The
heaviest
blow befell the partisans of Austria,
the "Great Germans.
the "Great Germans.
Treitschke - 1915 - Germany, France, Russia, and Islam
The Guards bled and
fought with much more devotion than many other
corps, and if anyone complained it was only because
he found that his regiment did not come often
enough under fire.
With such an army everything may be dared;
every general aimed at the proud privilege of the
initiative, which King Frederick had reserved
for his Prussians. Spontaneously, and without a
plan, and yet necessitated by the character of our
army, the terrible battle raged round the heights of
Spichem, because each commandant of a corps
without ado went in the direction of the cannon-
firing. One day, sooner than they were com-
manded, the Brandenburgers ascended the left
bank of the Moselle, and through the whole
summer-day, quite unsupported at first, blocked at
Mars la Tour the retreat which would have saved
the whole of the enemy's army in the most heroic
battle of the whole war. Thus two days after-
wards that daring, tremendous battle with a
reversed front was possible, which would have
hurled our forces, if they had not been victorious,
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? In Memory of the Great War 207
into the midst of the enemy's country. As soon as
one army was shut up in Metz, began, as the
musketeers said, the great "battue" against
the other. At Sedan, the descendants surpassed
the deeds of the brave Landsknechts at the battle
of Pavia, which their ancestors had celebrated;
the French Emperor and his last army laid down
their arms. Hitherto our troops had fought a
well-trained army with crushing attacks as befitted
the proud Prussian tradition. This army con-
sisted for a large part of old professional soldiers
who were accustomed to victory, but was inferior
in numbers to its opponents. Now they had
suddenly to undertake an entirely different and
more troublesome task, less suited to the Prussian
character. There commenced what was hitherto
unexampled in all history, the siege of a metro-
polis defended with fanatical courage. While the
Germans beat back the continual sallies of the
Parisian army recruited from the people, which was
far superior to their own in numbers, there pressed
from all sides to the relief of the capital new
armies in countless masses, the choicest of the
French youth, remnants of the old army and
undisciplined mobs in wild confusion.
Against these the besiegers had to conduct great
sallying skirmishes and make bold attacks as far
as the canal and the Loire. We Germans can
surely not give Gambetta the name of "the
raging fool," as many of his countrymen did in
the heat of party strife. To attempt the impossible
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? 2o8 In Memory of the Great War
in order to save one's fatherland is always a great
thing to do. Moreover, the dictator's plans were
not absolutely impossible; with his revolutionary
impetuosity, he created new armies as if by a word,
and fanned the flame of his nation's ardent patriot-
ism into the fury of a race-war. The copious
economic resources of Southern France, which had
been accumulated through long years of industry
and were as yet untouched by the war, seemed
inexhaustible ; but moral resources are not so, either
in the case of nations or individuals. From the
beginning the French armies lacked the fidelity,
the confidence, the consciousness of right which
alone gives defeated troops a stand-by. And now,
when all their fiery courage, all the momentum of
their heavy masses, all the superiority of their
infantry's firearms, could not in twenty battles
turn the fortune of war, and as the Germans,
veiled by the screen of their wide-sweeping cavalry
squadrons, kept on pressing forward, contrary
to all expectations, then even brave hearts were
seized by the Prussian nightmare {le cauchemar
prussien) .
France had already lost the leading position in
Europe since the overthrow of the first Empire, and
then apparently recovered it through the diplo-
matic skill of the third Napoleon. As soon as
Prussia's victories in Bohemia threatened to re-
store a just balance of power, there took posses-
sion of those noisy Parisian circles, which had
always dominated the wavering provinces, a
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? In Memory of the Great War 209
fantastic intoxication of national pride. There
reappeared the old delusion that France's great-
ness depended on the weakness of her neighbours.
The public opinion of the agitators compelled the
sick Emperor to declare war against his will; it
arrogantly controlled and disturbed every move-
ment of the enemy; it compelled the fatal march
to Sedan. After the first defeats, the imperial
throne, whose only support was good fortune,
fell, and the party-rule of the new revolutionary
government could neither exercise justice, nor com-
mand the general respect. The fact that a supe-
rior commands and a subordinate obeys was almost
forgotten in the widespread and unnatural mis-
trust which prevailed. Every misfortune was
regarded as a piece of treachery, even when the
war had seasoned men, and the army of the Loire
had found a commander in Chanzy. Finally,
after the surrender of Paris, the conquered people,
under the eyes of the conqueror, tore each other to
pieces in a terrible civil war.
Seldom has it been so clearly demonstrated that
it is the will which is the deciding factor in national
struggles for existence, and in unity of will we were
the stronger. France, which had so often fomented
and misused our domestic quarrels, all at once
found herself opposed by the vital union of the
Germans ; for a righteous war releases all the natu-
ral forces of character, and, side by side with
hatred, the power of affection. Inviolable con-
fidence bound the soldiers to their officers, and all
14
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? 210 In Memory of the Great War
of them to those in supreme command. The
people of Suabia, Baden, and Bavaria, who had
hitherto known us only as enemies, and were now
for the first time joined to us by the loose tie of
treaties based on international law, said quite as
confidently as the Prussians, "The King and
Moltke will manage it all right! " What a safe-
guard and stay this absolute confidence was for
the mass of the rank-and-file, when, after the
victorious exultation of the summer, they had
now in winter to make acquaintance with the
whole terrible prosaic side of war -- hunger, frost,
exhaustion, necessary mercilessness towards the
enemy, and, being aroused from a short sleep in
the snow-filled furrows by the sound of drums
and fifes, to fresh fights and endless marches the
purport and object of which they did not under-
stand. Many did not learn the value of the
victories they had won till later, as though by hear-
say. Thus, for example, the brave 56th drove
the Gardes Mobiles of Brittany out of the farm La
Tuilerie without suspecting that they had given
a decisive turn to the three days' battle of Le
Mans. "Good will, persistence, and discipline
overcome all difficulties" -- such is Moltke's simple
verdict. This good will, however, was possible only
in a nation of religious-minded soldiers. In simple
humility, without much talking and praying, men
bowed before the Inscrutable, who reaps the harvest
of death on the battle-field. Often did an army
chaplain, when he administered the last consola-
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? In Memory of the Great War 211
tions to the dying, hear from them words of deep
and modest piety.
Those who remained at home also became
more generous, broader-minded, and affectionate;
the seriousness of the crisis Hf ted them above the
selfishness of every-day life. Party strife dis-
appeared, isolated, unpatriotic fools were quickly
reduced to silence, and the longer the struggle
lasted the more firmly did the whole nation unite
in the resolve that this war should restore to us the
German Empire and our old lost w^estern provinces.
One hundred and thirty thousand Germans fell a
sacrifice to war's insatiable demands, but the lines
of the old Landwehr's men which followed them
appeared endless, till more than a million of our
soldiers gradually crossed the French frontier.
The war demanded all. When the reports of
deaths arrived from the West, the fathers and
brothers of those who had fallen said, "Much
mourning, much honour," and even the mothers,
wives, and sisters had in their heavy sorrow the
consolation that their little house owned a leaf
in the growing garland of German glory.
But ideas alone kindle no enduring fire in the
hearts of a nation; they need men. And certainly
it was fortunate that the nation could look up
unitedly to the grey-headed ruler, whose vener-
able figure will always appear greater to coming
generations the more closely it is made the subject
of historical investigation. "His Majesty sees
everything! " the sergeant-majors used to thunder
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? 212 In Memory of the Great War
at their careless men, and they said the truth.
When destiny raised him at an advanced age to the
throne he had never sought, he soon perceived that
Providence had determined him and his army to be
an instrument for its dispensations. "If I did
not beHeve that," he said calmly, ''how could I
otherwise have been able to bear the burden of
this war? " As a youth, he had admired the
nation under arms, when under the pressure of
necessity it had collected to carry out Scham-
horst's plans though only half -drilled ; as a man,
he had constantly considered with Schamhorst's
successor. Boy en, how these unripe ideas might
take a vital shape; finally as king, amid severe
parliamentary struggles, he had carried through
the three-years' service law which strengthened the
troops of the line, and secured us an army which
was at once popular and fully trained. He knew
every little wheel- work of the gigantic machine;
now he watched with satisfaction how it worked.
Alone, without a council of war, he formed his
resolves according to Moltke's reports. Earlier
and more clearly than all those around him, he
perceived that the battle of Sedan had indeed
decided, but was far from ending the war. He
knew the fervent patriotic pride of the French; he
possessed in a special degree the rich experience
of old age preserved by a powerful memory; he
remembered how fifty-six years previously the
armed throngs of the peasantry of Champagne
had, as it were, started up out of the ground under
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? In Memory of the Great War 213
the eyes of the Prussians. Sooner and more clearly
than all others, he perceived the danger which
threatened from the Loire, and ordered the army
in the South to be strengthened. Thus, till the end
he remained the Commander-in-Chief, and when he
left French territory, even after such victories, he
seriously thought of the perpetual vicissitudes of
mortal things, and warned the army of what was
now united Germany that it could maintain its
position only by perpetual striving after improve-
ment.
It is the characteristic charm of German history
that we have never known a Napoleon suppressing
all the personalities around him. At all great
epochs there have stood near our principal heroes
free men of firm character and assured self-con-
fidence. King William also, a bom ruler, under-
stood how to allow able men, each superior to
himself in his own department, to have a free hand,
each in the right place. Nothing is more admir-
able than the true friendship which united the
Commander-in-Chief to the strategist, the intel-
lectual leader of the army, the wonderful man on
whom prodigal Nature bestowed not only the
sure eye and genial energy of a great commander,
but the keenness of an intelligence which compre-
hended almost the whole range of human know-
ledge and the artistic sense of a classical author.
And by the side of Moltke stood Roon, the stem
and bitterly hated; hard and immovable in his
principles hke a devout dragoon of Oliver Crom-
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? 214 In Memory of the Great War
weirs, he had carried out the reconstitution of the
army according to the instructions of his master;
now his converted opponents called him "Ger-
many's new armourer. " Then came the army-
leaders. After the Crown Prince, Goeben, the
serious and taciturn, of whom his men said that he
could not speak, but also that he could make no
mistake; they did not know that he could write
in a style like that of Csesar's Commentaries.
Then Con stan tine Alvensleben, a genuine son of
the Brandenburg warriors, cheerful and good-
natured, but terrible in battle, impetuous and
unweariable, until at last his troops' shout of
victory, "Hurrah! Brandenburg! " rang out at Le
Mans. Then the spirited, fiery Franke von der
Tann, who now helped to complete what he had
once attempted in the ardent fervour of youth, as
leader of the Schleswig-Holstein voluntary corps;
and so on, a large company of brave and thought-
ful men whom our people in the course of years
will regard with ever-deepening affection as they
do the heroes of the War of Liberation. Just as
the King himself was so simple and assured in his
bearing that the flatterers of the Courts never
dared to make any attempts on him, so his gener-
als, with a very few exceptions, displayed the
modest demeanour which Germans like. Let
anyone go through the forest to the Httle hunting-
lodge of Dreilinden. There in rural retirement
lived the commander to whom the announcement
was made, Monseigneur, fai Vordre de vous rendre
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? In Memory of the Great War 215
la garde imperiale. This was Prince Friedrich
Karl, who brought about the greatest capitulation
in the worid's history.
At last came the time of harvest. Paris sur-
rendered, and the last desperate attempt of the
French against Southern Alsace came to a pitiable
end. Four great armies were taken prisoners or
disarmed, and all the German races had an equal
and glorious share in the enormous success. In
these last weeks of the war there stepped into
the foreground of German history the strong
man of whom the troops had so often spoken by
their bivouac-fires. Ever since historical times
began the masses of people have always rated
character and energy above intellect and culture;
the greatest and most boundless popularity was
always only bestowed on the heroes of religion and
of the sword. The one statesman who seems to be
an exception only confirms the rule. In the popu-
lar mind Bismarck was never anything but the
gigantic warrior with the bronze helmet and the
yellow collar of the cuirassiers of Mars la Tour, as
the painters depicted him riding down the avenue
of poplars at Sedan. It was he who had once
spoken the salutary word, "Get rid of Austria! "
It was he who by treaties with the South German
States had in his far-sighted way prepared for the
inevitable war. And when twenty-five years
ago he read to the Reichstag the French declara-
tion of war, all felt as though he were the first to
raise the cry, ''All Germany on into France! "
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? 2i6 In Memory of the Great War
and it seemed to all as though he rode into the
enemy's land like a herald in front of the German
squadrons. Now when the war was over he
summed up the net results of the great battles,
and after troublesome negotiations settled the
constitution of the new kingdom. This constitu-
tion seemed quite new, and yet it evoked the old
sacred unforgettable emotions of German loyalty
to the Kaiser. It appeared complicated even to
formlessness, and yet it was fundamentally simple
because it admitted of unlimited development.
In her relations to foreign countries Germany
was henceforth one, and in spite of much doubt
all discerning people hoped that the Empire,
possessing an imperial head, would now attain
to its full growth.
This work of Bismarck's brought peace and
reconciliation to nearly all the old factions which
had hitherto struggled on our territory. They
had all made mistakes, and almost all rediscovered
in the constitution of the Empire some of their
most deeply-cherished projects. Our princes
especially had been in the wrong. In the course
of an eventful history they had often been the
protectors of German religious freedom and the
rich many-sidedness of our civilization, but had
been often misled by dynastic envy and pride,
even to the point of committing treachery. At
the middle of the century their pride was at its
height, for what else was the object of the war of
1866 except to break in pieces the State of the
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? In Memory of the Great War 217
great Frederick, and to degrade it to the wretched
condition of the petty German princedoms? But
the dethroning of the sovereigns of Hanover, Hesse,
and Nassau was a tremendous warning to the
princes. They recollected themselves and remem-
bered the noble traditions of imperial sentiment
in the old princely families ; and as soon as the war
began they gathered round their royal leader.
Therefore they could, according to the old privi-
leges of the German princes, themselves elect their
emperor, and secure for themselves their proper
share in the new imperial power. There in France
was the first foundation laid for that invisible
council of German princes, which is something else
than the Council of the Confederation, which is
not mentioned in any article of the imperial con-
stitution, and yet always works perceptibly for the
good of the Fatherland. Never yet at a critical
time has the honest help of the princes failed the
Hohenzollem Kaisers.
The Conservative parties in Prussia had
courageously championed the reconstitution of the
army, but had at first followed the German policy
of the new Chancellor of the Confederation not
without mistrust; but now they saw the martial
glory of their King established, and soon recognized
that the revolutionary idea of German unity really
signified nothing else than the victory of the
monarchic constitution over dynastic anarchy.
A tardy reparation was made to the old Gotha
Party, the much-ridiculed professors of Frankfort.
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? 21 8 In Memory of the Great War
They had certainly made a mistake when they
thought to constrain the imperial power by the
authoritative decree of a parliament ; but now there
fell to them the honour of being the first pioneers
of the nation's thought. What their leader,
Dahlmann, had said in the spring of 1848, was
literally fulfilled : "When Germany's united council
of princes leads before the Reichstag a Prince of
their own choice as hereditary head of the Empire,
then freedom and order will co-exist in harmony. "
Even the Democrats, so far as they were not mere
visionaries, were able to rejoice at a success.
Their best representative, Ludwig Uhland, had
been in the right when he prophesied, "No head
will be crowned over Germany which is not richly
anointed with democratic oil. " Without the
co-operation of the Parliaments of the North Ger-
man Confederation and the Southern States the
new imperial power could not have come into
existence.
The heaviest blow befell the partisans of Austria,
the "Great Germans. "^ So severe was it that
even their party -name entirely disappeared. But
those who were sincere among them had only
fought against the German "rival-Emperor"
because they feared a Prussian imperial power
would be too weak to sustain the position of the
nation as one of the Great Powers. And how was
it now? It was never doubtful whether a man was
a German or not. We bore the mark of our good
* That is, partisans of the union of Germany and Austria.
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? In Memory of the Great War 219
and evil qualities as distinctly impressed upon our
brows as formerly did the Greeks, our kindred in
temperament and destiny. But it was always a
matter of dispute for centuries where Germany
exactly was ; its boundaries were constantly chang-
ing or disappearing in the fog of "rights of the
Empire. " Now for the first time there existed
a German State whose frontiers were clearly
defined. It had lost the frontier territories of the
South-east, which for a long time past had only
been loosely connected with the Empire, but as a
compensation had finally recovered by conquest
those on the Rhine and the Moselle, which had
been torn away from the Empire. It had also,
through the State of the Hohenzollems, won
wide territories in the East and North which had
never or merely nominally belonged to the old
Empire, i. e. , Silesia, Posen, Prussia, the land of the
old Teutonic orders, and Schleswig. It was more
powerful than the old Empire had been for six
centuries. Who could now speak of it sneeringly
as ''Little Germany"? Out of the perpetual ebb
and flow of races in Central Europe there had
finally emerged two great Empires -- one purely
German with a mixture of religions, the other
Catholic, and comprising a variety of races who
yet could not dispense with the German language
and culture. Such an outcome of the struggles of
centuries could not fail to satisfy for a time even
the imagination of the "Greater Germany"
enthusiasts. The great majority of the nation
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? 220 In Memory of the Great War
joined in jubilantly when, in the Palace of Ver-
sailles, the acclamation of the princes and the army
greeted the Emperor, who in his deep modesty
accepted the new dignity only with hesitation.
Not all the blossoms of those days of enthusiasm
have ripened into fruit. We hoped then that the
intelligible resentment of the conquered would in
two decades at least have grown milder, and that
a friendly and neighbourly relation between
two peoples so closely united by common aims
of civilization would again be possible. But our
hopes were vain. Over the Vosges there came to
us voices of hatred, unanswered indeed, but irre-
concilable; serious and learned people even sug-
gested to us to give up volimtarily the western
frontier territories which had been recovered by
the sacrifice of thousands of our men. This was an
impudent insult, to which in the consciousness of
our good right we could only reply with cold con-
tempt. Unavoidably the influences of the war of
1870 operate much longer in the formation of the
community of European States than did those of
the War of Liberation. The irreconcilable hatred
of our neighbours confines our foreign policy to one
spot, and cramps the development of our power
overseas. We hoped also that the old crippling
jealousy between Austria and Germany would
disappear, that the two would stand independently
side by side as free allies, and that then the Teu-
tonic race on the Danube would flourish more
vigorously. This also was an error. With total
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? In Memory of the Great War 221
lack of consideration, the sub-Germanic peoples
of the Danube Empire verified the old rule of
historical ingratitude towards the Germans who
had brought them civilization. Forcibly the
conviction was impressed upon us that at home, at
any rate, where we are masters, we must defend
every inch-breadth of German civilization against
foreign Powers. Moreover, it was natural that
after our victory a truce should be proclaimed
between the German parties, but our party
struggles assumed rougher and coarser shapes
from year to year.
In the natural course of things, after the victory,
a truce was proclaimed between the German
political parties. But our party strifes have
become from year to year rougher and coarser.
They concern themselves less with political ideas
than with economic interests; they stir up the
flame of hatred between class and class, and
threaten the peace of society.
This coarsening of politics has its deepest source
in a serious alteration which has taken place in
our whole national life. Much that we considered
characteristic of a decaying old world is the out-
come of every over-cultivated city-civilization,
and is being repeated to-day before our eyes. A
democratized society does not care, as enthusi-
asts suppose, for the aristocracy of talent, but
for the power of gold or of the mob, or both to-
gether. In the new generation there is disappear-
ing terribly fast, what Goethe called the final aim
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? 222 In Memory of the Great War
of all moral education -- reverence: reverence for
God; reverence for the barriers which nature has
placed between the two sexes, and the limits
which the structure of human society has imposed
upon desire; reverence for the Fatherland which, as
an ideal, is said to be yielding its place to the
dream of a sensual and cosmopolitan plutocracy.
The wider culture spreads the more shallow it
becomes; the thoughtfulness of the ancient world
is despised ; only that which serves the aims of the
immediate future seems still important. Where
everyone gives his opinion about everything,
according to the newspaper and the encyclopaedia,
there original mental power becomes rare, and with
it the fine courage of ignorance, which marks an
independent mind. Science, which, once descend-
ing too deep, sought to fathom the inscrutable,
loses itself in expansion, and only isolated pines of
original thought tower above the low undergrowth
of collections of memoranda. The satiated taste,
which no longer understands the true, goes after
realism, and prizes the wax figure more than
the work of art. In the tedium of an empty
existence the affected naturalness of betting and
athletic sports gains an undeserved importance,
and when we see how immoderately the heroes of
the circus and the performers of the playground
are over-prized, we are unpleasantly reminded of
the enormous costly mosaic picture of the twenty-
eight prize-fighters in the Baths of Caracalla.
These are all serious signs of the time. But
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? In Memory of the Great War 223
no one stands so high that he can only accuse his
people. We Germans, especially, have often
sinned against ourselves through extravagant love
of fault-finding. And no one can say that he
really knows his own people. In the spring of
1870 even the most sanguine did not suppose that
our young men would strike as they did. So we,
also, will hope that to-day, deep in the hearts of
our people, there are at work rejuvenating powers
which we know not of. And how much that does
not pass away has, in spite of all, remained to us
from the great war. The Empire stands upright,
stronger than we ever expected ; every German dis-
cerns its mighty influence in the ordinary occur-
rences of every day, in the current exchange of the
market-place. None of us could live without the
Empire, and how strongly the thought of it glows
in our hearts is shown by the grateful affection
which seeks to console the first Imperial Chancellor
for the bitter experiences of his old age. In my
youth it was often said, *'If the Germans become
German, they will found the kingdom on earth
which will bring peace to the world. " We are
not so inoffensive any longer. For a long time
past we have known that the sword must maintain
what the sword won, and to the end of history,
the virile saying will hold good, gta gta ^la'C^ziai,
"Force is overcome by force. " And yet there is
a deep significance in that old verse about the
Germans. Not only was the war for Prussia's
existence -- the Seven Years' War, -- the first Euro-
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? 224 In Memory of the Great War
pean war, not only did our State combine both the
old State-systems of the East and the West into a
European community of States, but being at last
strengthened as a central State, during a quarter
of a century of dangerous diplomatic friction, it
has offered peace to the Continent not by means of
the panacea of the pacificists -- disarming -- but by
the exact opposite -- universal arming. Germany's
example compelled armies to become nations,
nations to become armies, and consequently war
to be a dangerous experiment ; and since no French-
man has yet asserted that France can recover her
old booty by force of arms, we may perhaps hope
for some more years of peace. Meanwhile, our
western frontier territory coalesces slowly, but
unceasingly, with the old Fatherland, and the time
will come when German culture, which has changed
its place of abode so often, will again recover
complete predominance in its old home. Finally,
after so many painful disappointments, we have
lately succeeded in a work, as only a great and
united people can succeed. It was, indeed, a well-
omened day when the canal between the North
Sea and the Baltic was opened, and the Ger-
mans on the Suabian Sea sent their brotherly
greeting to the distant coast.
Such hours of happy success you must hold fast
in memory, my dear comrades, when your heads
grow dizzy with the frenzy of party-spirit. Our
festival to-day has especial significance for you.
It is the privilege and happiness of youth to look
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? In Memory of the Great War 225
up, to trust the future in good spirits, not to de-
spise the deeds of their fathers, nor to become sub-
merged in the controversies of the day. You have
not, Hke we of the older generation, helped to con-
quer your Fatherland for yourselves with weapons,
or the surgeon's knife, or the weak pen; you
have not, like we, seen dear friends of your youth
perish in body and soul, because they despaired
too soon of Germany. To you comes the simple
summons, Spartam nactus es, hanc exorna. Yes,
you have obtained it, without any merit on your
part, this imited Fatherland, which for the good of
mankind mounted ever higher, from Fehrbellin to
Leuthen, from Belle- Alliance to Sedan. It can pro-
vide scope for every virile force, and the best is
hardly good enough for it. If the call of the
war-lord should ever summon you under the ban-
ners of the eagle, you will not wish to be weaker
in courage and faithfulness, in the fear of God
and devotion, than the old Berlin students, whose
honoured names we preserve in marble in our
University hall. Whether Germany demands from
you the toils of peace, or the deeds of war,
cherish ever the vow which once the poet, looking
down on the corpse-strewn fields around Metz,
made in all our names :
Think not that the blood you shed,
Flowed in vain, O honoured dead,
Or shall ever be forgot !
And now, gentlemen, as we do in all national
15
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? 226 In Memory of the Great War
festivals of our University, let us remember,
reverentially, with loyal fidelity, the ruler who
guards our Empire with his sceptre. God bless his
Majesty, our Emperor and King. God grant him
to exercise a wise, righteous, and firm rule, and
grant us all strength to guard and to increase
the precious inheritance of those glorious times.
Come, good Germans, everywhere! Join with me
in the cry, " Long live Emperor and Empire! "
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? LUTHER AND THE GERMAN NATION
(A Lecture given at Darmstadt on November 7,
1883)
Ladies and Gentlemen,
There are many among you who stood, not
many weeks ago, on the heights of the Niederwald,
when our venerable Emperor presided at the unveil-
ing of the statue representing Germania girt with
her sword; and you there had the privilege of
uniting with your compatriots from far and near
in a feeling of joy and thankfulness. For centuries
we Germans have been denied the luxury of join-
ing together in that happy and unenvious contem-
plation of our past which is the true life-blood of a
healthy people. The very victories which brought
about the unity of our Empire were the outcome
of the first great united act performed by the whole
nation since immemorial times. Glorious indeed
is the history of our nation, which has so often
given to this part of our globe the foremost figure
of the century, and has, in warfare, so often spoken
words of awakening or of reconciliation. Nearly
all our great men were, however, so inextricably
involved in the whirl of bewildering contrasts
227
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? 228 Luther and the German Nation
which disorganized our inner life that even to this
day they remain an enigma to great masses of the
people, and are looked upon merely as the pioneers
of a family, a party, or a creed -- ^not simply as
German heroes.
It was during the eighteenth century that the
last and greatest representative of the old-fash-
ioned unlimited monarchy held sway among us,
and now that we are able to judge of the extent of
his labours, the more enlightened among us have
begun to feel that he was fighting for Germany
when he waged war against Austria and the Holy
Roman Empire. But in spite of this King
Frederick, like his ancestor the Great Elector, will
ever remain the favourite of his Prussians, while
to the general mass of the Southern Germans he
will continue to be something of a stranger. A
century earlier we secured the religious peace of
Europe after a horrible war, but victory was pur-
chased at a fearful price, i. e. , the laying waste
of our ancient culture ; and almost the only lumin-
ous figure in all that sombre period, the hero
Gustavus Adolphus, was a foreigner. Moreover,
even his admirers must admit that his victorious
career terminated -- very favourably to us -- just
at the moment when his power began to be prejudi-
cial to our country.
The same limitations are to be observed even
in the commemorative festival which our Pro-
testant nation is thankfully celebrating this week.
It is not, unhappily, a festival in which all Ger-
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? Luther and the German Nation 229
mans will take part. Millions of our compatriots
are holding aloof in silence, or even in open dis-
approval. They are neither able nor willing
to imderstand that the Reformer of our Church
was the pioneer of the whole German nation on the
road to a freer civilization, and that in the State
and in Society, in our homes and in our centres
of learning, his spirit still breathes life into us.
Everyone who takes it upon himself to speak of
Luther must confess what is his own attitude
towards the great moral problems of the present
day. And the accusations of those who are un-
able to comprehend his greatness are as passion-
ate in tone to-day as if the Reformer still walked
in our midst.
Even during his life-time Martin Luther incurred
the penalty which awaits all great men, and
especially all great fighters: he was misunderstood.
During the early years of his public activity --
years so full of promise -- ^he was greeted by the
nation with a tempestuous joy such as has not been
seen again in Germany imtil our own time. In the
days when he first belled the cat, when, forced
forward by a lively conscience and the driving
power of untrammelled thought, he turned from
the paths of ancient orthodoxy to those of open
heresy; when he threw the Papal Bull into the
fire and gave that ringing call to the "Christian
nobility of the German nation," in which he
invited his Germans to reform the Church and the
State, root and branch; then it was that he stood
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? 230 Luther and the German Nation
revealed before the Emperor and the Empire
as the leader of the nation, a man as heroic in
aspect as the patron saint of his people, the warrior
Michael. Then it was that men sought to express
their joy in the words of the folk-song :
He showed himself at Worms,
All ready for the fray;
He silenced all his enemies,
And none could overcome him.
Then, also, it seemed as if the elemental forces
at work in a nation stirred to its depths -- the re-
ligious zeal of pious minds, the scientific curiosity
of the rising generation, the national hatred
of a knightly nobility for the foreign prelates,
the discontent of an oppressed peasantry -- were
about to unite in a mighty torrent impetuous
enough to sweep all Roman organizations and
influences out of our State and our Church. The
royal dignity of Germany was, however, still in
close bondage to the world-embracing policy of the
Holy Roman Empire. It can hardly have been
an accident that the crown was at that moment-
ous period worn by a stranger who could not
discern the beating of our heart, and whose only
answer to the acclamations with which the Germans
hailed the courageous frankness of their country-
man was a disdainful smile and the words, "Such
a man shall never make me a heretic. "
As soon as it became evident that the Emperor
had refused to listen to the voice of the nation, the
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fought with much more devotion than many other
corps, and if anyone complained it was only because
he found that his regiment did not come often
enough under fire.
With such an army everything may be dared;
every general aimed at the proud privilege of the
initiative, which King Frederick had reserved
for his Prussians. Spontaneously, and without a
plan, and yet necessitated by the character of our
army, the terrible battle raged round the heights of
Spichem, because each commandant of a corps
without ado went in the direction of the cannon-
firing. One day, sooner than they were com-
manded, the Brandenburgers ascended the left
bank of the Moselle, and through the whole
summer-day, quite unsupported at first, blocked at
Mars la Tour the retreat which would have saved
the whole of the enemy's army in the most heroic
battle of the whole war. Thus two days after-
wards that daring, tremendous battle with a
reversed front was possible, which would have
hurled our forces, if they had not been victorious,
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? In Memory of the Great War 207
into the midst of the enemy's country. As soon as
one army was shut up in Metz, began, as the
musketeers said, the great "battue" against
the other. At Sedan, the descendants surpassed
the deeds of the brave Landsknechts at the battle
of Pavia, which their ancestors had celebrated;
the French Emperor and his last army laid down
their arms. Hitherto our troops had fought a
well-trained army with crushing attacks as befitted
the proud Prussian tradition. This army con-
sisted for a large part of old professional soldiers
who were accustomed to victory, but was inferior
in numbers to its opponents. Now they had
suddenly to undertake an entirely different and
more troublesome task, less suited to the Prussian
character. There commenced what was hitherto
unexampled in all history, the siege of a metro-
polis defended with fanatical courage. While the
Germans beat back the continual sallies of the
Parisian army recruited from the people, which was
far superior to their own in numbers, there pressed
from all sides to the relief of the capital new
armies in countless masses, the choicest of the
French youth, remnants of the old army and
undisciplined mobs in wild confusion.
Against these the besiegers had to conduct great
sallying skirmishes and make bold attacks as far
as the canal and the Loire. We Germans can
surely not give Gambetta the name of "the
raging fool," as many of his countrymen did in
the heat of party strife. To attempt the impossible
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? 2o8 In Memory of the Great War
in order to save one's fatherland is always a great
thing to do. Moreover, the dictator's plans were
not absolutely impossible; with his revolutionary
impetuosity, he created new armies as if by a word,
and fanned the flame of his nation's ardent patriot-
ism into the fury of a race-war. The copious
economic resources of Southern France, which had
been accumulated through long years of industry
and were as yet untouched by the war, seemed
inexhaustible ; but moral resources are not so, either
in the case of nations or individuals. From the
beginning the French armies lacked the fidelity,
the confidence, the consciousness of right which
alone gives defeated troops a stand-by. And now,
when all their fiery courage, all the momentum of
their heavy masses, all the superiority of their
infantry's firearms, could not in twenty battles
turn the fortune of war, and as the Germans,
veiled by the screen of their wide-sweeping cavalry
squadrons, kept on pressing forward, contrary
to all expectations, then even brave hearts were
seized by the Prussian nightmare {le cauchemar
prussien) .
France had already lost the leading position in
Europe since the overthrow of the first Empire, and
then apparently recovered it through the diplo-
matic skill of the third Napoleon. As soon as
Prussia's victories in Bohemia threatened to re-
store a just balance of power, there took posses-
sion of those noisy Parisian circles, which had
always dominated the wavering provinces, a
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? In Memory of the Great War 209
fantastic intoxication of national pride. There
reappeared the old delusion that France's great-
ness depended on the weakness of her neighbours.
The public opinion of the agitators compelled the
sick Emperor to declare war against his will; it
arrogantly controlled and disturbed every move-
ment of the enemy; it compelled the fatal march
to Sedan. After the first defeats, the imperial
throne, whose only support was good fortune,
fell, and the party-rule of the new revolutionary
government could neither exercise justice, nor com-
mand the general respect. The fact that a supe-
rior commands and a subordinate obeys was almost
forgotten in the widespread and unnatural mis-
trust which prevailed. Every misfortune was
regarded as a piece of treachery, even when the
war had seasoned men, and the army of the Loire
had found a commander in Chanzy. Finally,
after the surrender of Paris, the conquered people,
under the eyes of the conqueror, tore each other to
pieces in a terrible civil war.
Seldom has it been so clearly demonstrated that
it is the will which is the deciding factor in national
struggles for existence, and in unity of will we were
the stronger. France, which had so often fomented
and misused our domestic quarrels, all at once
found herself opposed by the vital union of the
Germans ; for a righteous war releases all the natu-
ral forces of character, and, side by side with
hatred, the power of affection. Inviolable con-
fidence bound the soldiers to their officers, and all
14
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? 210 In Memory of the Great War
of them to those in supreme command. The
people of Suabia, Baden, and Bavaria, who had
hitherto known us only as enemies, and were now
for the first time joined to us by the loose tie of
treaties based on international law, said quite as
confidently as the Prussians, "The King and
Moltke will manage it all right! " What a safe-
guard and stay this absolute confidence was for
the mass of the rank-and-file, when, after the
victorious exultation of the summer, they had
now in winter to make acquaintance with the
whole terrible prosaic side of war -- hunger, frost,
exhaustion, necessary mercilessness towards the
enemy, and, being aroused from a short sleep in
the snow-filled furrows by the sound of drums
and fifes, to fresh fights and endless marches the
purport and object of which they did not under-
stand. Many did not learn the value of the
victories they had won till later, as though by hear-
say. Thus, for example, the brave 56th drove
the Gardes Mobiles of Brittany out of the farm La
Tuilerie without suspecting that they had given
a decisive turn to the three days' battle of Le
Mans. "Good will, persistence, and discipline
overcome all difficulties" -- such is Moltke's simple
verdict. This good will, however, was possible only
in a nation of religious-minded soldiers. In simple
humility, without much talking and praying, men
bowed before the Inscrutable, who reaps the harvest
of death on the battle-field. Often did an army
chaplain, when he administered the last consola-
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? In Memory of the Great War 211
tions to the dying, hear from them words of deep
and modest piety.
Those who remained at home also became
more generous, broader-minded, and affectionate;
the seriousness of the crisis Hf ted them above the
selfishness of every-day life. Party strife dis-
appeared, isolated, unpatriotic fools were quickly
reduced to silence, and the longer the struggle
lasted the more firmly did the whole nation unite
in the resolve that this war should restore to us the
German Empire and our old lost w^estern provinces.
One hundred and thirty thousand Germans fell a
sacrifice to war's insatiable demands, but the lines
of the old Landwehr's men which followed them
appeared endless, till more than a million of our
soldiers gradually crossed the French frontier.
The war demanded all. When the reports of
deaths arrived from the West, the fathers and
brothers of those who had fallen said, "Much
mourning, much honour," and even the mothers,
wives, and sisters had in their heavy sorrow the
consolation that their little house owned a leaf
in the growing garland of German glory.
But ideas alone kindle no enduring fire in the
hearts of a nation; they need men. And certainly
it was fortunate that the nation could look up
unitedly to the grey-headed ruler, whose vener-
able figure will always appear greater to coming
generations the more closely it is made the subject
of historical investigation. "His Majesty sees
everything! " the sergeant-majors used to thunder
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? 212 In Memory of the Great War
at their careless men, and they said the truth.
When destiny raised him at an advanced age to the
throne he had never sought, he soon perceived that
Providence had determined him and his army to be
an instrument for its dispensations. "If I did
not beHeve that," he said calmly, ''how could I
otherwise have been able to bear the burden of
this war? " As a youth, he had admired the
nation under arms, when under the pressure of
necessity it had collected to carry out Scham-
horst's plans though only half -drilled ; as a man,
he had constantly considered with Schamhorst's
successor. Boy en, how these unripe ideas might
take a vital shape; finally as king, amid severe
parliamentary struggles, he had carried through
the three-years' service law which strengthened the
troops of the line, and secured us an army which
was at once popular and fully trained. He knew
every little wheel- work of the gigantic machine;
now he watched with satisfaction how it worked.
Alone, without a council of war, he formed his
resolves according to Moltke's reports. Earlier
and more clearly than all those around him, he
perceived that the battle of Sedan had indeed
decided, but was far from ending the war. He
knew the fervent patriotic pride of the French; he
possessed in a special degree the rich experience
of old age preserved by a powerful memory; he
remembered how fifty-six years previously the
armed throngs of the peasantry of Champagne
had, as it were, started up out of the ground under
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? In Memory of the Great War 213
the eyes of the Prussians. Sooner and more clearly
than all others, he perceived the danger which
threatened from the Loire, and ordered the army
in the South to be strengthened. Thus, till the end
he remained the Commander-in-Chief, and when he
left French territory, even after such victories, he
seriously thought of the perpetual vicissitudes of
mortal things, and warned the army of what was
now united Germany that it could maintain its
position only by perpetual striving after improve-
ment.
It is the characteristic charm of German history
that we have never known a Napoleon suppressing
all the personalities around him. At all great
epochs there have stood near our principal heroes
free men of firm character and assured self-con-
fidence. King William also, a bom ruler, under-
stood how to allow able men, each superior to
himself in his own department, to have a free hand,
each in the right place. Nothing is more admir-
able than the true friendship which united the
Commander-in-Chief to the strategist, the intel-
lectual leader of the army, the wonderful man on
whom prodigal Nature bestowed not only the
sure eye and genial energy of a great commander,
but the keenness of an intelligence which compre-
hended almost the whole range of human know-
ledge and the artistic sense of a classical author.
And by the side of Moltke stood Roon, the stem
and bitterly hated; hard and immovable in his
principles hke a devout dragoon of Oliver Crom-
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? 214 In Memory of the Great War
weirs, he had carried out the reconstitution of the
army according to the instructions of his master;
now his converted opponents called him "Ger-
many's new armourer. " Then came the army-
leaders. After the Crown Prince, Goeben, the
serious and taciturn, of whom his men said that he
could not speak, but also that he could make no
mistake; they did not know that he could write
in a style like that of Csesar's Commentaries.
Then Con stan tine Alvensleben, a genuine son of
the Brandenburg warriors, cheerful and good-
natured, but terrible in battle, impetuous and
unweariable, until at last his troops' shout of
victory, "Hurrah! Brandenburg! " rang out at Le
Mans. Then the spirited, fiery Franke von der
Tann, who now helped to complete what he had
once attempted in the ardent fervour of youth, as
leader of the Schleswig-Holstein voluntary corps;
and so on, a large company of brave and thought-
ful men whom our people in the course of years
will regard with ever-deepening affection as they
do the heroes of the War of Liberation. Just as
the King himself was so simple and assured in his
bearing that the flatterers of the Courts never
dared to make any attempts on him, so his gener-
als, with a very few exceptions, displayed the
modest demeanour which Germans like. Let
anyone go through the forest to the Httle hunting-
lodge of Dreilinden. There in rural retirement
lived the commander to whom the announcement
was made, Monseigneur, fai Vordre de vous rendre
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? In Memory of the Great War 215
la garde imperiale. This was Prince Friedrich
Karl, who brought about the greatest capitulation
in the worid's history.
At last came the time of harvest. Paris sur-
rendered, and the last desperate attempt of the
French against Southern Alsace came to a pitiable
end. Four great armies were taken prisoners or
disarmed, and all the German races had an equal
and glorious share in the enormous success. In
these last weeks of the war there stepped into
the foreground of German history the strong
man of whom the troops had so often spoken by
their bivouac-fires. Ever since historical times
began the masses of people have always rated
character and energy above intellect and culture;
the greatest and most boundless popularity was
always only bestowed on the heroes of religion and
of the sword. The one statesman who seems to be
an exception only confirms the rule. In the popu-
lar mind Bismarck was never anything but the
gigantic warrior with the bronze helmet and the
yellow collar of the cuirassiers of Mars la Tour, as
the painters depicted him riding down the avenue
of poplars at Sedan. It was he who had once
spoken the salutary word, "Get rid of Austria! "
It was he who by treaties with the South German
States had in his far-sighted way prepared for the
inevitable war. And when twenty-five years
ago he read to the Reichstag the French declara-
tion of war, all felt as though he were the first to
raise the cry, ''All Germany on into France! "
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? 2i6 In Memory of the Great War
and it seemed to all as though he rode into the
enemy's land like a herald in front of the German
squadrons. Now when the war was over he
summed up the net results of the great battles,
and after troublesome negotiations settled the
constitution of the new kingdom. This constitu-
tion seemed quite new, and yet it evoked the old
sacred unforgettable emotions of German loyalty
to the Kaiser. It appeared complicated even to
formlessness, and yet it was fundamentally simple
because it admitted of unlimited development.
In her relations to foreign countries Germany
was henceforth one, and in spite of much doubt
all discerning people hoped that the Empire,
possessing an imperial head, would now attain
to its full growth.
This work of Bismarck's brought peace and
reconciliation to nearly all the old factions which
had hitherto struggled on our territory. They
had all made mistakes, and almost all rediscovered
in the constitution of the Empire some of their
most deeply-cherished projects. Our princes
especially had been in the wrong. In the course
of an eventful history they had often been the
protectors of German religious freedom and the
rich many-sidedness of our civilization, but had
been often misled by dynastic envy and pride,
even to the point of committing treachery. At
the middle of the century their pride was at its
height, for what else was the object of the war of
1866 except to break in pieces the State of the
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? In Memory of the Great War 217
great Frederick, and to degrade it to the wretched
condition of the petty German princedoms? But
the dethroning of the sovereigns of Hanover, Hesse,
and Nassau was a tremendous warning to the
princes. They recollected themselves and remem-
bered the noble traditions of imperial sentiment
in the old princely families ; and as soon as the war
began they gathered round their royal leader.
Therefore they could, according to the old privi-
leges of the German princes, themselves elect their
emperor, and secure for themselves their proper
share in the new imperial power. There in France
was the first foundation laid for that invisible
council of German princes, which is something else
than the Council of the Confederation, which is
not mentioned in any article of the imperial con-
stitution, and yet always works perceptibly for the
good of the Fatherland. Never yet at a critical
time has the honest help of the princes failed the
Hohenzollem Kaisers.
The Conservative parties in Prussia had
courageously championed the reconstitution of the
army, but had at first followed the German policy
of the new Chancellor of the Confederation not
without mistrust; but now they saw the martial
glory of their King established, and soon recognized
that the revolutionary idea of German unity really
signified nothing else than the victory of the
monarchic constitution over dynastic anarchy.
A tardy reparation was made to the old Gotha
Party, the much-ridiculed professors of Frankfort.
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? 21 8 In Memory of the Great War
They had certainly made a mistake when they
thought to constrain the imperial power by the
authoritative decree of a parliament ; but now there
fell to them the honour of being the first pioneers
of the nation's thought. What their leader,
Dahlmann, had said in the spring of 1848, was
literally fulfilled : "When Germany's united council
of princes leads before the Reichstag a Prince of
their own choice as hereditary head of the Empire,
then freedom and order will co-exist in harmony. "
Even the Democrats, so far as they were not mere
visionaries, were able to rejoice at a success.
Their best representative, Ludwig Uhland, had
been in the right when he prophesied, "No head
will be crowned over Germany which is not richly
anointed with democratic oil. " Without the
co-operation of the Parliaments of the North Ger-
man Confederation and the Southern States the
new imperial power could not have come into
existence.
The heaviest blow befell the partisans of Austria,
the "Great Germans. "^ So severe was it that
even their party -name entirely disappeared. But
those who were sincere among them had only
fought against the German "rival-Emperor"
because they feared a Prussian imperial power
would be too weak to sustain the position of the
nation as one of the Great Powers. And how was
it now? It was never doubtful whether a man was
a German or not. We bore the mark of our good
* That is, partisans of the union of Germany and Austria.
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? In Memory of the Great War 219
and evil qualities as distinctly impressed upon our
brows as formerly did the Greeks, our kindred in
temperament and destiny. But it was always a
matter of dispute for centuries where Germany
exactly was ; its boundaries were constantly chang-
ing or disappearing in the fog of "rights of the
Empire. " Now for the first time there existed
a German State whose frontiers were clearly
defined. It had lost the frontier territories of the
South-east, which for a long time past had only
been loosely connected with the Empire, but as a
compensation had finally recovered by conquest
those on the Rhine and the Moselle, which had
been torn away from the Empire. It had also,
through the State of the Hohenzollems, won
wide territories in the East and North which had
never or merely nominally belonged to the old
Empire, i. e. , Silesia, Posen, Prussia, the land of the
old Teutonic orders, and Schleswig. It was more
powerful than the old Empire had been for six
centuries. Who could now speak of it sneeringly
as ''Little Germany"? Out of the perpetual ebb
and flow of races in Central Europe there had
finally emerged two great Empires -- one purely
German with a mixture of religions, the other
Catholic, and comprising a variety of races who
yet could not dispense with the German language
and culture. Such an outcome of the struggles of
centuries could not fail to satisfy for a time even
the imagination of the "Greater Germany"
enthusiasts. The great majority of the nation
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? 220 In Memory of the Great War
joined in jubilantly when, in the Palace of Ver-
sailles, the acclamation of the princes and the army
greeted the Emperor, who in his deep modesty
accepted the new dignity only with hesitation.
Not all the blossoms of those days of enthusiasm
have ripened into fruit. We hoped then that the
intelligible resentment of the conquered would in
two decades at least have grown milder, and that
a friendly and neighbourly relation between
two peoples so closely united by common aims
of civilization would again be possible. But our
hopes were vain. Over the Vosges there came to
us voices of hatred, unanswered indeed, but irre-
concilable; serious and learned people even sug-
gested to us to give up volimtarily the western
frontier territories which had been recovered by
the sacrifice of thousands of our men. This was an
impudent insult, to which in the consciousness of
our good right we could only reply with cold con-
tempt. Unavoidably the influences of the war of
1870 operate much longer in the formation of the
community of European States than did those of
the War of Liberation. The irreconcilable hatred
of our neighbours confines our foreign policy to one
spot, and cramps the development of our power
overseas. We hoped also that the old crippling
jealousy between Austria and Germany would
disappear, that the two would stand independently
side by side as free allies, and that then the Teu-
tonic race on the Danube would flourish more
vigorously. This also was an error. With total
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? In Memory of the Great War 221
lack of consideration, the sub-Germanic peoples
of the Danube Empire verified the old rule of
historical ingratitude towards the Germans who
had brought them civilization. Forcibly the
conviction was impressed upon us that at home, at
any rate, where we are masters, we must defend
every inch-breadth of German civilization against
foreign Powers. Moreover, it was natural that
after our victory a truce should be proclaimed
between the German parties, but our party
struggles assumed rougher and coarser shapes
from year to year.
In the natural course of things, after the victory,
a truce was proclaimed between the German
political parties. But our party strifes have
become from year to year rougher and coarser.
They concern themselves less with political ideas
than with economic interests; they stir up the
flame of hatred between class and class, and
threaten the peace of society.
This coarsening of politics has its deepest source
in a serious alteration which has taken place in
our whole national life. Much that we considered
characteristic of a decaying old world is the out-
come of every over-cultivated city-civilization,
and is being repeated to-day before our eyes. A
democratized society does not care, as enthusi-
asts suppose, for the aristocracy of talent, but
for the power of gold or of the mob, or both to-
gether. In the new generation there is disappear-
ing terribly fast, what Goethe called the final aim
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? 222 In Memory of the Great War
of all moral education -- reverence: reverence for
God; reverence for the barriers which nature has
placed between the two sexes, and the limits
which the structure of human society has imposed
upon desire; reverence for the Fatherland which, as
an ideal, is said to be yielding its place to the
dream of a sensual and cosmopolitan plutocracy.
The wider culture spreads the more shallow it
becomes; the thoughtfulness of the ancient world
is despised ; only that which serves the aims of the
immediate future seems still important. Where
everyone gives his opinion about everything,
according to the newspaper and the encyclopaedia,
there original mental power becomes rare, and with
it the fine courage of ignorance, which marks an
independent mind. Science, which, once descend-
ing too deep, sought to fathom the inscrutable,
loses itself in expansion, and only isolated pines of
original thought tower above the low undergrowth
of collections of memoranda. The satiated taste,
which no longer understands the true, goes after
realism, and prizes the wax figure more than
the work of art. In the tedium of an empty
existence the affected naturalness of betting and
athletic sports gains an undeserved importance,
and when we see how immoderately the heroes of
the circus and the performers of the playground
are over-prized, we are unpleasantly reminded of
the enormous costly mosaic picture of the twenty-
eight prize-fighters in the Baths of Caracalla.
These are all serious signs of the time. But
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? In Memory of the Great War 223
no one stands so high that he can only accuse his
people. We Germans, especially, have often
sinned against ourselves through extravagant love
of fault-finding. And no one can say that he
really knows his own people. In the spring of
1870 even the most sanguine did not suppose that
our young men would strike as they did. So we,
also, will hope that to-day, deep in the hearts of
our people, there are at work rejuvenating powers
which we know not of. And how much that does
not pass away has, in spite of all, remained to us
from the great war. The Empire stands upright,
stronger than we ever expected ; every German dis-
cerns its mighty influence in the ordinary occur-
rences of every day, in the current exchange of the
market-place. None of us could live without the
Empire, and how strongly the thought of it glows
in our hearts is shown by the grateful affection
which seeks to console the first Imperial Chancellor
for the bitter experiences of his old age. In my
youth it was often said, *'If the Germans become
German, they will found the kingdom on earth
which will bring peace to the world. " We are
not so inoffensive any longer. For a long time
past we have known that the sword must maintain
what the sword won, and to the end of history,
the virile saying will hold good, gta gta ^la'C^ziai,
"Force is overcome by force. " And yet there is
a deep significance in that old verse about the
Germans. Not only was the war for Prussia's
existence -- the Seven Years' War, -- the first Euro-
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? 224 In Memory of the Great War
pean war, not only did our State combine both the
old State-systems of the East and the West into a
European community of States, but being at last
strengthened as a central State, during a quarter
of a century of dangerous diplomatic friction, it
has offered peace to the Continent not by means of
the panacea of the pacificists -- disarming -- but by
the exact opposite -- universal arming. Germany's
example compelled armies to become nations,
nations to become armies, and consequently war
to be a dangerous experiment ; and since no French-
man has yet asserted that France can recover her
old booty by force of arms, we may perhaps hope
for some more years of peace. Meanwhile, our
western frontier territory coalesces slowly, but
unceasingly, with the old Fatherland, and the time
will come when German culture, which has changed
its place of abode so often, will again recover
complete predominance in its old home. Finally,
after so many painful disappointments, we have
lately succeeded in a work, as only a great and
united people can succeed. It was, indeed, a well-
omened day when the canal between the North
Sea and the Baltic was opened, and the Ger-
mans on the Suabian Sea sent their brotherly
greeting to the distant coast.
Such hours of happy success you must hold fast
in memory, my dear comrades, when your heads
grow dizzy with the frenzy of party-spirit. Our
festival to-day has especial significance for you.
It is the privilege and happiness of youth to look
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? In Memory of the Great War 225
up, to trust the future in good spirits, not to de-
spise the deeds of their fathers, nor to become sub-
merged in the controversies of the day. You have
not, Hke we of the older generation, helped to con-
quer your Fatherland for yourselves with weapons,
or the surgeon's knife, or the weak pen; you
have not, like we, seen dear friends of your youth
perish in body and soul, because they despaired
too soon of Germany. To you comes the simple
summons, Spartam nactus es, hanc exorna. Yes,
you have obtained it, without any merit on your
part, this imited Fatherland, which for the good of
mankind mounted ever higher, from Fehrbellin to
Leuthen, from Belle- Alliance to Sedan. It can pro-
vide scope for every virile force, and the best is
hardly good enough for it. If the call of the
war-lord should ever summon you under the ban-
ners of the eagle, you will not wish to be weaker
in courage and faithfulness, in the fear of God
and devotion, than the old Berlin students, whose
honoured names we preserve in marble in our
University hall. Whether Germany demands from
you the toils of peace, or the deeds of war,
cherish ever the vow which once the poet, looking
down on the corpse-strewn fields around Metz,
made in all our names :
Think not that the blood you shed,
Flowed in vain, O honoured dead,
Or shall ever be forgot !
And now, gentlemen, as we do in all national
15
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? 226 In Memory of the Great War
festivals of our University, let us remember,
reverentially, with loyal fidelity, the ruler who
guards our Empire with his sceptre. God bless his
Majesty, our Emperor and King. God grant him
to exercise a wise, righteous, and firm rule, and
grant us all strength to guard and to increase
the precious inheritance of those glorious times.
Come, good Germans, everywhere! Join with me
in the cry, " Long live Emperor and Empire! "
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? LUTHER AND THE GERMAN NATION
(A Lecture given at Darmstadt on November 7,
1883)
Ladies and Gentlemen,
There are many among you who stood, not
many weeks ago, on the heights of the Niederwald,
when our venerable Emperor presided at the unveil-
ing of the statue representing Germania girt with
her sword; and you there had the privilege of
uniting with your compatriots from far and near
in a feeling of joy and thankfulness. For centuries
we Germans have been denied the luxury of join-
ing together in that happy and unenvious contem-
plation of our past which is the true life-blood of a
healthy people. The very victories which brought
about the unity of our Empire were the outcome
of the first great united act performed by the whole
nation since immemorial times. Glorious indeed
is the history of our nation, which has so often
given to this part of our globe the foremost figure
of the century, and has, in warfare, so often spoken
words of awakening or of reconciliation. Nearly
all our great men were, however, so inextricably
involved in the whirl of bewildering contrasts
227
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? 228 Luther and the German Nation
which disorganized our inner life that even to this
day they remain an enigma to great masses of the
people, and are looked upon merely as the pioneers
of a family, a party, or a creed -- ^not simply as
German heroes.
It was during the eighteenth century that the
last and greatest representative of the old-fash-
ioned unlimited monarchy held sway among us,
and now that we are able to judge of the extent of
his labours, the more enlightened among us have
begun to feel that he was fighting for Germany
when he waged war against Austria and the Holy
Roman Empire. But in spite of this King
Frederick, like his ancestor the Great Elector, will
ever remain the favourite of his Prussians, while
to the general mass of the Southern Germans he
will continue to be something of a stranger. A
century earlier we secured the religious peace of
Europe after a horrible war, but victory was pur-
chased at a fearful price, i. e. , the laying waste
of our ancient culture ; and almost the only lumin-
ous figure in all that sombre period, the hero
Gustavus Adolphus, was a foreigner. Moreover,
even his admirers must admit that his victorious
career terminated -- very favourably to us -- just
at the moment when his power began to be prejudi-
cial to our country.
The same limitations are to be observed even
in the commemorative festival which our Pro-
testant nation is thankfully celebrating this week.
It is not, unhappily, a festival in which all Ger-
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? Luther and the German Nation 229
mans will take part. Millions of our compatriots
are holding aloof in silence, or even in open dis-
approval. They are neither able nor willing
to imderstand that the Reformer of our Church
was the pioneer of the whole German nation on the
road to a freer civilization, and that in the State
and in Society, in our homes and in our centres
of learning, his spirit still breathes life into us.
Everyone who takes it upon himself to speak of
Luther must confess what is his own attitude
towards the great moral problems of the present
day. And the accusations of those who are un-
able to comprehend his greatness are as passion-
ate in tone to-day as if the Reformer still walked
in our midst.
Even during his life-time Martin Luther incurred
the penalty which awaits all great men, and
especially all great fighters: he was misunderstood.
During the early years of his public activity --
years so full of promise -- ^he was greeted by the
nation with a tempestuous joy such as has not been
seen again in Germany imtil our own time. In the
days when he first belled the cat, when, forced
forward by a lively conscience and the driving
power of untrammelled thought, he turned from
the paths of ancient orthodoxy to those of open
heresy; when he threw the Papal Bull into the
fire and gave that ringing call to the "Christian
nobility of the German nation," in which he
invited his Germans to reform the Church and the
State, root and branch; then it was that he stood
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? 230 Luther and the German Nation
revealed before the Emperor and the Empire
as the leader of the nation, a man as heroic in
aspect as the patron saint of his people, the warrior
Michael. Then it was that men sought to express
their joy in the words of the folk-song :
He showed himself at Worms,
All ready for the fray;
He silenced all his enemies,
And none could overcome him.
Then, also, it seemed as if the elemental forces
at work in a nation stirred to its depths -- the re-
ligious zeal of pious minds, the scientific curiosity
of the rising generation, the national hatred
of a knightly nobility for the foreign prelates,
the discontent of an oppressed peasantry -- were
about to unite in a mighty torrent impetuous
enough to sweep all Roman organizations and
influences out of our State and our Church. The
royal dignity of Germany was, however, still in
close bondage to the world-embracing policy of the
Holy Roman Empire. It can hardly have been
an accident that the crown was at that moment-
ous period worn by a stranger who could not
discern the beating of our heart, and whose only
answer to the acclamations with which the Germans
hailed the courageous frankness of their country-
man was a disdainful smile and the words, "Such
a man shall never make me a heretic. "
As soon as it became evident that the Emperor
had refused to listen to the voice of the nation, the
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