greater error than to exhibit the Servian organization as the introduction of timocracy in Rome-yet the new obligation imposed upon the inhabit ants to bear arms exercised in its consequences material influence on their political position. He who obliged to become soldier must also, so long as the state not rotten, have in his power to become an oflicer; beyond question plebeians also could now be nominated in Rome as centurions and as military tribunes. Although, more
proprietors
property,
it a
is a is
a
is
by
If, is
a
can. VI THE REFORMED CONSTITUTION 1:1
over, the institution of the centuries was not intended to curtail the political privileges exclusively possessed by the burgesses as hitherto represented in the curies, yet it was inevitable that those rights, which the burgesses hitherto had exercised not as the assembly of curies, but as the burgess-levy, should pass over to the new centuries of burgesses and metoea'. Henceforward, accordingly, it was the centuries whose consent the king had to ask before beginning an aggressive war (p. 96). It is important, on account of the subsequent course of development, to note these first steps towards the centuries taking part in public
affairs; but the centuries came to acquire such rights at_ first more in the way of natural sequence than of direct design, and subsequently to the Servian reform, as before, the assembly of the curies was regarded as the proper burgess-community, whose homage bound the whole people in allegiance to the king. By the side of these new land owning full-burgesses stood the domiciled foreigners from the allied Latium, as participating in the public burdens, tribute and task-works (hence mum'a'pes) ; while the burgesses not domiciled, who were beyond the pale of the tribes, and had not the right to serve in war and vote, came into view only as “owing tribute” (aenm'i).
In this way, while hitherto there had been distinguished only two classes of members of the community, burgesses and clients, there were now established those three political classes, which exercised a dominant influence over the constitutional law of Rome for many centuries.
When and how this new military organization of the
Time and
Roman community came into existence, can only be con occasion of . the reform.
jectured. It presupposes the existence of the four regions ; in other words, the Servian wall must have been erected before the reform took place. But the territory of the city must also have considerably exceeded its original limits, when it could furnish 8000 holders of full hides and as
I78.
Ill THE NON-BURGESSES AND BOOK I
many who held lesser portions, or sons of such holders. We are not acquainted with the superficial extent of the normal Roman farm; but it is not possible to estimate it as under twenty jug'era. l If we reckon as a minimum 10,000 full hides, this would imply a superficies of 190 square miles of arable land; and on this calculation, if we make a very moderate allowance for pasture, the space occupied by houses, and ground not capable of culture, the territory, at the period when this reform was carried out, must have had at least an extent of 420 square miles, probably an extent still more considerable. If we follow tradition, we must assume a number of 84,000 burgesses who were freeholders and capable of bearing arms; for such, we are told, were the numbers ascertained by Servius at the first census. A glance at the map, however, shows that this number must be fabulous ; it is not even a genuine tradition, but a conjectural calculation, by which the
16,800 capable of bearing arms who constituted the nonnal strength of the infantry appeared to yield, on an average of
five persons to each family, the number of 84,000 burgesses, and this number was confounded with that of those capable of bearing arms. But even according to the more moderate estimates laid down above, with a territory of some 16,000 hides containing a population
1 Even about 480, allotments of land of seven jugera appeared to those that received them small (Val. Max. iii. 3, 5; Colum. i. praef. 14; i. 3, 1r ; Plin. H. N. xviii. 3, 18 : fourteen jugera, Victor, 33 ; Plutarch, Apopltllt. Reg. :1 Imp. p. 235 Dtlbner, in accordance with which Plutarch. Crass. 2, is to be corrected).
A comparison of the Germanic proportions gives the same result. The jugerum and the merger: [nearly i of an English acre], both originally measures rather of labour than of surface, may be looked upon as originally identical. As the German hide consisted ordinarily of 30, but not unfrequently of 20 or 40 margen, and the homestead frequently, at least
among the Anglo-Saxons, amounted to a tenth of the hide, it will appear, taking into account the diversity of climate and the size of the Roman keredium of a jugera, that the hypothesis of a Roman hide of 20 jugem is not unsuitable to the circumstances of the case. It is to be regretted certainly that on this very point tradition leaves us without precise informa tion.
can. v1 THE REFORMED CONSTITUTION I23
of nearly 20,000 capable of bearing arms and at least three times that number of women, children, and old men, persons who had no land, and slaves, it is necessary to assume not merely that the region between the Tiber and Anio had been acquired, but that the Alban territory had also been conquered, before the Servian constitution was established; a result with which tradition agrees. What were the numerical proportions of patricians and plebeianl originally in the army, cannot be ascertained.
Upon the whole it is plain that this Servian institution did not originate in a conflict between the orders. On the contrary, it bears the stamp of a reforming legislator like the constitutions of Lycurgus, Solon, and Zaleucus ; and it has evidently been produced under Greek influence. Par ticular analogies may be deceptive, such as the coincidence noticed by the ancients that in Corinth also widows and orphans were charged with the provision of horses for the
. cavalry; but the adoption of the armour and arrangements of the Greek hoplite system was certainly no accidental coincidence. Now if we consider the fact that it was in the second century of the city that the Greek states in Lower Italy advanced from the pure clan-constitution to a modified one, which placed the preponderance in the hands of the landholders, we shall recognize in that move ment the impulse which called forth in Rome the Servian reform—a change of constitution resting in the main on the same fundamental idea, and only directed into a somewhat different course by the strictly monarchical form of the Roman state. 1
1 The analogy also between the so-called Servian constitution and the treatment of the Attic metoeci deserves to be particularly noticed. Athens. like Rome, opened her gates at a comparatively early period to the metoeci, and afterwards summoned them also to share the burdens of the state. We cannot suppose that any direct connection existed in this instanm between Athens and Rome; but the coincidence serves all the more distinctly to show how the same causes—nrban centralization and urban development—everywhere and of necessity produce similar effects.
of the Roman tc'ritory.
lacked feuds among themselves and with their neighbours; as the country flourished and civilization advanced, feuds must have become gradually changed into war and raids for pillage into conquest, and political powers must have begun to assume shape. No Italian Homer, however, has preserved for us a picture of these earliest frays and plundering excursions, in which the character of nations is moulded and expressed like the mind of the man in the sports and enterprises of the boy; nor does historical tradition enable us to form a judgment, with even approximate accuracy, as to the outward development of power and the comparative resources of the several Latin cantons. It is only in the case of Rome, at the utmost, that we can trace in some degree the extension of its power and of its territory. The earliest demonstrable boundaries of the united Roman community have been already stated (p. 58); in the landward direction they were on an average just about five miles distant from the capital of the canton, and it was only toward the coast that
they extended as far as the mouth of the Tiber (Ostia), at a distance of somewhat more than fourteen miles from Rome. "The new city,” says Strabo, in his description of the primitive Rome, "was surrounded by larger and
“
CHAPTER VII
THE HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUI
n4
HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM BOOK 1
Iktension THE brave and impassioned Italian race doubtless never
CHAP. vn HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM
r25
smaller tribes, some of whom dwelt in independent villages and were not subordinate to any national union. ” It seems to have been at the expense of these neighbours of kindred lineage in the first instance that the earliest exten sions of the Roman territory took place.
The Latin communities situated on the upper Tiber and between the Tiber and the Anio-Antemnae, Crustumerium, F iculnea, Medullia, Caenina, Corniculum, Cameria, Collatia, —were those which pressed most closely and sorely on Rome, and they appear to have forfeited their independence in very early times to the arms of the Romans. The only community that subsequently appears as independent in this district was Nomentum; which perhaps saved its freedom by alliance with Rome. The possession of Fidenae, the 12! : a’: pan! of the Etruscans on the left bank of the Tiber, was contested between the Latins and the Etruscans—in other words, between the Romans and Veientes-with varying results. The struggle with Gabii, which held the plain between the Anio and the Alban hills, was for a long period equally balanced: down to late times the Gabine dress was deemed synonymous with that of war, and Gabine ground the prototype of hostile soil. 1 By these conquests the Roman territory was probably extended
to about 190 square miles. Another very early achieve- ment of the Roman arms was preserved, although in a legendary dress, in the memory of posterity with greater vividness than those obsolete struggles: Alba, the ancient sacred metropolis of Latium, was conquered and destroyed by Roman troops. How the collision arose, and how it was decided, tradition does not tell : the battle of the three
1 The formulae of accursing for Gabii and Fidenae are quite as character istic (Macrob. Sat. iii. 9). It cannot, however, be proved ‘lid is ex tremely improbable that. as respects these towns, there was ill! actual historical accursing of the ground on which they were built, sud: as really took place at Veii, Carthage, and Fregellae. It may be conjeq'ured mthat old accursing formularies were applied to those two hated towno, and considered by later antiquaries as historical documents.
Torrltq" jag. ‘
Alba,
Treatment of the earliest ac quisitions.
I26 HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM 300! I
Roman with the three Alban brothers born at one birth is nothing but a personification of the struggle between two powerful and closely related cantons, of which the Roman at least was triune. We know nothing at all beyond the naked fact of the subjugation and destruction of Alba by Rome. 1
It is not improbable, although wholly a matter of con jecture, that, at the same period when Rome was establish ing herself on the Anio and on the Alban hills, Praeneste, which appears at a later date as mistress of eight neighbouring townships, Tibur, and others of the Latin communities were similarly occupied in enlarging their territory and laying the foundations of their subsequent far from inconsiderable power.
We feel the want of accurate information as to the legal character and legal effects of these early Latin conquests, still more than we miss the records of the wars in which they were won. Upon the whole it is not to be doubted that they were treated in accordance with the system of incorporation, out of which the tripartite community of Rome had arisen; excepting that the cantons who were compelled by arms to enter the combination did not, like the primitive three, preserve some sort of relative inde
1 But there seems to be no good ground for the doubt recently expressed in a quarter deserving of respect as to the destruction of Alba having really been the act of Rome. It is true, indeed, that the account of the destruction of Alba is in its details a series of improbabilities and lmpossibilities ; but that is true of every historical fact inwoven into legend. To the question as to the attitude of the rest of Latium towards the struggle between Rome and Alba, we are unable to give an answer; but the question itself rests on a false assumption, for it is not proved that the constitution of the Latin league absolutely prohibited a separate war between two Latin communities (p. 51). Still less is the fact that a number of Alban families were received into the burgess-union of Rome inconsistent with the destruction of Alba by the Romans. Why may there not have been a Roman party in Alba just as there was in Capua? The circumstance, however, of Rome claiming to be in a religious and political
point of view the heir-at-law of Alba may be regarded as decisive of the matter ; for such a claim could not be based on the migration of individual clans to Rome, but could only be based, as it actually was, on the conquest of the town.
can. vrr HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM
n7
pendence as separate regions in the new united community, but became so entirely merged in the general whole as to be no longer traced (p. 108). However far the power of a Latin canton might extend, in the earliest times it tolerated no political centre except the proper capital; and still less founded independent settlements, such as the Phoenicians and the Greeks established, thereby creating in their colonies clients for the time being and future rivals to the
mother city. In this respect, the treatment which Ostia
from Rome deserves special notice: the Romans could not and did not wish to prevent the rise de far-t0 of a town at that spot, but they allowed the place no political independence, and accordingly they did not
bestow on those who settled there any local burgess-rights, but merely allowed them to retain, if they already possessed, the general burgess-rights of Rome. 1 This principle also determined the fate of the weaker cantons, which by force of arms or by voluntary submission became subject to a
experienced
The stronghold of the canton was razed, its domain was added to the domain of the conquerors, and a new home was instituted for the inhabitants as well as for their gods in the capital of the victorious canton. . This must not be understood absolutely to imply a formal
stronger.
of the conquered inhabitants to the new capital, such as was the rule at the founding of cities in the East. The towns of Latium at this time can have been little more than the strongholds and weekly markets of the husbandmen: it was sufficient in general that the market and the seat of justice should be transferred to the new That even the temples often remained at the old
1 Hence was developed the conception, in political law, of the maritime colony or colony of burgesses (colonia ci'uium Romanarum), that is, of a community separate in fact, but not independent or possessing a will of its own in law ; a community which merged in the capital as the peculiar» of the son merged in the property of the father, and which as a standing garrison was exempt from serving in the legion.
transportation
capital.
I28 HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM BOOK I
spot is shown in the instances of Alba and of Caenina, towns which must still after their destruction have retained some semblance of existence in connection with religion. Even where the strength of the place that was razed rendered it really necessary to remove the inhabitants, they would be frequently settled, with a view to the cultivation of the soil, in the open hamlets of their old domain. That the conquered, however, were not unfrequently compelled either as a whole or in part to settle in their new capital, is proved, more satisfactorily than all the several stories from the legendary period of Latium could prove the maxim of Roman state-law, that only he who had extended the boundaries of the territory was entitled to advance the wall of the city (the pamm'um). Of course the conquered, whether transferred or not, were ordinarily compelled to occupy the legal position of clients;1 but particular individuals or clans occasionally had burgess rights or, in other words, the patriciate conferred upon them. In the time of the empire there were still recognized Alban clans which were introduced among the burgesses of Rome after the fall of their native seat amongst these were the Julii, Servilii, Quinctilii, Cloelii, Geganii, Curiatii,
Metilii: the memory of their descent was preserved their Alban family shrines, among which the sanctuary of the gens of the Julii at Bovillae again rose under the empire into great repute.
This centralizing process, which several small com munities became absorbed in larger one, of course was far from being an idea specially Roman. Not only did
To this the enactment of the Twelve Tables undoubtedly has reference Nexft' maucipiique] forts‘ . ranatique idem iur esta, that is, in dealings of private law the " sound" and the "recovered" shall be on a footing of equality. The Latin allies cannot be here referred to, because their legal
position was defined by federal treaties, and the law of the Twelve Tables treated only of the law of Rome. The ranales were the Latini prirci rives Romarn', or in other words. the communities of Latium compelled by the Romans to enter the plebeiate.
by
:
1
a by
;
it, by
can.
vn I-IEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM
129
the development of Latium and of the Sabellian stocks hinge upon the distinction between national centralization and cantonal independence; the case was the same with the development of the Hellenes. Rome in Latium and Athens in Attica arose out of a like amalgamation of many cantons into one state; and the wise Thales suggested a similar fusion to the hard-pressed league of the Ionic cities as the only means of saving their nationality. But Rome adhered to this principle of unity with more consistency, earnestness, and success than any other Italian canton; and just as the prominent position of Athens in Hellas was the effect of her early centralization, so Rome was indebted for her greatness solely to the same system, in her case far more energetically applied
While the conquests of Rome in Latium may be mainly regarded as direct extensions of her territory and people presenting the same general features, a further and special significance attached to the conquest of Alba. It was not merely the problematical size and presumed riches of Alba
that led tradition to assign a prominence so peculiar to its capture. Alba was regarded as the metropolis of the Latin Alba. confederacy, and had the right of presiding among the thirty communities that belonged to it. The destruction
of Alba, of course, no more dissolved the league itself than the destruction of Thebes dissolved the Boeotian con federacy ;1 but, in entire consistency with the strict applica tion of the fus privatum which was characteristic of the Latin laws of war, Rome now claimed the presidency of the league as the heir-at-law of Alba. What sort of crises, if any, preceded or followed the acknowledgment of this
1 The community of Bovillae appears even to have been formed out of part of the Alban domain, and to have been admitted in room of Alba among the autonomous Latin towns. Its Alban origin is attested by its having been the seat of worship for the Julian gens and by the name Alhmi Longani Bow'llenm (Orelli-Henzen, 119, 2252, 6019); its autonomy by Dionysiul. v. 61, and Cicero, pro Plancia, 9, 23.
vol. 1
9
The hege mony of Rome over Latium.
Relation of Rome to Latium.
claim, we cannot tell. Upon the whole the hegemony of Rome over Latium appears to have been speedily and generally recognized, although particular communities, such as Labici and above all Gabii, may for a time have declined to own it. Even at that time Rome was probably a maritime power in contrast to the Latin “land,” a city in contrast to the Latin villages, and a single state in contrast to the Latin confederacy; even at that time it was only in conjunction with and by means of Rome that the Latins could defend their coasts against Carthaginians, Hellenes, and Etruscans, and maintain and extend their landward frontier in opposition to their restless neighbours of the Sabellian stock. Whether the accession to her material resources which Rome obtained by the subjugation of Alba was greater than the increase of her power obtained by the capture of Antemnae or Collatia, cannot be ascertained: it is quite possible that it was not by the conquest of Alba that Rome was first constituted the most powerful com munity in Latium; she may have been so long before; but she did gain in consequence of that event the presidency at the Latin festival, which became the basis of the future hegemony of the Roman community over the whole Latin confederacy. It is important to indicate as definitely as possible the nature of a relation so influential.
The form of the Roman hegemony over Latium was, in general, that of an alliance on equal terms between the Roman community on the one hand and the Latin confed eracy on the other, establishing a perpetual peace through out the whole domain and a perpetual league for offence and defence. “There shall be peace between the Romans and all communities of the Latins, as long as heaven and earth endure ; they shall not wage war with each other, nor call enemies into the land, nor grant passage to enemies: help shall be rendered by all in concert to any community assailed, and whatever is won in joint warfare shall be
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HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM 800! I
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r3I
equally distributed. ” The stipulated equality of rights in trade and exchange, in commercial credit and in inheritance, tended, by the manifold relations of business intercourse to which it led, still further to interweave the interests of communities already connected by the ties of similar lan guage and manners, and in this way produced an effect somewhat similar to that of the abolition of customs-restric tions in our own day. Each community certainly retained in form its own law: down to the time of the Social war Latin law was not necessarily identical with Roman: we find, for example, that the enforcing of betrothal by action at law, which was abolished at an early period in Rome, continued to subsist in the Latin communities. But the simple and purely national development of Latin law, and the endeavour to maintain as far as possible uniformity of rights, led at length to the result, that the law of private relations was in matter and form substantially the same throughout all Latium. This uniformity of rights comes most distinctly into view in the rules laid down regarding the loss and recovery of freedom on the part of the in dividual burgess. According to an ancient and venerable maxim of law among the Latin stock no burgess could become a slave in the state wherein he had been free, or suffer the loss of his burgess-rights while he remained within it: if he was to be punished with the loss of freedom and of burgess-rights (which was the same thing), it was necessary that he should be expelled from the state and should enter on the condition of slavery among strangers. This maxim of law was now extended to the whole territory of the league; no member of any of the federal states might live as a slave within the bounds of the league. Applications of this principle are seen in the enactment embodied in the Twelve Tables, that the insolvent debtor, in the event of his creditor wishing to sell him, must be sold beyond the boundary of the Tiber, in other words,
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HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM B00! 1
beyond the territory of the league; and in the clause of the second treaty between Rome and Carthage, that an ally of Rome who might be taken prisoner by the Cartha ginians should be free so soon as he entered a Roman seaport. Although there did not probably subsist a general intercommunion of marriage within the league, yet, as has been already remarked 50), intermarriage between the different communities frequently occurred. Each Latin could primarily exercise political rights only where he was enrolled as burgess but on the other hand was implied in an equality of private rights, that any Latin could take up his abode in any place within the Latin bounds; or, to use the phraseology of the present day, there existed, side by side with the special burgess rights of the individual communities, general right of settlement co-extensive with the confederacy; and, after the plebeian was acknowledged in Rome as burgess, this right became converted as regards Rome into full freedom of settlement. easy to understand how this should have turned materially to the advantage of the capital, which alone in Latium offered the means of urban inter course, urban acquisition, and urban enjoyments; and how the number of meloea' in Rome should have increased with remarkable rapidity, after the Latin land came to live in perpetual peace with Rome.
In constitution and administration the several com munities not only remained independent and sovereign, so far as the federal obligations did not interfere, but, what was of more importance, the league of the thirty communities as such retained its autonomy in contradistinc tion to Rome. When we are assured that the position of Alba towards the federal communities was position superior to that of Rome, and that on the fall of Alba these communities attained autonomy, this may well have
been the case, in so far as Alba was essentially member
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133
of the league, while Rome from the first had rather the position of a separate state confronting the league than of a member included in it; but, just as the states of the confederation of the Rhine were formally sovereign, while those of the German empire had a master, the presidency of Alba may have been in reality an honorary right
51) like that of the German emperors, and the protectorate of
Rome from the first supremacy like that of Napoleon. In fact Alba appears to have exercised the right of presiding in the federal council, while Rome allowed the Latin deputies to hold their consultations by themselves under the guidance, as appears, of president selected from their own number, and contented herself with the honorary presidency at the federal festival where sacrifice
was offered for Rome and Latium, and with the erection of second federal sanctuary in Rome—the temple of Diana on the Aventine-—-so that thenceforth sacrifice was offered both on Roman soil for Rome and Latium, and on Latin soil for Latium and Rome. With equal deference to the interests of the league the Romans in the treaty with Latium bound themselves not to enter into separate alliance with any Latin community-a stipulation which very clearly reveals the apprehensions entertained, doubt less not without reason, by the confederacy with reference
to the powerful community taking the lead.
of Rome not within, but alongside of Latium,
apparent in the arrangements for warfare.
force of the league was composed, as the later mode of making the levy incontrovertibly shows, of two masses of equal strength, Roman and Latin. The supreme command lay once for all with the Roman generals; year by year the Latin contingent had to appear before the gates of Rome, and there saluted the elected commander by
acclamation as its general, after the Romans commis lioned by the Latin federal council to take the auspices
The position most clearly The fighting
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HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM BOOK 1
Extension of the Rom territory after the
had thereby assured themselves of the contentment of the gods with the choice that had been made. Whatever land or property was acquired in the wars of the league was apportioned among its members according to the judgment of the Romans. That the Romano-Latin federation was represented as regards its external relations solely by Rome, cannot with certainty be maintained. The federal agree ment did not prohibit either Rome or Latium from under taking an aggressive war on their own behoof ; and if a war was waged by the league, whether pursuant to a resolution of its own or in consequence of a hostile attack, the Latin federal council may have been legally entitled to take part in the conduct as well as in the termination of the war. Practically indeed Rome must have possessed the hegemony even then, for, wherever a single state and a federation enter
into a permanent connection with each other, the prepon derance usually falls to the side of the former.
The steps by which after the fall of Alba Rome-now mistress of a territory comparatively considerable, and presumably the leading power in the Latin confederacy -extended still further her direct and indirect dominion,
tallofAlhl. can no longer be traced. There was no lack of feuds with the Etruscans and with the Veientes in particular, chiefly respecting the possession of Fidenae; but it does not appear that the Romans were successful in acquiring permanent mastery over that Etruscan outpost, which was situated on the Latin bank of the river not much more than five miles from Rome, or in dislodging the Veientes
from that formidable basis of offensive operations. On the other hand they maintained apparently undisputed possession of the Janiculum and of both banks of the mouth of the Tiber. As regards the Sabines and Aequi Rome appears in a more advantageous position; the con nection which afterwards became so intimate with the more
Henld. distant Hemici must have had at least its beginning under
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135
the monarchy, and the united Latins and Hernici enclosed
on two sides and held in check their eastern neighbours.
But on the south frontier the territory of the Rutuli and Rutnlllnd still more that of the Volsci were scenes of perpetual war. vohd' The earliest extension of the Latin land took place in this
direction, and it is here that we first encounter those com
munities founded by Rome and Latium on the enemy's
soil and constituted as autonomous members of the Latin confederacy-the Latin colonies, as they were called-the
oldest of which appear to reach back to the regal period.
How far, however, the territory reduced under the power of the Romans extended at the close of the monarchy, can by no means be determined. Of feuds with the neighbouring Latin and Volscian communities the Roman annals of the regal period recount more than enough; but only a few detached notices, such as that perhaps of the capture of Suessa in the Pomptine plain, can be held to contain a nucleus of historical fact. That the regal period laid not only the political foundations of Rome, but the foundations also of her external power, cannot be doubted; the position of the city of Rome as contradistinguished from, rather than forming part of, the league of Latin states is already decidedly marked at the beginning of the republic, and enables us to perceive that an energetic development of external power must have taken place in Rome during the time of the kings. Certainly great deeds, uncommon achievements have in this case passed into oblivion; but the splendour of them lingers over the regal period of Rome, especially over the royal house of the Tarquins, like a distant evening twilight in which outlines disappear.
While the Latin stock was thus tending towards union
under the leadership of Rome and was at the same time extending its territory on the east and south, Rome itself, Rome, by the favour of fortune and the energy of its citizens, had
been converted from a stirring commercial and rural town
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HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM BOOK 1
into the powerful capital of a flourishing country. The remodelling of the Roman military system and the political reform of which it contained the germ, known to us by the name of the Servian constitution, stand in intimate connec tion with this internal change in the character of the Roman community. But externally also the character of the city cannot but have changed with the influx of ampler resources, with the rising requirements of its position, and with the extension of its political horizon. The amalgama tion of the adjoining community on the Quirinal with that on the Palatine must have been already accomplished when the Servian reform, as it is called, took place; and after this reform had united and consolidated the military strength of the community, the burgesses could no longer rest content with entrenching the several hills, as one after another they were filled with buildings, and with possibly
also keeping the island in the Tiber and the height on the opposite bank occupied so that they might command the course of the river. The capital of Latium required another and more complete system of defence; they pro ceeded to construct the Servian wall. The new continuous city-wall began at the river below the Aventine, and included that hill, on which there have been brought to light recently (r85 5) at two different places, the one on the western slope towards the river, the other on the opposite eastern slope, colossal remains of those primitive fortifications-portions of wall as high as the walls of Alatri and Ferentino, built of large square hewn blocks of tufo in courses of unequal height—emerging as it were from the tomb to testify to the might of an epoch, whose
subsist imperishably in these walls of rock, and whose intellectual achievements will continue to exercise an influence more lasting even than these. The ring-wall further embraced the Caelian and the whole space of the Esquiline, Viminal, and Quirinal, where a structure likewise
buildings
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137
but recently brought to light on a great scale (r862)-on the outside composed of blocks of peperino and protected by a moat in front, on the inside forming a huge earthen rampart sloped towards the city and imposing even at the present day-supplied the want of natural means of defence. From thence it ran to the Capitoline, the steep declivity of which towards the Campus Martins served as part of the city-wall, and it again abutted on the river above the island in the Tiber. The Tiber island with the bridge of piles and the Janiculurn did not belong strictly to the city, but the latter height was probably a fortified outwork. Hitherto the Palatine had been the stronghold, but now this hill was left open to be built upon by the growing city; and on the other hand upon the Tarpeian Hill, standing free on every side, and from its moderate extent easily defensible, there was constructed the new “ stronghold ” (arx, :apitolium containing the stronghold spring, the carefully enclosed “well-house” (Iulh'anum), the treasury (aerarz'um), the prison, and the most ancient
place of assemblage for the burgesses (area Cajitah'na), where still in after times the regular announcements of the changes of the moon continued to be made. Private dwellings of permanent kind, on the other hand, were not tolerated in earlier times on the stronghold-hill and the space between the two summits of the hill, the sanctuary of the evil god (Ve-diowi'), or as was termed in the later Hellenizing epoch, the Asylum, was covered with wood and presumably intended for the reception of the husbandmen
Both names, although afterwards employed as local names (capito b'um being applied to the summit of the stronghold-hill that lay next to the river, arx to that next to the Quirinal), were originally appellativcs, corresponding exactly to the Greek dxpa and rapt/451): every Latin town had its capitolium as well as Rome. The local name of the Roman
ltronghold-hill was mans Tarpeiur.
The enactment ne gut’s patricius in arc: and capitolio kabitaret prob
. bly prohibited only the conversion of the ground into private property, not the construction of dwelling-houses. Comp. Becker, Top. p. 386.
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HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM B00: 1
and their herds, when inundation or war drove them from the plain. The Capitol was in reality as well as in name the Acropolis of Rome, an independent castle capable of being defended even after the city had fallen: its gate lay probably towards what was afterwards the Forum. 1 '1‘he Aventine seems to have been fortified in a similar style,
less strongly, and to have been preserved free from permanent occupation. With this is connected the fact, that for purposes strictly urban, such as the distribution of the introduced water, the inhabitants of Rome were divided into the inhabitants of the city proper (montam'), and those of the districts situated within the general ring wall, but yet not reckoned as strictly belonging to the city (pagam' Aventinemes, lam'culmm', mllegr'a Capitolinorum at
although
The space enclosed by the new city wall thus embraced, in addition to the former Palatine and
Quirinal cities, the two federal strongholds of the Capitol
Mercurzblium)!
1 For the chief thoroughfare, the Via Sacra, led from that quarter to the stronghold; and the bending in towards the gate may still be clearly recognized in the turn which this makes to the left at the arch of Sever-us. The gate itself must have disappeared under the huge structures which were raised in after ages on the Clivus. The so>called gate at the steepest part of the Capitoline Mount, which is known by the name of janualis or Saturnia, or the " open," and which had to stand always open in times of war, evidently had merely a religious significance, and never was a real gate.
’ Four such guilds are mentioned (1) the Capitolini (Cicero, ad Q. fr. a), with magim-i of their own (Henaen, 6010, 6011), and annual
games (Liv. v. 50; comp. Corp. bun‘. 1. 4! . n. 805); (a) the Mer curiales (Liv. ii. 27 Cicero, 4. Preller. Myth. p. 597) likewise with magirtri (Henzen, 6010), the guild from the valley of the Circus, where the temple of Mercury stood; (3) the pagans‘ Aventr'umes likewise with magistri (Henzen, 60m); and (4) the pagani pagr' Ianicuhmir likewise with mgiriri (C. L. n. 801, 802). certainly not accidental that these four guilds, the only ones of the sort that occur in Rome, belong to the very two bills excluded from the four local tribes but en closed by the Servian wall, the Capitol and the Aventine, and the Jani culum belonging to the same fortification and connected with this the further fact that the expression montam' pagani-ue employed as a desig nation of the whole inhabitants in connection with the city (comp. besides the well-known passage, Cic. dc Dame, :8, 74, especially the law as to the city aqueducts in Festus, 'u. . q'fur, p. 340; [ma/diam’ paganive “If: aquam dividuntfl). The manIani, properly the inhabitants of the three regions of the Palatine town (p. 67), appear to be here put 4 Mon‘ for
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139
and the Aventine, and also the Janiculum ;1 the Palatine, as the oldest and proper city, was enclosed by the other heights along which the wall was carried, as if encircled with a wreath, and the two castles occupied the middle.
The work, however, was not complete so long as the ground, protected by so laborious exertions from outward foes, was not also reclaimed from the dominion of the water, which permanently occupied the valley between the Palatine and the Capitol, so that there was perhaps even a ferry there, and which converted the valleys between the Capitol and the Velia and between the Palatine and the Aventine into marshes. The subterranean drains still existing at the present day, composed of magnificent square blocks, which excited the astonishment of posterity as a marvellous work of regal Rome, must rather be reckoned to belong to the following epoch, for travertine is the material employed and we have many accounts of new structures of the kind
the whole population of the four regions of the city proper. The pagans‘ are, undoubtedly, the residents of the Aventine and Janiculum not included in the tribes, and the analogous callzg‘ia of the Capitol and the Circus valley.
1 The "Seven-hill-city" in the proper and religious sense was and continued to be the narrower Old-Rome of the Palatine (p. 62). Certainly the Servian Rome also regarded itself, at least as early as the time of Cicero (comp. ag. Cic. ad All. vi. 5, a; Plutarch, Q. Rom. 69), as
‘ ‘ Seven-hill-city," probably because the festival of the Septimontium, which was celebrated with great zeal even under the Empire, began to be re garded as a festival for the city generally; but there was hardly any definite agreement reached as to which of the heights embraced by the Servian ring-wall belonged to the "seven. " The enumeration of the Seven Mounts familiar to us, viz. Palatine, Aventine. Caelian, Esquiline, Viminal, Quirinal, Capitoline. is not given by any ancient author. It is put together from the traditional narrative of the gradual rise of the city (Jordan, Topographic, ii. :06 reg), and the Janiculum is passed over in simply because otherwise the number would come out as eight. The earliest authority that enumerates the Seven Mounts (manta) of Rome the description of the city from the age of Constantine the Great. It names as such the Palatine, Aventine, Caelian, Esquiline, Tarpeian, Vatican, and ]aniculum,-where the Quirinal and Viminal are, evidently as coller, omitted, and in their stead two "monies" are introduced from the right bank of the Tiber, including even the Vatican which lay outside of the Servian wall. Other still later lists are given by Servius (ad Am. vi. 783), the Berne Scholia to Virgil's Geoqr'cs (ii. 535), and Lydus (de Mar. p. :18, Bekker).
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HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM BOOK!
in the times of the republic; but the scheme itself belongs beyond doubt to the regal period, although presumably to a later epoch than the designing of the Servian wall and the Capitoline stronghold. The spots thus drained or dried supplied large open spaces such as were needed by the new enlarged city. The assembling-place of the com~ munity, which had hitherto been the Area Capitolina at the stronghold itself, was now transferred to the flat space, where the ground fell from the stronghold towards the
city (comitium), and which stretched thence between the Palatine and the Carinae, in the direction of the Velia. At that side of the comitium which adjoined the stronghold, and upon the stronghold-wall which arose above the comz'tium in the fashion of a balcony, the members of the senate and the guests of the city had the place of honour assigned to them on occasion of festivals and assemblies of the people; and at the place of assembly itself was erected the senate house, which afterwards bore the name of the Curia Hos tilia. The platform for the judgment-seat (tribunal), and the stage whence the burgesses were addressed (the later T051711), were likewise erected on the comitium itself. Its prolongation in the direction of the Velia became the new market (far-um Romanum). At the end of the latter, beneath the Palatine, rose the community-house, which included the oficial dwelling of the king (regr'a) and the common hearth of the city, the rotunda forming the temple of Vesta; at no great distance, on the south side of the Forum, there was erected a second round building con
nected with the former, the store-room of the community or temple of the Penates, which still stands at the present day as the porch of the church Santi Cosma e Damiano. It is a feature significant of the new city now united in a way very different from the settlement of the “seven
mounts,” that, over and above the hearths of the thirty curies which the Palatine Rome had been content with
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r41
associating in one building, the Servian Rome presented this general and single hearth for the city at large. 1 Along the two longer sides of the Forum butchers’ shops and other traders’ stalls were arranged. In the valley between the Palatine and Aventine a “ring” was staked off for races; this became the Circus. The cattle-market was laid out immediately adjoining the river, and this soon became one of the most densely peopled quarters of Rome. Temples and sanctuaries arose on all the summits, above all the federal sanctuary of Diana on the Aventine 133), and on the summit of the stronghold the far-seen temple of Father Diovis, who had given to his people all this glory, and who now, when the Romans were triumphing over the surrounding nations, triumphed along with them over the subject gods of the vanquished.
The names of the men, at whose bidding these great buildings of the city arose, are almost as completely lost in oblivion as those of the leaders in the earliest battles and victories of Rome. Tradition indeed assigns the different works to different kings-the senate-house to Tullus Hostilius, the Janiculum and the wooden bridge to Ancus Marcius, the great Cloaca, the Circus, and the temple of Jupiter to the elder Tarquinius, the temple of Diana and the ring-wall to Servius Tullius. Some of these statements may perhaps be correct; and apparently not the result of accident that the building of the new ring-wall associated both as to date and author with the new organi zation of the army, which in fact bore special reference to the regular defence of the city walls. But upon the whole we must be content to learn from this tradition-what
Both the situation of the two temples, and the express testimony or Dionysius, ii. 65, that the temple of Vesta lay outside of the Roma quadrata, prove that these structures were connected with the foundation not of the Palatine, but of the second (Servian) city. Posterity reckoned this rzgia with the temple of Vesta as scheme of Numa but the cause which gave rise to that hypothesis too manifest to allow of our attaching anyweighttolt.
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HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM B001: 1
indeed evident of itself—that this second creation of Rome
with the commencement of her hegemony over Latium and with the remodelling of her
stood in intimate connection
burgess-army, and that, while it originated in one and the
its execution was not the work either of a single man or of a single generation It is im
possible to doubt that Hellenic influences exercised a
effect on this remodelling of the Roman com munity, but it is equally impossible to demonstrate the mode or the degree of their operation. It has already been observed that the Servian military constitution is essentially of an Hellenic type (p. 123) ; and it will be afterwards
shown that the games of the Circus were organized on an Hellenic model. The new regr'a with the city hearth was quite a Greek prytaneion, and the round temple of Vesta, looking towards the east and not so much as consecrated by the augurs, was constructed in no respect according to Italian, but wholly in accordance with Hellenic, ritual. With these facts before us, the statement of tradition
appears not at all incredible that the Ionian confederacy in
Asia Minor to some extent served as a model for the
Romano-Latin league, and that the new federal sanctuary on the Aventine was for that reason constructed in imitation
of the Artemision at Ephesus.
same great conception,
powerful
can. vm THE UMBRO-SABELLIAN STOCKS
CHAPTER VIII
I43
m UMBRO-SABELLIAN STOCKS-BEGINNINGS OI’ m SAMNITES
THE migration of the Umbrian stocks appears to have Umbro begun at a period later than that of the Latins. Like the s‘lbdh“ Latin, it moved in a southerly direction, but it kept more migration. in the centre of the peninsula and towards the east coast.
It is painful to speak of it; for our information regarding it comes to us like the sound of bells from a town that has been sunk in the sea. The Umbrian people extended according to Herodotus as far as the Alps, and it is not improbable that in very ancient times they occupied the whole of Northern Italy, to the point where the settlements of the Illyrian stocks began on the east, and those of the Ligurians on the west. As to the latter, there are traditions of their conflicts with the Umhrians, and we may perhaps draw an inference regarding their extension in very early times towards the south from isolated names, such as that of the island of Ilva (Elba) compared with the Ligurian Ilvates. To this period of Umbrian greatness the evidently Italian names of the most ancient settlements in the valley of the Po, Atria (black-town), and Spina (them-town), probably owe their origin, as well as the numerous traces of Umbrians in southern Etruria (such as the river Umbro, Camars the old name of Clusium, Castrum
Such indications of an Italian population
Amerinum). having preceded
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THE UMBRO'SABELLIAN STOCKS B00! 1
the Etruscan especially occur in the most southern portion of Etruria, the district between the Ciminian Forest (below Viterbo) and the Tiber. In Falerii, the town of Etruria nearest to the frontier of Umbria and the Sabine country, according to the testimony of Strabo a language was spoken different from the Etruscan, and inscriptions bearing out that statement have recently been brought to light there, the alphabet and language of which, while presenting points of contact with the Etruscan, exhibit a general resemblance to the Latin. 1 The local worship also presents traces of a Sabellian character; and a similar inference is suggested by the primitive relations subsisting in sacred as well as other matters between Caere and Rome. It is probable that the Etruscans wrested those southern districts from the Umbrians at a period considerably subsequent to their
of the country on the north of the Ciminian Forest, and that an Umbrian population maintained itself there even after the Tuscan conquest. In this fact we may presumably find the ultimate explanation of the surprising rapidity with which the southern portion of Etruria became Latinized, as compared with the tenacious retention of the Etruscan language and manners in northern Etruria, after the Roman conquest. That the Umbrians were after obstinate struggles driven back from the north and west into the narrow mountainous country between the two arms of the Apennines which they subsequently held, is clearly indicated by the very fact of their geographical position,
just as the position of the inhabitants of the Grisons and
l In the alphabet the respecially deserves notice, I of the
being Latin
(R) and not of the Etruscan form (D). and also the z ( ) only be ; it can
derived from the primitive Latin, and must very faithfully represent it. The language likewise has close aflinity with the oldest Latin; Marci
occupation
Acarnlini he cupa, that is, l. l/lan‘iur Acarceliniur lzeic cubat‘:
A. Cotena La. f. . . xenaluo sentzm .