Part of the bastion
crumbled
and the Franks got in.
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And there were those who allowed themselves to buy pleasure with degradation, and those who repented of their sin and found devious ways of retracing their steps, for the hand of any man who shrinks from (absolute) apostasy dares not stretch out, and it is the nature of him who arrives there to steal away from them, suspecting that what is serious, is serious, and the door of pleasure closes in his face.
Now among the Franks a woman who gives herself to a celibate man commits no sin, and her justification is even greater in the case of a priest, if chaste men in dire need find relief in enjoying her.
Another person to arrive by sea was a noblewoman who was very wealthy. She was a queen in her own land, and arrived accompanied by five hundred knights with their horses and money, pages and valets, she paying all their expenses and treating them generously out of her wealth. They rode out when she rode out, charged when she charged, flung them- selves into the fray at her side, their ranks unwavering as long as she stood firm.
Among the Franks there were indeed women who rode into battle with cuirasses and helmets, dressed in men's clothes; who rode out into the thick of the fray and acted like brave men although they were but tender women, maintaining that all this was an act of piety, thinking to gain heavenly rewards by it, and making it their way of life. Praise be to him who led them into such error and out of the paths of wisdom! On the day of battle more than one woman rode out with them like a knight and showed (masculine) endurance in
This is a hint of the true nature of these camp-followers, represented in the rest of the passage as fanatical hierodules of the Christian faith; but even this metaphor from the market, the request with the eye (or the coin) of sin, could be understood in other than a literally venial sense.
1
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spite of the weakness (of her sex); clothed only in a coat of mail they were not recognized as women until they had been stripped of their arms. 1 Some of them were discovered and sold as slaves; and everywhere was full of old women. These were sometimes a support and sometimes a source of weakness. They exhorted and incited men to summon their pride, saying that the Cross imposed on them the obligation to resist to the bitter end, and that the combatants would win eternal life only by sacrificing their lives, and that their God's sepulchre was in enemy hands. Observe how men and women led them into error; the latter in their religious zeal tired of feminine delicacy, and to save themselves from the terror of dismay (on the day of Judgment) became the close companions of perplexity, and having succumbed to the lust for vengeance, became hardened, and stupid and foolish because of the harm they had suffered.
1
Ibn al-Athi? r has the same story. Clearly there was more than one Clorinda in the Christian camp; but from a passage in Usama we learn that Muslim women too were capable of taking up arms if necessary.
CHAPTER FIVE
The expedition of Frederick Barbarossa, which ended in the waters of the Calycadnus and the epidemics of northern Syria, was followed with greater success by those of the kings of France and England. Despite all Saladin's efforts to mobilize all the forces of Isla? m in a counter-crusade (we owe to Abu Shama the text of one of his impassioned appeals on the subject), in 1191, her food and her army gone, Acre submitted. Baha? ' ad-Din paints for us a vivid picture of the last hours and the tragedy of the surrender with its bloody epilogue, a disgrace to the name of Coeur de Lion, when the Muslim prisoners were massacred in cold blood.
CONRAD OF MONTFERRAT AND THE THIRD CRUSADE (BAHA? ' AD-DI? N, 181)
. . . the Marquis, the ruler of Tyre, was one of the most cunning and experienced of the Franks, and his was the chief responsibility for luring the crowds of Crusaders from over- seas. He had a picture of Jerusalem painted showing the Church of the Resurrection, the object of pilgrimage and deepest veneration to them; according to them the Messiah's tomb is there, in which he was buried after his crucifixion. 1 This sepulchre was the object of their pilgrimage, and they believed that every year fire came down upon it from heaven at one of their feasts. 2 Above the tomb the Marquis had a horse painted, and mounted on it a Muslim knight who was trampling the tomb, over which his horse was urinating. This picture was sent abroad to the markets and meeting-places; priests carried it about, clothed in their hab- its, their heads covered, groaning: 'O the shame! ' In this way they raised a huge army, God alone knows how many, among them the King of Germany with his troops.
FREDERICK BARBAROSSA'S CRUSADE AND HIS DEATH (IBN AL-ATHI? R, XII, 30-2)
In 586/1190 the King of Germany left his country, which was inhabited by one of the most numerous and vigorous of the Frankish tribes. Troubled by the fall of Jerusalem to the Muslims, he marshalled his army, equipped them fully and left his land for Constantinople. The Byzantine emperor sent word of his coming to Saladin and promised that he would not let him pass through his lands. When the King of Germany reached Constantinople the Emperor was in no position to prevent his passage because of the size of his army, but he
We have already remarked on the Docetist theories of Muslim Christology.
The fire ceremony on Holy Saturday, celebrated at the Holy Sepulchre until the last century.
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denied him any provisions and forbade his subjects to supply the army with what it needed, so that they found themselves short of food and provisions. They crossed the Bosporus and landed on Muslim soil, in the kingdom of Qilij Arsla? n ibn Qutlumi? sh ibn Selju? q. 1 They had barely set foot there before the Turcomans attacked them, and they continued to keep up with them on their march, killing stragglers and plundering where they could. It was winter and the cold in those parts is intense. The snow settled, and cold, hunger and the Turcomans took their toll of the army and reduced its numbers. When they approached Konya, King Qutb ad-Din Maliksha? h ibn Qilij Arsla? n came out to bar their way, but he could do nothing against them and so returned to Konya and his father. This son had stripped his father of his power, and the other sons had dispersed through his lands, each seizing a part of the kingdom. As Qutb ad-Din retreated before them the German army moved quickly in his wake and set up camp outside Konya. Then they sent a gift to Qilij Arsla? n with the mes- sage: 'Your country is not our objective, but Jerusalem,' and asking him at the same time to allow his subjects to provide them with food and other necessities. He gave his permission and they got whatever they needed, satisfied themselves, gathered together provisions for the journey and set off. Then they asked Qutb ad-Din to order his subjects not to molest them, and to consign to them as hostages a certain number of his ami? rs. He was sufficiently afraid of them to hand over about twenty ami? rs whom he disliked, and they took them off. Since the brigands and others were not in fact restrained from attacking and harassing the expedition, the King of Germany had the hostages seized and put in chains, and some of them died in prison, while others succeeded in ransoming themselves. The King of Ger- many reached Lesser Armenia, whose King was called Leo, son of Stephen son of Leo, and he supplied them with food and provisions, welcomed them as lords in his country and showed them obedience. From here they advanced toward Antioch, but found a river in their path, beside which they camped. The King went down to the river to wash himself, and was drowned at a place where the water was not even up to his waist. Thus God liber- ated us from the evil of such a man.
He had with him a young son,1 who became King in his place and continued the march to Antioch. But his companions had lost their undivided loyalty to him; some wanted to turn back and go home, others wanted his brother as King, and they too split away from the main party. He went on with the remainder of his army that was faithful to him. They numbered 40,000 when he reviewed them, for death and epidemics had decimated them. They reached Antioch looking like disinterred corpses, and the ruler of the city, who was not pleased to see them, sent them off to join the Franks besieging Acre. On their journey through Jabala, Laodicea and other regions in Muslim hands they were attacked by troops from Aleppo and elsewhere; many were taken prisoner and even more died. They reached Tripoli and stayed there for several days, but the pestilence fell upon them and left not more than a thousand. These made their way to the Franks at Acre. When they got there and real- ized the losses they had suffered and the discord there was among them they decided to return home, but their ships were wrecked and not one escaped.
The Seljuqid Sultan of Iconium. Frederick, soon to die before Acre.
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King Qilij Arsla? n had written to Saladin advising him of their arrival and promising to prevent their passage through his lands, so when they had got through and left him behind them he sent his excuses for having failed to prevent them--his sons had seized control, stripped him of his power and dispersed, evading their obligation to him. As for Saladin, when he heard of the arrival of the King of Germany he took counsel with his companions. Many of them advised him to march against them and confront them before they reached Acre, but he said that it was better to wait until they came nearer to the Muslim armies before attacking them, in case the Muslim troops at Acre should think of surrendering. He sent contingents from. Aleppo, Jabala, Laodicea, Shaizar and elsewhere into the region of Aleppo to protect it from enemy attacks. The Muslims found themselves in the state of which God says: 'When they attacked you from above and below, and your eyes were distracted and your hearts came up into your throats, and you thought on God in all sorts of ways. Then the Believers were put to the test and seriously shaken. '1 But God freed us of their evil and turned their plotting upon themselves.
So great was the fear they aroused that this story was told: one of Saladin's ami? rs had a village in the Mosul area, administered by my brother. When the harvest was reaped, barley and straw, he sent to his lord to discuss the sale of the crop, but got in reply a letter saying; 'Do not sell a single grain, and make sure to reap the largest possible amount of straw. ' This was followed by a letter from the ami? r telling him to go ahead and sell the crop, as they had no further need of it. When the ami? r came to Mosul we asked him why he had forbidden the sale and then soon afterward authorized it. He replied: 'When we had news that the King of Germany had come we were convinced that we should no longer be able to hold Syria, and so I wrote to prevent the sale of the harvest so that there would be food in reserve when we came to you. But when God destroyed them and there was no longer any need for reserves of food I wrote to you to sell it and invest the money. '
THE ARRIVAL OF THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND (BAHA? ' AD-DIN 212-14, 220)
(In the spring of 1190) when the sea became navigable again and the weather was fine, the time came for both sides to return to the fray. The first of the Muslims to arrive was 'Alam ad-Din Sulaima? n ibn Jandar, one of al-Malik az-Zahir's ami? rs, an old and distinguished man, the veteran of many battles, a wise counsellor, esteemed and honoured by the Sultan, of whom he had for years been a companion at arms. After him came Majd ad-Din ibn 'Izz ad-Din Farrukhsha? h, ruler of Baalbek, and then other Muslim contingents arrived from all directions. As for the enemy army, they warned our spies and outposts of the imminent arrival of the French King,1 a great and honoured ruler, one of their mightiest princes, whom all the armies obeyed. He was to assume supreme command of them on his arrival. He arrived as they promised he would, six ships carrying him and his supplies, the horses they would need and his closest companions. This was on Saturday 23 rabi? ' 1/20 April 1191.
Qur'a? n XXXIII, 10-11, referring to the siege of Medina by the pagan confederacy in the fifth year of the hijra/627.
Philip II Augustus.
1
1
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He brought with him from his homeland an enormous white falcon of a rare species; I never saw a finer specimen. The King held it dear and showed it great affection. One day it escaped from his hand and flew away. He called it back but it did not respond, and instead flew over the wall of Acre, whose inhabitants seized it and sent it to the Sultan. Its arrival brought great joy, and its capture was seen as a good omen of victory for the Muslims. The Franks offered a ransom of a thousand dinar for it, but the offer was refused. After the King came the Count of Flanders,1 a famous military leader, of whom it was said that he had laid siege to Hama? t and Hari? m in the year of the fall of ar-Ramla. . . .
The King of England2 was a very powerful man among the Franks, a man of great courage and spirit. He had fought great battles, and showed a burning passion for war. His kingdom and standing were inferior to those of the French King, but his wealth, reputation and valour were greater. For example, when he reached Cyprus, he refused to proceed any further until the island was his. So he laid siege to it and gave battle, while its ruler, with a great host of warriors, moved out against him and offered strenuous resistance. The King of England sent to Acre to ask for help in taking the island, and King Guy3 sent his brother and a hundred and seventy knights, while the Franks at Acre waited to see the outcome of the conflict. . . .
On Saturday 13 jumada 1/8 June 1191 the King of England arrived, after coming to terms with the King of Cyprus and taking possession of the island. His arrival made an enormous impression: he appeared with twenty-five ships full of men, arms and equip- ment, and the Franks made a great display of joy and lit fires that night among their tents. The fires were im-pressive, and big enough to show what a vast amount of equipment he had brought with him. 1 The Frankish rulers had for a long time been telling us that he was coming, and those of them who had safe-conducts and could contact our side said that they had been waiting for his arrival to put into effect their plan to besiege the city with new vigour. The King was indeed a man of wisdom, experience, courage and energy. His arrival put fear into the hearts of the Muslims, but the Sultan met the panic with firmness and faith in God, consecrating all his actions to Him and dedicating to Him his sincere intention of fighting in the Holy War.
SALADIN'S SUMMONS TO THE HOLY WAR (ABU SHAMA, 11, 148)
'We hope in God most high, to whom be praise, who leads the hearts of Muslims to calm what torments them and ruins their prosperity. As long as the seas bring reinforcements to the enemy and the land does not drive them off, our country will continue to suffer at their hands, and our hearts to be troubled by the sickness caused by the harm they do us. Where is the sense of honour of the Muslims, the pride of the believers, the zeal of the faithful? We shall never cease to be amazed at how the Unbelievers, for their part, have shown trust,
Philip of Alsace.
Richard Coeur de Lion.
The text has 'Godfrey' for Guy.
Western sources too speak of these great bonfires of jubilation.
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and it is the Muslims who have been lacking in zeal. Not one of them has responded to the call, not one intervenes to straighten what is distorted; but observe how far the Franks have gone; what unity they have achieved, what aims they pursue, what help they have given, what sums of money they have borrowed and spent, what wealth they have collected and distributed and divided among them! There is not a king left in their lands or islands, not a lord or a rich man who has not competed with his neighbours to produce more support, and rivalled his peers in strenuous military effort. In defence of their religion they consider it a small thing to spend life and soul, and they have kept their infidel brothers supplied with arms and champions for the war. And all they have done, and all their generosity, has been done purely out of zeal for Him they worship, in jealous defence of their Faith. Every Frank feels that once we have reconquered the (Syrian) coast, and the veil of their honour is torn off and destroyed, this country will slip from their grasp, and our hand will reach out toward their own countries. The Muslims, on the other hand, are weakened and demoralized. They have become negligent and lazy, the victims of unproductive stupefac- tion and completely lacking in enthusiasm. If, God forbid, Isla? m should draw rein, obscure her splendour, blunt her sword, there would be no one, East or West, far or near, who would blaze with zeal for God's religion or choose to come to the aid of truth against error. This is the moment to cast off lethargy, to summon from far and near all those men who have blood in their veins. But we are confident, thanks be to God, in the help that will come from Him, and entrust ourselves to Him in sincerity of purpose and deepest devotion. God willing, the Unbelievers shall perish and the faithful have a sure deliverance. '
THE LAST ATTACK ON ACRE AND THE SURRENDER OF THE CITY (BAHA? ' AD-DIN, 229-39)
The besiegers battered the walls ceaselessly with catapults, which was the only method of attack they used, and eventually the walls began to crumble, their structure collapsed, and exhaustion and vigilance wore the defenders out. There were few of them against a great number of enemy soldiers, and they underwent the most severe trial of endurance; in fact some of them went for several nights on end without closing their eyes, night or day, whereas the circle hemming them in consisted of a great number of men who took it in turns to fight. The defenders however were but few, and had had to share the duties of the wall, the trenches, the catapults and the galleys.
When the enemy realized this, and when the walls seemed to be tottering, their structure undermined, they began to attack on all sides, divided into groups and detachments that took it in turn to fight. Each time that a detachment exhausted itself it retired to rest and another took its place. On the seventh of the month (jumada 11 586/12 July 1191) they began a great offensive, manning night and day all the mounds surrounding their trenches with infantry and combatants. The Sultan, who learnt of the assault from eye-witnesses and by an agreed signal from the garrison--a roll of drums--mounted his horse and ordered the army to mount and attack the enemy. A great battle was fought that day. As deeply con- cerned as a mother bereft of her child, Saladin galloped from battalion to battalion inciting his men to fight for the Faith. Al-Malik al-'Adil, they say, himself led two charges that day. The Sultan moved through the ranks crying: 'For Isla? m! ' his eyes swimming with tears.
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Every time he looked toward Acre and saw the agony she was in and the disaster looming for her inhabitants, he launched himself once more into the attack and goaded his men on to fight. That day he touched no food and drank only a cup or two of the potion prescribed for him by his doctor. I was left behind and could not take part in the attack because of an illness that afflicted me. I was in my tent at Tall al-'Ayadiyya, and all the battle was spread out before my eyes. Night fell, the Sultan returned to his tent after the final evening prayer, exhausted and in anguish, and slept fitfully. The next morning he had the drums beaten, marshalled his army and returned to the battle he had left the night before.
On that day a letter arrived from the beleaguered men in which they said: 'We have reached such a pitch of exhaustion that we can do nothing but surrender. Tomorrow, the eighth of the month, if you can do nothing for us, we shall beg for our lives and hand over the city, securing only our personal safety. ' This was one of the saddest messages ever received by the Muslims, and it stabbed them to the heart; the more so since Acre contained all the military equipment from Palestine, Jerusalem, Damascus, Aleppo, Egypt and all the Muslim lands, as well as the army's greatest ami? rs, and such gallant champions of Isla? m as Saif ad-Din 'Ali al-Mashtu? b, Saif ad-Din Qaraqu? sh, and others. Qaraqu? sh in particular had directed the defence of the town since the enemy first besieged it. The Sultan was smitten by the news as by no other blow that had ever struck him, to such an extent that his life was feared for. But he continued his unceasing prayers to God and turned to Him throughout the crisis, with patience and pious abnegation and tenacious energy: 'And God does not waste the hire of the doer of good. '1 He wanted to try by assault to re-establish contact with the besieged men. The alarm sounded among the troops, the champions mounted their horses, cavalry and infantry assembled. But on that day the army did not support him in the attack on the enemy, for the enemy infantry stood like an unbreakable wall with weapons, ballistas and arrows, behind their bastions. Attacked on every side by the Muslims, they held firm and defended themselves most vigorously. A man who penetrated as far as their trenches told how there was a huge Frank there who leapt on to the parapet of the trench and chased back the Muslims; some men standing close to him handed him stones which he threw down on to the Muslims sheltering behind the parapet. More than fifty stones and arrows struck him without dislodging him from the defensive battle he had undertaken, until a Muslim pyrotechnician threw an incendiary bottle at him and burnt him alive. Another observant old soldier who penetrated the trenches that day told me that on the other side of the parapet was a woman dressed in a green mantle, who shot at us with a wooden bow and wounded many Muslims before she was overcome and killed. Her bow was taken and carried to the Sultan, who was clearly deeply impressed by the story. Thus the fighting continued until nightfall.
ACRE, INCAPABLE OF FURTHER RESISTANCE, NEGOTIATES WITH THE FRANKS
The attack on the city from all sides was intensified, with troops taking turns to fight, and the defenders were reduced to a handful of infantry and cavalry as a result of the great
Qur'a? n III, 165.
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losses they had suffered. The survivors lost heart at the thought of the imminence of death, and felt incapable of any further defiance. Meanwhile the enemy captured their trenches and the wall of the first bastion. The Franks had tunnelled under it, filled the mines with combustible material and set fire to it.
Part of the bastion crumbled and the Franks got in. But they lost more than a hundred and fifty men there, dead or captured, including six of their leaders. One of these cried: 'Do not kill me, and I will make the Franks retreat! ' but a Kurd fell on him and killed him, and the other five were killed in the same way. The next day the Franks issued a proclamation: 'Return those six men, and we will grant freedom to all the city! ' But the Muslims replied that they were already dead, which caused great grief to the Franks, who suspended the offensive for three days after this.
It was said that Saif ad-Din al-Mashtu? b himself went out under safe-conduct to talk to the French King, and said to him: 'In the past we have taken many of your cities by storm. In every case, when the inhabitants asked for an amnesty it has been granted, and we have allowed them honourably to go into safety. Now we would surrender this city, and we hope that you will guarantee our lives. ' The King replied: 'Those whom you captured in the past were our subjects, and in the same way you are our mamlu? ks and slaves. We shall see what is to be done with you. ' To which al-Mashtu? b, they say, replied harshly and at length, saying among other things: 'We shall not hand over the city until we are all dead, and not one of us will die before he has killed fifty of your leaders,' and he went away. When al-Mashtu? b brought the news to the city some of the garrison were afraid, and climb- ing an embankment escaped to the Muslim camp by night. This was on 9 jumada II, and among the distinguished men in the party were 'Izz ad-Din Arsil, Ibn al-Jawali and Sunqu? r al-Ushaqi. When Arsil and Sunqu? r reached the camp they vanished without leaving the faintest trace, for fear of Saladin's wrath. Ibn al-Jawali was taken and thrown into prison.
On the following morning the Sultan mounted, intending to take the enemy by surprise, and took with him spades and other equipment for bridging the trenches. But the troops refused to support him in carrying out his plan, and said rebelliously: 'You want to place all Isla? m in jeopardy, but such a plan could not have a successful outcome. ' That day three messengers came from the English King asking Saladin for fruit and snow, and saying that the Grand Master of the Hospital would come out the next day to discuss peace. The Sultan treated the messengers with honour, and they went to the market and walked about there, and returned to their own camp at night-fall. That day the Sultan told Sarim ad-Din Qaima? z an-Najmi to take his men and penetrate the enemy lines. He took a group of Kurd- ish ami? rs such as al-Jana? h, (al-Mashtu? b's brother), and his friends, as far as the Frankish lines. Qaima? z himself raised the standard over the enemy trenches and fought a part of the day in defence of the oriflam. At the height of the battle that day 'Izz ad-Din Jurdi? k an-Nuri arrived, dismounted and fought vigorously alongside his men. On Friday 10 jumada II/5 July the Frankish army took the initiative. They were completely surrounded by Muslims, who passed the night fully armed and in the saddle, looking for a chance to help their brothers in Acre who, they hoped, would be able to attack some point of the enemy lines, break through and get out; the army outside helping them to hold their position, so that some would escape and some be taken, according to their fate. But the besieged men who had agreed to the plan, could not get out that night because an escaped slave had informed the enemy and precautions were taken and strict watch kept. On Friday 10th three enemy messengers spent an hour with al-Malik al-'Adil and returned without reaching any agree-
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ment. The day ended with the Muslim army holding the plain facing the enemy, and thus the night passed.
On Saturday the 11th the Franks, in full panoply, moved forward and it appeared that they wanted a pitched battle with the Muslims. When they were drawn up about forty men came out of the gate below the pavilion and invited certain mamlu? ks, among them al-'Adl az-Zabdani of Sidon one of the Sultan's freedmen, to present themselves. Al-'Adl came up to them and began to negotiate for the garrison in Acre to be allowed to go free, but the terms were too stiff and the Saturday came to an end without any conclusion being reached.
LETTERS ARRIVE FROM THE CITY
On Sunday the 12th letters reached us (from Acre) saying: 'We have sworn an oath to one another to die. We shall fight until death. We shall not yield the city as long as we have a breath of life in us. See what you can do to distract the enemy from us and draw his fire. These are our decisions. Take care that you do not yield to the enemy. Our part is now over. ' The messenger who swam out with this letter said that from the great noise heard in the city during the night the Franks thought that a great army had entered Acre. 'A Frank,' he said, 'came up to the wall and cried out to one of the guards: "In the name of your Faith, tell me how many soldiers came into your city last night. " This was the night before the Saturday, during which a great uproar was heard that alarmed both sides, but its cause was not discovered. 1 "A thousand cavalry," replied the other. "No," he returned, "fewer than that; I saw them myself, and they were dressed in green robes"! '2
Repeated attacks by Muslim. contingents were still able at this stage to turn the enemy attack away from the siege, even after the city was wide open to be taken. But the defenders grew weaker, the number of breaches in the walls increased although the defenders built up in place of the broken wall another internal wall from which they fought when the vulner- able section finally collapsed. On Tuesday 14th of the month there arrived Sabi? q ad-Din of Shaizar, on Wednesday Badr ad-Din Yildiri? m with a large band of Turcomans to whom the Sultan had sent a large sum of money to be distributed among them as pay, and on Thurs- day Asad ad-Din Shirku? h the younger. Through all this the Franks held firm, refusing to grant the besieged men their lives until every Frankish prisoner in Muslim hands had been returned, and all the cities of Palestine submitted to the Franks. They were offered the sur- render of the town with everything in it except the defenders, and they refused it. They were offered the return of the True Cross, and still they refused, becoming increasingly greedy and more obstinate. No one knew any longer what expedient to use with them: 'They play at being cunning, and God too plays at being cunning, and He is the better player. '3
There appears to have been a small earthquake.
The usual heavenly warriors who according to Muslim piety so often intervene in battle. Qur'a? n III, 47.
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Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 131 THE GARRISON AGREE TO
SURRENDER IN RETURN FOR THEIR LIVES
On Friday 17 jumada II a swimmer got out of the city with letters saying that the defenders were at their last gasp. The breaches had grown and the people, unable to resist any longer, saw that death was certain and were sure that when the city was taken by storm they would all be put to the sword. They had therefore made an agreement handing over the city with all its equipment, munitions, and ships, in addition to 200,000 dinar, 500 ordinary prison- ers and 100 important ones nominated by the Franks themselves, and also the True Cross. In return they were to be allowed to leave the city freely with their personal possessions, women and children. They also guaranteed 400 dinar to the Marquis (of Montferrat) who had acted as intermediary in the negotiations. On this basis agreement was reached.
THE ENEMY TAKES POSSESSION OF ACRE
When the Sultan learnt the contents of their letters he was extremely upset and disapproved strongly. He called his counsellors, informed them of the developments, and asked their advice on what should be done. He was given conflicting advice and remained uncertain and troubled. He decided to write that night and to send a message by the swimmer disap- proving of the terms of the treaty, and was still in this state of mind when suddenly the Muslims saw standards and crosses and signs and beacons raised by the enemy on the city walls. It was midday on Friday 17 Jumada 11/12 July 1191.
The Franks all together gave a mighty shout, and struck a heavy blow into Muslim hearts. Great was our affliction; our whole camp resounded with cries and lamentations, sighs and sobs. The Marquis took the King's standards into the city and planted one on the citadel, one on the minaret of the Great Mosque--on a Friday! --one on the Templars' tower and one on the Battle Tower, each one in place of a Muslim standard. The Muslims were all confined to one quarter of the city.
I was on duty, and came into the Sultan's presence, and he was like a parent bereft of a child. I offered him what comfort I could, and exhorted him to think of his duty to Palestine and Jerusalem, and to save the Muslims left as prisoners in the city. This was the night of Saturday the 18th. He finally decided to withdraw slightly from his present position, since the moment had passed for attacking the enemy at close quarters. He had the baggage removed to its first position at Shafar'am, remaining at his post with a small body of troops to observe the enemy and the defenders. The army carried out the move during the night, but Saladin stayed where he was in the hope that by God's will the Franks in their blindness would be inspired to attack him, so that by falling on them from behind he could inflict a blow on them; let God give the victory to whom He would. But the enemy did nothing of the sort, confining themselves to taking over the city. The Sultan stayed there until the morning of the 19th and then moved to the Tall.
MASSACRE OF THE MUSLIM PRISONERS
When the English King saw that Saladin delayed in carrying out the terms of the treaty he broke his word to the Muslim prisoners with whom he had made an agreement and from
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whom he had received the city's surrender in exchange for their lives. If the Sultan handed over the agreed sum, he was to allow them to go free with their possessions, wives and chil- dren, but if the money was refused him he was to take them into slavery as his prisoners. Now, however, he broke his word and revealed the secret thought that he was nurturing, and put it into effect even after he had received the money and the (Frankish) prisoners: it was indeed in these terms that his co-religionists spoke of him later on. On the afternoon of 27 rajab/ 20 August he and all the Frankish army, infantry, cavalry and turcopules, rode to the wells below Tall al-'Ayadiyya, (they had sent their tents ahead of them), and marched off to occupy the centre of the plain between Tall Kaisa? n and Tall al-'Ayadiyya, while the Sultan's outposts retired to Tall Kaisa? n. Then they brought up the Muslim prisoners whose martyrdom God had ordained, more than three thousand men in chains. They fell on them as one man and slaughtered them in cold blood, with sword and lance. Our spies had informed Saladin of the enemy's manoeuvres and he sent some reinforcements, but by then the slaughter had already occurred. As soon as the Muslims realized what had happened they attacked the enemy and battle raged, with dead and wounded on both sides, continuing with increasing vigour until night fell and separated them. The next morning the Muslims wanted to see who had fallen, and found their martyred companions lying where they fell, and some they recognized. Great grief seized them, and from then on they did not spare (enemy prisoners), except for well-known persons and strong men who could be put to work.
Many reasons were given to explain the slaughter. One was that they had killed them as a reprisal for their own prisoners killed before then by the Muslims. Another was that the King of England had decided to march on Ascalon and take it, and he did not want to leave behind him in the city a large number (of enemy soldiers). God knows best.
CHAPTER SIX
Negotiations for peace, or the truce, according to the Muslim concept of the Holy War, took a whole year. Involved in the long, tortuous diplomatic game were Richard of Eng- land's matrimonial plans, his exchange of gentlemanly courtesies with Saladin (and even more with his brother al-'Adil), and the ceaseless military operations (Ascalon, Jaffa, Arsu? f), in which the Frankish cruelty to the prisoners taken at Acre led to equally cruel reprisals by Saladin. Finally, de guerre lasse, came the agreement of September 1192 which in effect sanctioned the status quo. There was little in the agreement to remind the Muslims of the first great victories of 1187, and Saladin accepted it with reluctance and under pressure from a tired and undisciplined army. The plan to drive the Franks back to the sea, which had at one moment seemed a possibility, had to wait another century for its realization.
The chief sources for the treaty are Baha? ' ad-Din and 'Ima? d ad-Din.
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS AND THE TREATY (BAHA? ' AD-DIN, 274-5, 277-8, 283-4, 287-91, 294-5, 346-8)
On 26 ramada? n (587/17 October 1191) al-Malik al-'Adil was on duty with the outposts when the King of England asked him to send over a messenger. He sent his secretary and favourite Ibn an-Nahha? l, a fine young man. He met Richard at Yazu? r, whither the King had gone with a large detachment of infantry, which was now scattered over the plain. Richard had long private talks with him to discuss the peace, and Richard said: 'I shall not break my word to my brother and my friend', meaning al-'Adil, and the secretary reported his words to al-Malik al-'Adil. He also sent a letter to the Sultan, through an-Nahha? l, which said in effect: 'I am to salute you, and tell you that the Muslims and Franks are bleeding to death, the country is utterly ruined and goods and lives have been sacrificed on both sides. The time has come to stop this. The points at issue are Jerusalem, the Cross, and the land. Jerusalem is for us an object of worship that we could not give up even if there were only one of us left. The land from here to beyond the Jordan must be consigned to us. The Cross, which is for you simply a piece of wood with no value, is for us of enormous importance. If the Sultan will deign to return it to us, we shall be able to make peace and to rest from this endless labour. '
When the Sultan read this message he called his councillors of state and consulted them about his reply. Then he wrote: 'Jerusalem is ours as much as yours; indeed it is even more sacred to us than it is to you, for it is the place from which our Prophet accomplished his nocturnal journey and the place where our community will gather (on the day of Judg- ment). Do not imagine that we can renounce it or vacillate on this point. The land was also originally ours, whereas you have only just arrived and have taken it over only because of the weakness of the Muslims living there at the time. God will not allow you to rebuild a
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single stone as long as the war lasts. As for the Cross, its possession is a good card in our hand1 and it cannot be surrendered except in exchange for something of outstanding benefit to all Isla? m. ' This reply was sent to Richard by the hand of his own messenger.
** *
On 22 ramada? n/20 October al-Malik al-'Adil sent for me, together with 'Ala? m ad-Din
Sulaima? n ibn Jandar, Sabiq ad-Din of Shaizar, 'Izz ad-Din ibn al-Muqaddam and Husa? m ad- Din Bishara, and showed us the proposals that had been sent to the King of England by his messenger. He said that his plan was that he himself should marry the King's sister,1 whom Richard had brought with him from Sicily where she had been the wife of the late King. Her brother had taken her along with him when he had left Sicily. She would live in Jerusalem, and her brother was to give her the whole of Palestine that was in his hands: Acre, Jaffa, Ascalon and the rest, while the Sultan was to give al-'Adil all the parts of Palestine belong- ing to him and make him their King, in addition to the lands and fees he already held. Saladin was also to hand over the True Cross to the Franks. Villages and forts belonging to the Tem- plars were to remain in their hands, Muslim and Frankish prisoners were to be freed and the King of England was to return home by sea. In this way the problem was to be resolved.
Such were the proposals brought by al-'Adil's messenger to the King of England. Al- 'Adil thought them feasible, and so he 'sent for us, and sent us with a message to that effect to the Sultan, charging me to speak and the others to listen. We were to present the project to the Sultan, and if he approved and thought it to the advantage of Isla? m we were to bear witness that he had authorized and approved the treaty, and if he disapproved we were to bear witness that negotiations had reached this point, and that the Sultan had decided not to confirm them. When we came before the Sultan I expounded the matter to him and read him the message, in the presence of the men I have already named. Saladin immediately approved the terms, knowing quite well that the King of England would never agree to them and they were only a trick and a practical joke on his part. Three times I repeated to him the formula of consent and Saladin replied 'Yes', calling on those present to bear wit- ness. Now that we were sure of his views we returned to al-'Adil and told him what had happened, and the others told him that I had repeated to Saladin the declaration that took effect from the oath taken by him, and that Saladin had insisted on authorizing it. In this way he firmly accepted the proposed terms.
** *
On 13 shawwa? l/3 November, the arrival was announced of the Prince of Sidon as
ambassador from the Marquis of Tyre. Conversations had already been held between us on several occasions, the essence of which was that the Marquis and his men were tired of the Franks and of supporting them, and wanted to make common cause with us against them. This arose from a quarrel that had been blowing up between the Marquis and the Frankish Kings as a result of his marriage to the wife of King Guy's brother,1 a scandalous
Text and meaning uncertain; another reading could mean 'that Jesus is dead is a falsehood for us', or else 'that it were destroyed would be an act of great merit for us'.
Joanna of Sicily, widow of William II.
Actually the sister of Guy's wife (Guy, not Godfrey, as Baha? ' ad-Din always calls him). Isabella of Anjou was Queen Sibyllas' sister. She married first Humphrey of Toron, and was later taken from him and married to Conrad of Montferrat.
1
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affair according to certain tenets of their Faith. This led to a division of opinions, and the Marquis, fearing for his life, took his wife and fled by night to Tyre. There he had begun to incline to the Sultan, and made certain gestures of reconciliation toward him. The split between the Marquis and the Franks was of advantage to the Muslims, for he was the stron- gest and most experienced of their generals, as well as a good governor. When the news of their ambassador's arrival reached the Sultan he gave orders that he was to be treated with honour and respect. He had a tent erected for him, surrounded with an enclosure of cloth and containing as many cushions and carpets as are suitable when princes and kings meet. Saladin ordered that he should be shown to his quarters near the stores to rest, and then held a secret conference with him.
** *
On 19 shawwa? l/9 November the Sultan gave an audience and summoned the Prince
of Sidon to hear his message and statement. He appeared with a whole group of com- panions--I was present at the audience--and Saladin treated him with great honour. He entered into conversation with him and had a sumptuous banquet served for them. After the meal he led them aside; their proposal was for the Sultan to make peace with the Marquis with whom various great Frankish lords had made common cause, among them the Prince of Sidon himself and other distinguished persons. We have already stated his position. A condition of accepting his offer was that he should break openly with the Franks of Out- remer, because of his great fear of them and because of the matter of his wife. The Sultan appeared to be disposed to accept his proposal on certain conditions, by which he hoped to create discord among the Franks and to set them at loggerheads. Now, after listening to him, the Sultan promised to give him a reply later, and the ambassador retired for the day to the tent erected for him.
That night an ambassador came from the King of England: the son of Humphrey, one of the great Frankish leaders and kings (in his train was an old man who was said to be a hundred years old). The Sultan sent for him and listened to what he had to say. His message was: 'The King says: your friendship and affection are dear to me. I told you that I would give these regions of Palestine to your brother, and I want you to be the judge between us in the division of the land. But we absolutely must have a foothold in Jerusalem. I want you to make a division that will not bring down on you the wrath of the Muslims, or on me the wrath of the Franks. '
The Sultan replied immediately with fine promises and allowed the messenger to return at once. He was impressed by the message. He sent someone after the ambassador to check on the matter of prisoners, which was treated separately from the terms of the peace. 'If there is peace,' he said,1 'it will be a general peace, and if there is no peace the matter of prisoners will be of no account.
Another person to arrive by sea was a noblewoman who was very wealthy. She was a queen in her own land, and arrived accompanied by five hundred knights with their horses and money, pages and valets, she paying all their expenses and treating them generously out of her wealth. They rode out when she rode out, charged when she charged, flung them- selves into the fray at her side, their ranks unwavering as long as she stood firm.
Among the Franks there were indeed women who rode into battle with cuirasses and helmets, dressed in men's clothes; who rode out into the thick of the fray and acted like brave men although they were but tender women, maintaining that all this was an act of piety, thinking to gain heavenly rewards by it, and making it their way of life. Praise be to him who led them into such error and out of the paths of wisdom! On the day of battle more than one woman rode out with them like a knight and showed (masculine) endurance in
This is a hint of the true nature of these camp-followers, represented in the rest of the passage as fanatical hierodules of the Christian faith; but even this metaphor from the market, the request with the eye (or the coin) of sin, could be understood in other than a literally venial sense.
1
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spite of the weakness (of her sex); clothed only in a coat of mail they were not recognized as women until they had been stripped of their arms. 1 Some of them were discovered and sold as slaves; and everywhere was full of old women. These were sometimes a support and sometimes a source of weakness. They exhorted and incited men to summon their pride, saying that the Cross imposed on them the obligation to resist to the bitter end, and that the combatants would win eternal life only by sacrificing their lives, and that their God's sepulchre was in enemy hands. Observe how men and women led them into error; the latter in their religious zeal tired of feminine delicacy, and to save themselves from the terror of dismay (on the day of Judgment) became the close companions of perplexity, and having succumbed to the lust for vengeance, became hardened, and stupid and foolish because of the harm they had suffered.
1
Ibn al-Athi? r has the same story. Clearly there was more than one Clorinda in the Christian camp; but from a passage in Usama we learn that Muslim women too were capable of taking up arms if necessary.
CHAPTER FIVE
The expedition of Frederick Barbarossa, which ended in the waters of the Calycadnus and the epidemics of northern Syria, was followed with greater success by those of the kings of France and England. Despite all Saladin's efforts to mobilize all the forces of Isla? m in a counter-crusade (we owe to Abu Shama the text of one of his impassioned appeals on the subject), in 1191, her food and her army gone, Acre submitted. Baha? ' ad-Din paints for us a vivid picture of the last hours and the tragedy of the surrender with its bloody epilogue, a disgrace to the name of Coeur de Lion, when the Muslim prisoners were massacred in cold blood.
CONRAD OF MONTFERRAT AND THE THIRD CRUSADE (BAHA? ' AD-DI? N, 181)
. . . the Marquis, the ruler of Tyre, was one of the most cunning and experienced of the Franks, and his was the chief responsibility for luring the crowds of Crusaders from over- seas. He had a picture of Jerusalem painted showing the Church of the Resurrection, the object of pilgrimage and deepest veneration to them; according to them the Messiah's tomb is there, in which he was buried after his crucifixion. 1 This sepulchre was the object of their pilgrimage, and they believed that every year fire came down upon it from heaven at one of their feasts. 2 Above the tomb the Marquis had a horse painted, and mounted on it a Muslim knight who was trampling the tomb, over which his horse was urinating. This picture was sent abroad to the markets and meeting-places; priests carried it about, clothed in their hab- its, their heads covered, groaning: 'O the shame! ' In this way they raised a huge army, God alone knows how many, among them the King of Germany with his troops.
FREDERICK BARBAROSSA'S CRUSADE AND HIS DEATH (IBN AL-ATHI? R, XII, 30-2)
In 586/1190 the King of Germany left his country, which was inhabited by one of the most numerous and vigorous of the Frankish tribes. Troubled by the fall of Jerusalem to the Muslims, he marshalled his army, equipped them fully and left his land for Constantinople. The Byzantine emperor sent word of his coming to Saladin and promised that he would not let him pass through his lands. When the King of Germany reached Constantinople the Emperor was in no position to prevent his passage because of the size of his army, but he
We have already remarked on the Docetist theories of Muslim Christology.
The fire ceremony on Holy Saturday, celebrated at the Holy Sepulchre until the last century.
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denied him any provisions and forbade his subjects to supply the army with what it needed, so that they found themselves short of food and provisions. They crossed the Bosporus and landed on Muslim soil, in the kingdom of Qilij Arsla? n ibn Qutlumi? sh ibn Selju? q. 1 They had barely set foot there before the Turcomans attacked them, and they continued to keep up with them on their march, killing stragglers and plundering where they could. It was winter and the cold in those parts is intense. The snow settled, and cold, hunger and the Turcomans took their toll of the army and reduced its numbers. When they approached Konya, King Qutb ad-Din Maliksha? h ibn Qilij Arsla? n came out to bar their way, but he could do nothing against them and so returned to Konya and his father. This son had stripped his father of his power, and the other sons had dispersed through his lands, each seizing a part of the kingdom. As Qutb ad-Din retreated before them the German army moved quickly in his wake and set up camp outside Konya. Then they sent a gift to Qilij Arsla? n with the mes- sage: 'Your country is not our objective, but Jerusalem,' and asking him at the same time to allow his subjects to provide them with food and other necessities. He gave his permission and they got whatever they needed, satisfied themselves, gathered together provisions for the journey and set off. Then they asked Qutb ad-Din to order his subjects not to molest them, and to consign to them as hostages a certain number of his ami? rs. He was sufficiently afraid of them to hand over about twenty ami? rs whom he disliked, and they took them off. Since the brigands and others were not in fact restrained from attacking and harassing the expedition, the King of Germany had the hostages seized and put in chains, and some of them died in prison, while others succeeded in ransoming themselves. The King of Ger- many reached Lesser Armenia, whose King was called Leo, son of Stephen son of Leo, and he supplied them with food and provisions, welcomed them as lords in his country and showed them obedience. From here they advanced toward Antioch, but found a river in their path, beside which they camped. The King went down to the river to wash himself, and was drowned at a place where the water was not even up to his waist. Thus God liber- ated us from the evil of such a man.
He had with him a young son,1 who became King in his place and continued the march to Antioch. But his companions had lost their undivided loyalty to him; some wanted to turn back and go home, others wanted his brother as King, and they too split away from the main party. He went on with the remainder of his army that was faithful to him. They numbered 40,000 when he reviewed them, for death and epidemics had decimated them. They reached Antioch looking like disinterred corpses, and the ruler of the city, who was not pleased to see them, sent them off to join the Franks besieging Acre. On their journey through Jabala, Laodicea and other regions in Muslim hands they were attacked by troops from Aleppo and elsewhere; many were taken prisoner and even more died. They reached Tripoli and stayed there for several days, but the pestilence fell upon them and left not more than a thousand. These made their way to the Franks at Acre. When they got there and real- ized the losses they had suffered and the discord there was among them they decided to return home, but their ships were wrecked and not one escaped.
The Seljuqid Sultan of Iconium. Frederick, soon to die before Acre.
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King Qilij Arsla? n had written to Saladin advising him of their arrival and promising to prevent their passage through his lands, so when they had got through and left him behind them he sent his excuses for having failed to prevent them--his sons had seized control, stripped him of his power and dispersed, evading their obligation to him. As for Saladin, when he heard of the arrival of the King of Germany he took counsel with his companions. Many of them advised him to march against them and confront them before they reached Acre, but he said that it was better to wait until they came nearer to the Muslim armies before attacking them, in case the Muslim troops at Acre should think of surrendering. He sent contingents from. Aleppo, Jabala, Laodicea, Shaizar and elsewhere into the region of Aleppo to protect it from enemy attacks. The Muslims found themselves in the state of which God says: 'When they attacked you from above and below, and your eyes were distracted and your hearts came up into your throats, and you thought on God in all sorts of ways. Then the Believers were put to the test and seriously shaken. '1 But God freed us of their evil and turned their plotting upon themselves.
So great was the fear they aroused that this story was told: one of Saladin's ami? rs had a village in the Mosul area, administered by my brother. When the harvest was reaped, barley and straw, he sent to his lord to discuss the sale of the crop, but got in reply a letter saying; 'Do not sell a single grain, and make sure to reap the largest possible amount of straw. ' This was followed by a letter from the ami? r telling him to go ahead and sell the crop, as they had no further need of it. When the ami? r came to Mosul we asked him why he had forbidden the sale and then soon afterward authorized it. He replied: 'When we had news that the King of Germany had come we were convinced that we should no longer be able to hold Syria, and so I wrote to prevent the sale of the harvest so that there would be food in reserve when we came to you. But when God destroyed them and there was no longer any need for reserves of food I wrote to you to sell it and invest the money. '
THE ARRIVAL OF THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND (BAHA? ' AD-DIN 212-14, 220)
(In the spring of 1190) when the sea became navigable again and the weather was fine, the time came for both sides to return to the fray. The first of the Muslims to arrive was 'Alam ad-Din Sulaima? n ibn Jandar, one of al-Malik az-Zahir's ami? rs, an old and distinguished man, the veteran of many battles, a wise counsellor, esteemed and honoured by the Sultan, of whom he had for years been a companion at arms. After him came Majd ad-Din ibn 'Izz ad-Din Farrukhsha? h, ruler of Baalbek, and then other Muslim contingents arrived from all directions. As for the enemy army, they warned our spies and outposts of the imminent arrival of the French King,1 a great and honoured ruler, one of their mightiest princes, whom all the armies obeyed. He was to assume supreme command of them on his arrival. He arrived as they promised he would, six ships carrying him and his supplies, the horses they would need and his closest companions. This was on Saturday 23 rabi? ' 1/20 April 1191.
Qur'a? n XXXIII, 10-11, referring to the siege of Medina by the pagan confederacy in the fifth year of the hijra/627.
Philip II Augustus.
1
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He brought with him from his homeland an enormous white falcon of a rare species; I never saw a finer specimen. The King held it dear and showed it great affection. One day it escaped from his hand and flew away. He called it back but it did not respond, and instead flew over the wall of Acre, whose inhabitants seized it and sent it to the Sultan. Its arrival brought great joy, and its capture was seen as a good omen of victory for the Muslims. The Franks offered a ransom of a thousand dinar for it, but the offer was refused. After the King came the Count of Flanders,1 a famous military leader, of whom it was said that he had laid siege to Hama? t and Hari? m in the year of the fall of ar-Ramla. . . .
The King of England2 was a very powerful man among the Franks, a man of great courage and spirit. He had fought great battles, and showed a burning passion for war. His kingdom and standing were inferior to those of the French King, but his wealth, reputation and valour were greater. For example, when he reached Cyprus, he refused to proceed any further until the island was his. So he laid siege to it and gave battle, while its ruler, with a great host of warriors, moved out against him and offered strenuous resistance. The King of England sent to Acre to ask for help in taking the island, and King Guy3 sent his brother and a hundred and seventy knights, while the Franks at Acre waited to see the outcome of the conflict. . . .
On Saturday 13 jumada 1/8 June 1191 the King of England arrived, after coming to terms with the King of Cyprus and taking possession of the island. His arrival made an enormous impression: he appeared with twenty-five ships full of men, arms and equip- ment, and the Franks made a great display of joy and lit fires that night among their tents. The fires were im-pressive, and big enough to show what a vast amount of equipment he had brought with him. 1 The Frankish rulers had for a long time been telling us that he was coming, and those of them who had safe-conducts and could contact our side said that they had been waiting for his arrival to put into effect their plan to besiege the city with new vigour. The King was indeed a man of wisdom, experience, courage and energy. His arrival put fear into the hearts of the Muslims, but the Sultan met the panic with firmness and faith in God, consecrating all his actions to Him and dedicating to Him his sincere intention of fighting in the Holy War.
SALADIN'S SUMMONS TO THE HOLY WAR (ABU SHAMA, 11, 148)
'We hope in God most high, to whom be praise, who leads the hearts of Muslims to calm what torments them and ruins their prosperity. As long as the seas bring reinforcements to the enemy and the land does not drive them off, our country will continue to suffer at their hands, and our hearts to be troubled by the sickness caused by the harm they do us. Where is the sense of honour of the Muslims, the pride of the believers, the zeal of the faithful? We shall never cease to be amazed at how the Unbelievers, for their part, have shown trust,
Philip of Alsace.
Richard Coeur de Lion.
The text has 'Godfrey' for Guy.
Western sources too speak of these great bonfires of jubilation.
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and it is the Muslims who have been lacking in zeal. Not one of them has responded to the call, not one intervenes to straighten what is distorted; but observe how far the Franks have gone; what unity they have achieved, what aims they pursue, what help they have given, what sums of money they have borrowed and spent, what wealth they have collected and distributed and divided among them! There is not a king left in their lands or islands, not a lord or a rich man who has not competed with his neighbours to produce more support, and rivalled his peers in strenuous military effort. In defence of their religion they consider it a small thing to spend life and soul, and they have kept their infidel brothers supplied with arms and champions for the war. And all they have done, and all their generosity, has been done purely out of zeal for Him they worship, in jealous defence of their Faith. Every Frank feels that once we have reconquered the (Syrian) coast, and the veil of their honour is torn off and destroyed, this country will slip from their grasp, and our hand will reach out toward their own countries. The Muslims, on the other hand, are weakened and demoralized. They have become negligent and lazy, the victims of unproductive stupefac- tion and completely lacking in enthusiasm. If, God forbid, Isla? m should draw rein, obscure her splendour, blunt her sword, there would be no one, East or West, far or near, who would blaze with zeal for God's religion or choose to come to the aid of truth against error. This is the moment to cast off lethargy, to summon from far and near all those men who have blood in their veins. But we are confident, thanks be to God, in the help that will come from Him, and entrust ourselves to Him in sincerity of purpose and deepest devotion. God willing, the Unbelievers shall perish and the faithful have a sure deliverance. '
THE LAST ATTACK ON ACRE AND THE SURRENDER OF THE CITY (BAHA? ' AD-DIN, 229-39)
The besiegers battered the walls ceaselessly with catapults, which was the only method of attack they used, and eventually the walls began to crumble, their structure collapsed, and exhaustion and vigilance wore the defenders out. There were few of them against a great number of enemy soldiers, and they underwent the most severe trial of endurance; in fact some of them went for several nights on end without closing their eyes, night or day, whereas the circle hemming them in consisted of a great number of men who took it in turns to fight. The defenders however were but few, and had had to share the duties of the wall, the trenches, the catapults and the galleys.
When the enemy realized this, and when the walls seemed to be tottering, their structure undermined, they began to attack on all sides, divided into groups and detachments that took it in turn to fight. Each time that a detachment exhausted itself it retired to rest and another took its place. On the seventh of the month (jumada 11 586/12 July 1191) they began a great offensive, manning night and day all the mounds surrounding their trenches with infantry and combatants. The Sultan, who learnt of the assault from eye-witnesses and by an agreed signal from the garrison--a roll of drums--mounted his horse and ordered the army to mount and attack the enemy. A great battle was fought that day. As deeply con- cerned as a mother bereft of her child, Saladin galloped from battalion to battalion inciting his men to fight for the Faith. Al-Malik al-'Adil, they say, himself led two charges that day. The Sultan moved through the ranks crying: 'For Isla? m! ' his eyes swimming with tears.
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Every time he looked toward Acre and saw the agony she was in and the disaster looming for her inhabitants, he launched himself once more into the attack and goaded his men on to fight. That day he touched no food and drank only a cup or two of the potion prescribed for him by his doctor. I was left behind and could not take part in the attack because of an illness that afflicted me. I was in my tent at Tall al-'Ayadiyya, and all the battle was spread out before my eyes. Night fell, the Sultan returned to his tent after the final evening prayer, exhausted and in anguish, and slept fitfully. The next morning he had the drums beaten, marshalled his army and returned to the battle he had left the night before.
On that day a letter arrived from the beleaguered men in which they said: 'We have reached such a pitch of exhaustion that we can do nothing but surrender. Tomorrow, the eighth of the month, if you can do nothing for us, we shall beg for our lives and hand over the city, securing only our personal safety. ' This was one of the saddest messages ever received by the Muslims, and it stabbed them to the heart; the more so since Acre contained all the military equipment from Palestine, Jerusalem, Damascus, Aleppo, Egypt and all the Muslim lands, as well as the army's greatest ami? rs, and such gallant champions of Isla? m as Saif ad-Din 'Ali al-Mashtu? b, Saif ad-Din Qaraqu? sh, and others. Qaraqu? sh in particular had directed the defence of the town since the enemy first besieged it. The Sultan was smitten by the news as by no other blow that had ever struck him, to such an extent that his life was feared for. But he continued his unceasing prayers to God and turned to Him throughout the crisis, with patience and pious abnegation and tenacious energy: 'And God does not waste the hire of the doer of good. '1 He wanted to try by assault to re-establish contact with the besieged men. The alarm sounded among the troops, the champions mounted their horses, cavalry and infantry assembled. But on that day the army did not support him in the attack on the enemy, for the enemy infantry stood like an unbreakable wall with weapons, ballistas and arrows, behind their bastions. Attacked on every side by the Muslims, they held firm and defended themselves most vigorously. A man who penetrated as far as their trenches told how there was a huge Frank there who leapt on to the parapet of the trench and chased back the Muslims; some men standing close to him handed him stones which he threw down on to the Muslims sheltering behind the parapet. More than fifty stones and arrows struck him without dislodging him from the defensive battle he had undertaken, until a Muslim pyrotechnician threw an incendiary bottle at him and burnt him alive. Another observant old soldier who penetrated the trenches that day told me that on the other side of the parapet was a woman dressed in a green mantle, who shot at us with a wooden bow and wounded many Muslims before she was overcome and killed. Her bow was taken and carried to the Sultan, who was clearly deeply impressed by the story. Thus the fighting continued until nightfall.
ACRE, INCAPABLE OF FURTHER RESISTANCE, NEGOTIATES WITH THE FRANKS
The attack on the city from all sides was intensified, with troops taking turns to fight, and the defenders were reduced to a handful of infantry and cavalry as a result of the great
Qur'a? n III, 165.
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losses they had suffered. The survivors lost heart at the thought of the imminence of death, and felt incapable of any further defiance. Meanwhile the enemy captured their trenches and the wall of the first bastion. The Franks had tunnelled under it, filled the mines with combustible material and set fire to it.
Part of the bastion crumbled and the Franks got in. But they lost more than a hundred and fifty men there, dead or captured, including six of their leaders. One of these cried: 'Do not kill me, and I will make the Franks retreat! ' but a Kurd fell on him and killed him, and the other five were killed in the same way. The next day the Franks issued a proclamation: 'Return those six men, and we will grant freedom to all the city! ' But the Muslims replied that they were already dead, which caused great grief to the Franks, who suspended the offensive for three days after this.
It was said that Saif ad-Din al-Mashtu? b himself went out under safe-conduct to talk to the French King, and said to him: 'In the past we have taken many of your cities by storm. In every case, when the inhabitants asked for an amnesty it has been granted, and we have allowed them honourably to go into safety. Now we would surrender this city, and we hope that you will guarantee our lives. ' The King replied: 'Those whom you captured in the past were our subjects, and in the same way you are our mamlu? ks and slaves. We shall see what is to be done with you. ' To which al-Mashtu? b, they say, replied harshly and at length, saying among other things: 'We shall not hand over the city until we are all dead, and not one of us will die before he has killed fifty of your leaders,' and he went away. When al-Mashtu? b brought the news to the city some of the garrison were afraid, and climb- ing an embankment escaped to the Muslim camp by night. This was on 9 jumada II, and among the distinguished men in the party were 'Izz ad-Din Arsil, Ibn al-Jawali and Sunqu? r al-Ushaqi. When Arsil and Sunqu? r reached the camp they vanished without leaving the faintest trace, for fear of Saladin's wrath. Ibn al-Jawali was taken and thrown into prison.
On the following morning the Sultan mounted, intending to take the enemy by surprise, and took with him spades and other equipment for bridging the trenches. But the troops refused to support him in carrying out his plan, and said rebelliously: 'You want to place all Isla? m in jeopardy, but such a plan could not have a successful outcome. ' That day three messengers came from the English King asking Saladin for fruit and snow, and saying that the Grand Master of the Hospital would come out the next day to discuss peace. The Sultan treated the messengers with honour, and they went to the market and walked about there, and returned to their own camp at night-fall. That day the Sultan told Sarim ad-Din Qaima? z an-Najmi to take his men and penetrate the enemy lines. He took a group of Kurd- ish ami? rs such as al-Jana? h, (al-Mashtu? b's brother), and his friends, as far as the Frankish lines. Qaima? z himself raised the standard over the enemy trenches and fought a part of the day in defence of the oriflam. At the height of the battle that day 'Izz ad-Din Jurdi? k an-Nuri arrived, dismounted and fought vigorously alongside his men. On Friday 10 jumada II/5 July the Frankish army took the initiative. They were completely surrounded by Muslims, who passed the night fully armed and in the saddle, looking for a chance to help their brothers in Acre who, they hoped, would be able to attack some point of the enemy lines, break through and get out; the army outside helping them to hold their position, so that some would escape and some be taken, according to their fate. But the besieged men who had agreed to the plan, could not get out that night because an escaped slave had informed the enemy and precautions were taken and strict watch kept. On Friday 10th three enemy messengers spent an hour with al-Malik al-'Adil and returned without reaching any agree-
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ment. The day ended with the Muslim army holding the plain facing the enemy, and thus the night passed.
On Saturday the 11th the Franks, in full panoply, moved forward and it appeared that they wanted a pitched battle with the Muslims. When they were drawn up about forty men came out of the gate below the pavilion and invited certain mamlu? ks, among them al-'Adl az-Zabdani of Sidon one of the Sultan's freedmen, to present themselves. Al-'Adl came up to them and began to negotiate for the garrison in Acre to be allowed to go free, but the terms were too stiff and the Saturday came to an end without any conclusion being reached.
LETTERS ARRIVE FROM THE CITY
On Sunday the 12th letters reached us (from Acre) saying: 'We have sworn an oath to one another to die. We shall fight until death. We shall not yield the city as long as we have a breath of life in us. See what you can do to distract the enemy from us and draw his fire. These are our decisions. Take care that you do not yield to the enemy. Our part is now over. ' The messenger who swam out with this letter said that from the great noise heard in the city during the night the Franks thought that a great army had entered Acre. 'A Frank,' he said, 'came up to the wall and cried out to one of the guards: "In the name of your Faith, tell me how many soldiers came into your city last night. " This was the night before the Saturday, during which a great uproar was heard that alarmed both sides, but its cause was not discovered. 1 "A thousand cavalry," replied the other. "No," he returned, "fewer than that; I saw them myself, and they were dressed in green robes"! '2
Repeated attacks by Muslim. contingents were still able at this stage to turn the enemy attack away from the siege, even after the city was wide open to be taken. But the defenders grew weaker, the number of breaches in the walls increased although the defenders built up in place of the broken wall another internal wall from which they fought when the vulner- able section finally collapsed. On Tuesday 14th of the month there arrived Sabi? q ad-Din of Shaizar, on Wednesday Badr ad-Din Yildiri? m with a large band of Turcomans to whom the Sultan had sent a large sum of money to be distributed among them as pay, and on Thurs- day Asad ad-Din Shirku? h the younger. Through all this the Franks held firm, refusing to grant the besieged men their lives until every Frankish prisoner in Muslim hands had been returned, and all the cities of Palestine submitted to the Franks. They were offered the sur- render of the town with everything in it except the defenders, and they refused it. They were offered the return of the True Cross, and still they refused, becoming increasingly greedy and more obstinate. No one knew any longer what expedient to use with them: 'They play at being cunning, and God too plays at being cunning, and He is the better player. '3
There appears to have been a small earthquake.
The usual heavenly warriors who according to Muslim piety so often intervene in battle. Qur'a? n III, 47.
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Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 131 THE GARRISON AGREE TO
SURRENDER IN RETURN FOR THEIR LIVES
On Friday 17 jumada II a swimmer got out of the city with letters saying that the defenders were at their last gasp. The breaches had grown and the people, unable to resist any longer, saw that death was certain and were sure that when the city was taken by storm they would all be put to the sword. They had therefore made an agreement handing over the city with all its equipment, munitions, and ships, in addition to 200,000 dinar, 500 ordinary prison- ers and 100 important ones nominated by the Franks themselves, and also the True Cross. In return they were to be allowed to leave the city freely with their personal possessions, women and children. They also guaranteed 400 dinar to the Marquis (of Montferrat) who had acted as intermediary in the negotiations. On this basis agreement was reached.
THE ENEMY TAKES POSSESSION OF ACRE
When the Sultan learnt the contents of their letters he was extremely upset and disapproved strongly. He called his counsellors, informed them of the developments, and asked their advice on what should be done. He was given conflicting advice and remained uncertain and troubled. He decided to write that night and to send a message by the swimmer disap- proving of the terms of the treaty, and was still in this state of mind when suddenly the Muslims saw standards and crosses and signs and beacons raised by the enemy on the city walls. It was midday on Friday 17 Jumada 11/12 July 1191.
The Franks all together gave a mighty shout, and struck a heavy blow into Muslim hearts. Great was our affliction; our whole camp resounded with cries and lamentations, sighs and sobs. The Marquis took the King's standards into the city and planted one on the citadel, one on the minaret of the Great Mosque--on a Friday! --one on the Templars' tower and one on the Battle Tower, each one in place of a Muslim standard. The Muslims were all confined to one quarter of the city.
I was on duty, and came into the Sultan's presence, and he was like a parent bereft of a child. I offered him what comfort I could, and exhorted him to think of his duty to Palestine and Jerusalem, and to save the Muslims left as prisoners in the city. This was the night of Saturday the 18th. He finally decided to withdraw slightly from his present position, since the moment had passed for attacking the enemy at close quarters. He had the baggage removed to its first position at Shafar'am, remaining at his post with a small body of troops to observe the enemy and the defenders. The army carried out the move during the night, but Saladin stayed where he was in the hope that by God's will the Franks in their blindness would be inspired to attack him, so that by falling on them from behind he could inflict a blow on them; let God give the victory to whom He would. But the enemy did nothing of the sort, confining themselves to taking over the city. The Sultan stayed there until the morning of the 19th and then moved to the Tall.
MASSACRE OF THE MUSLIM PRISONERS
When the English King saw that Saladin delayed in carrying out the terms of the treaty he broke his word to the Muslim prisoners with whom he had made an agreement and from
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whom he had received the city's surrender in exchange for their lives. If the Sultan handed over the agreed sum, he was to allow them to go free with their possessions, wives and chil- dren, but if the money was refused him he was to take them into slavery as his prisoners. Now, however, he broke his word and revealed the secret thought that he was nurturing, and put it into effect even after he had received the money and the (Frankish) prisoners: it was indeed in these terms that his co-religionists spoke of him later on. On the afternoon of 27 rajab/ 20 August he and all the Frankish army, infantry, cavalry and turcopules, rode to the wells below Tall al-'Ayadiyya, (they had sent their tents ahead of them), and marched off to occupy the centre of the plain between Tall Kaisa? n and Tall al-'Ayadiyya, while the Sultan's outposts retired to Tall Kaisa? n. Then they brought up the Muslim prisoners whose martyrdom God had ordained, more than three thousand men in chains. They fell on them as one man and slaughtered them in cold blood, with sword and lance. Our spies had informed Saladin of the enemy's manoeuvres and he sent some reinforcements, but by then the slaughter had already occurred. As soon as the Muslims realized what had happened they attacked the enemy and battle raged, with dead and wounded on both sides, continuing with increasing vigour until night fell and separated them. The next morning the Muslims wanted to see who had fallen, and found their martyred companions lying where they fell, and some they recognized. Great grief seized them, and from then on they did not spare (enemy prisoners), except for well-known persons and strong men who could be put to work.
Many reasons were given to explain the slaughter. One was that they had killed them as a reprisal for their own prisoners killed before then by the Muslims. Another was that the King of England had decided to march on Ascalon and take it, and he did not want to leave behind him in the city a large number (of enemy soldiers). God knows best.
CHAPTER SIX
Negotiations for peace, or the truce, according to the Muslim concept of the Holy War, took a whole year. Involved in the long, tortuous diplomatic game were Richard of Eng- land's matrimonial plans, his exchange of gentlemanly courtesies with Saladin (and even more with his brother al-'Adil), and the ceaseless military operations (Ascalon, Jaffa, Arsu? f), in which the Frankish cruelty to the prisoners taken at Acre led to equally cruel reprisals by Saladin. Finally, de guerre lasse, came the agreement of September 1192 which in effect sanctioned the status quo. There was little in the agreement to remind the Muslims of the first great victories of 1187, and Saladin accepted it with reluctance and under pressure from a tired and undisciplined army. The plan to drive the Franks back to the sea, which had at one moment seemed a possibility, had to wait another century for its realization.
The chief sources for the treaty are Baha? ' ad-Din and 'Ima? d ad-Din.
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS AND THE TREATY (BAHA? ' AD-DIN, 274-5, 277-8, 283-4, 287-91, 294-5, 346-8)
On 26 ramada? n (587/17 October 1191) al-Malik al-'Adil was on duty with the outposts when the King of England asked him to send over a messenger. He sent his secretary and favourite Ibn an-Nahha? l, a fine young man. He met Richard at Yazu? r, whither the King had gone with a large detachment of infantry, which was now scattered over the plain. Richard had long private talks with him to discuss the peace, and Richard said: 'I shall not break my word to my brother and my friend', meaning al-'Adil, and the secretary reported his words to al-Malik al-'Adil. He also sent a letter to the Sultan, through an-Nahha? l, which said in effect: 'I am to salute you, and tell you that the Muslims and Franks are bleeding to death, the country is utterly ruined and goods and lives have been sacrificed on both sides. The time has come to stop this. The points at issue are Jerusalem, the Cross, and the land. Jerusalem is for us an object of worship that we could not give up even if there were only one of us left. The land from here to beyond the Jordan must be consigned to us. The Cross, which is for you simply a piece of wood with no value, is for us of enormous importance. If the Sultan will deign to return it to us, we shall be able to make peace and to rest from this endless labour. '
When the Sultan read this message he called his councillors of state and consulted them about his reply. Then he wrote: 'Jerusalem is ours as much as yours; indeed it is even more sacred to us than it is to you, for it is the place from which our Prophet accomplished his nocturnal journey and the place where our community will gather (on the day of Judg- ment). Do not imagine that we can renounce it or vacillate on this point. The land was also originally ours, whereas you have only just arrived and have taken it over only because of the weakness of the Muslims living there at the time. God will not allow you to rebuild a
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single stone as long as the war lasts. As for the Cross, its possession is a good card in our hand1 and it cannot be surrendered except in exchange for something of outstanding benefit to all Isla? m. ' This reply was sent to Richard by the hand of his own messenger.
** *
On 22 ramada? n/20 October al-Malik al-'Adil sent for me, together with 'Ala? m ad-Din
Sulaima? n ibn Jandar, Sabiq ad-Din of Shaizar, 'Izz ad-Din ibn al-Muqaddam and Husa? m ad- Din Bishara, and showed us the proposals that had been sent to the King of England by his messenger. He said that his plan was that he himself should marry the King's sister,1 whom Richard had brought with him from Sicily where she had been the wife of the late King. Her brother had taken her along with him when he had left Sicily. She would live in Jerusalem, and her brother was to give her the whole of Palestine that was in his hands: Acre, Jaffa, Ascalon and the rest, while the Sultan was to give al-'Adil all the parts of Palestine belong- ing to him and make him their King, in addition to the lands and fees he already held. Saladin was also to hand over the True Cross to the Franks. Villages and forts belonging to the Tem- plars were to remain in their hands, Muslim and Frankish prisoners were to be freed and the King of England was to return home by sea. In this way the problem was to be resolved.
Such were the proposals brought by al-'Adil's messenger to the King of England. Al- 'Adil thought them feasible, and so he 'sent for us, and sent us with a message to that effect to the Sultan, charging me to speak and the others to listen. We were to present the project to the Sultan, and if he approved and thought it to the advantage of Isla? m we were to bear witness that he had authorized and approved the treaty, and if he disapproved we were to bear witness that negotiations had reached this point, and that the Sultan had decided not to confirm them. When we came before the Sultan I expounded the matter to him and read him the message, in the presence of the men I have already named. Saladin immediately approved the terms, knowing quite well that the King of England would never agree to them and they were only a trick and a practical joke on his part. Three times I repeated to him the formula of consent and Saladin replied 'Yes', calling on those present to bear wit- ness. Now that we were sure of his views we returned to al-'Adil and told him what had happened, and the others told him that I had repeated to Saladin the declaration that took effect from the oath taken by him, and that Saladin had insisted on authorizing it. In this way he firmly accepted the proposed terms.
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On 13 shawwa? l/3 November, the arrival was announced of the Prince of Sidon as
ambassador from the Marquis of Tyre. Conversations had already been held between us on several occasions, the essence of which was that the Marquis and his men were tired of the Franks and of supporting them, and wanted to make common cause with us against them. This arose from a quarrel that had been blowing up between the Marquis and the Frankish Kings as a result of his marriage to the wife of King Guy's brother,1 a scandalous
Text and meaning uncertain; another reading could mean 'that Jesus is dead is a falsehood for us', or else 'that it were destroyed would be an act of great merit for us'.
Joanna of Sicily, widow of William II.
Actually the sister of Guy's wife (Guy, not Godfrey, as Baha? ' ad-Din always calls him). Isabella of Anjou was Queen Sibyllas' sister. She married first Humphrey of Toron, and was later taken from him and married to Conrad of Montferrat.
1
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Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 135
affair according to certain tenets of their Faith. This led to a division of opinions, and the Marquis, fearing for his life, took his wife and fled by night to Tyre. There he had begun to incline to the Sultan, and made certain gestures of reconciliation toward him. The split between the Marquis and the Franks was of advantage to the Muslims, for he was the stron- gest and most experienced of their generals, as well as a good governor. When the news of their ambassador's arrival reached the Sultan he gave orders that he was to be treated with honour and respect. He had a tent erected for him, surrounded with an enclosure of cloth and containing as many cushions and carpets as are suitable when princes and kings meet. Saladin ordered that he should be shown to his quarters near the stores to rest, and then held a secret conference with him.
** *
On 19 shawwa? l/9 November the Sultan gave an audience and summoned the Prince
of Sidon to hear his message and statement. He appeared with a whole group of com- panions--I was present at the audience--and Saladin treated him with great honour. He entered into conversation with him and had a sumptuous banquet served for them. After the meal he led them aside; their proposal was for the Sultan to make peace with the Marquis with whom various great Frankish lords had made common cause, among them the Prince of Sidon himself and other distinguished persons. We have already stated his position. A condition of accepting his offer was that he should break openly with the Franks of Out- remer, because of his great fear of them and because of the matter of his wife. The Sultan appeared to be disposed to accept his proposal on certain conditions, by which he hoped to create discord among the Franks and to set them at loggerheads. Now, after listening to him, the Sultan promised to give him a reply later, and the ambassador retired for the day to the tent erected for him.
That night an ambassador came from the King of England: the son of Humphrey, one of the great Frankish leaders and kings (in his train was an old man who was said to be a hundred years old). The Sultan sent for him and listened to what he had to say. His message was: 'The King says: your friendship and affection are dear to me. I told you that I would give these regions of Palestine to your brother, and I want you to be the judge between us in the division of the land. But we absolutely must have a foothold in Jerusalem. I want you to make a division that will not bring down on you the wrath of the Muslims, or on me the wrath of the Franks. '
The Sultan replied immediately with fine promises and allowed the messenger to return at once. He was impressed by the message. He sent someone after the ambassador to check on the matter of prisoners, which was treated separately from the terms of the peace. 'If there is peace,' he said,1 'it will be a general peace, and if there is no peace the matter of prisoners will be of no account.
