No More Learning

977
MAURICIUS.
insulted in a most poignant manner. Compelled In appointing him, Maurice committed either a
to rebel or to lose his hend, he took up arms great blunder or secretly wished to ruin him. Co
against the king, and a general defection ensued, mentiolus had no sooner taken the field, when he
during which Hormisdas was seized and blinded suffered a severe defeat from the chagan: 12,000
by Bindoes, a prince of royal blood, who had been Romans remained prisoners of war with the Avars.
ill-treated by his master. Chosroes, the son of We shall speak hereafter of their fate, an event
Hormisdas, now ascended the throne, with the con- intimately connected with that of the emperor.
sent of Bindoes, and prepared for marching against The honour of the Roman arms was restored in
Baram. . The royal troops were defeated, Chosroes five successful battles by the gallant Priscus, but
fled into the Roman territory, and during the en- Comentiolus thwarted his plans by intrigues and
suing troubles in Persia the blinded king, Hormis treacherous manoeuvres, and at last Priscus was
das, was murdered by Bindoes, or, as Theophy- again put at the head of the army. In the autumn
lact states, beaten to death by order of his own of 602 he intended to winter along the southern
son, Chosroes. Gibbon rejects the latter account bank of the Danube, when Maurice ordered him to
When Chosroes, with a few attendants, suddenly take up his quarters on the northern side, where
arrived at the gates of Circesium, the Roman com- they would have been exposed to the attacks of the
mander would scarcely trust his own eyes, and Avars. Some pretend that Maurice gave this order
immediately requested him to remove to the more for the purpose of sparing the magazines within
stately city of Hierapolis, whence the king sent a the empire ; but it would seem as if he rather in-
touching letter to Maurice, imploring his generous tended to punish those troops for previous acts of
aid for the recovery of his throne. When our pride disobedience and mutiny, by assigning them win-
is flattered, our honour satisfied, and our heart ter-quarters in an inhospitable country. However
moved at one and the same time, human nature this may be, the measure was imprudent, and
seldom withstands the dictates of its better feel proved the ruin of the emperor.
ings ; Maurice shed tears when he read the letter, Gibbon observes with great justness, that, while
and granted his protection to the royal fugitive. A in the camp alone the emperors ought to have ex-
powerful army, under the command of Narses, was ercised a desporic command, it was only in the
assembled on the frontier ; loyal Persians flocked camps that his authority was disobeyed and in-
to the Roman camp to serve their legitimate sove- sulted. The spirit of mutiny and arrogance in the
reign ; Narses and Chosroes entered Persia ; and army, that hereditary cancer of Roman administra-
in a decisive battle at Balarath they routed the tion, reigned unabated when Maurice took the
rebel Baram, whose troops were dispersed, while reins of government, and he who met with blind
he bimself filed into Turkistan, where he met with obedience when a mere magister militum, had to
an untimely death, either by poison or grief. ' Chos- encounter that dangerous mutiny of his Persian
roes now re-ascended the throne of his ancestors army immediately upon exchanging the baton for
(591), and peace and friendship reigned henceforth the sceptre. Nor was this the only outbreak,
between Persia and the empire as long as Maurice though the others were of less magnitude. It has
sat on the throne. Dara and Martyropolis, the been told above that 12,000 Romans were made
bulwarks of Mesopotamia, and the objects of so prisoners of war by the Avars. The trifling sim
many a bloody contest, were given to Maurice as of 6000 pieces of gold was demanded for their
a reward or on condition of his assistance.
ransom. Maurice, moved by avarice, as some say,
We now turn to the war with the Avars, of refused to pay it, and now 12,000 veterans were
which our account must be brief. The first war put to death by their captors. The army and the
against the chagan or khan of these barbarians, who nation were deeply indignant at this atrocious
ruled over an extent of country nearly equal to that deed, and cursed Maurice for his abominable con-
which once obeyed Attila, broke out in 587. duct. However, in acting as he did, the emperor
Comentiolus, who commanded against them, being had a powerful though secret motive: those 12,000
unfortunate, Mystacon was sent to supersede him, were the soldiers of Comentiolus, it was they who
although he could not boast of much success in had chiefly caused the great mutiny during the
Persia. But his lieutenant Droctulf, a German, Persian war; and in abandoning them to the fury
who had long served in the imperial armies, of barbarians, he at once assuaged his resentment
watched over the blunders of his chief, and in a and got rid of a band of dangerous mercenaries,
pitched battle so utterly discomfited the Arars, But his conscience continually reproached him with
that the khan refrained from any incursion during this barbarous act. He wrote to the most eminent
the following five years. The next war broke out divines of his realm, to receive consolation from
some time after the peace with Persia, and Maurice their censure or their indulgence ; he tried to forget
had leisure to withdraw a great portion of his forces his pangs by redoubled activity in the cabinet. It
from Asia, and employ them against the A vars. was all in vain : he neither recovered the peace of
He intended to put himself at their head, but it was his soul nor the love of his subjects ; and the army
already customary at the court of Constantinople bore such hatred against him, that they only seemed
that the emperor should not command in the field, to wait for a suitable pretext to break out in
and he consequently gave way to the remonstrances open rebellion. His own imprudence furnished
of the senate, and sent Priscus in his stead, who, them with an opportunity, by ordering them, in
however, was soon superseded by the emperor's the autumn of 602, to take up their winter-quarters
brother Peter. The choice was a bad one, and as on the Avarian side of the Danube. They com-
early as 598 Priscus resumed the supreme command. plained that the emperor desired to sacrifice them,
He was less successful than was expected, though like their 12,000 brethren. They held tumultuous
he was an excellent general, and in 600 the army meetings, which the emperor's brother Peter tried
received a new commander in the person of Co- in vain to counteract ; and Phocas having been
mentiolus, that faithless and cowardly intriguer, chosen by them for the command-in-chief, Peter
whose conduct had been so very suspicious in Asia had no alternative left but escaping secretly, and
VOL. IL
3 R


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978
MAURICIUS.
MAUSOLUS.
M
;
mbition was pert
portant accesitions
was apparently 23 2
that be overtare
jaand, and establish
Tect in the bands
Raid. Lika pp. 191.
be joined with it
Caans in the wa
Auberians, know
of sich indeed be
the prime mover a
bez of bis takir
sending a body of
Caros. (Dem. Le
ording to Diodor
telan of twenty-f
and was succeed
Isa The extra
death, and the ho
especially by the
which was called
Tas accounted o
word-are vel
casion of the cons
was proposed by
of ber busband,
Gelebrated by si
poropus tras the
18) Kerethe
us of the Carian
Dired praise. H
di money, which
means in bis po
sures at the es
thus accumulat
Epon the decor
Lassus, to bi
gotertiment iro
VIDE
carrying the news of the revolt to the emperor in | involved in the wholesale murder of the imperial
Constantinople. There the green faction assumed family. Maurice is said to have loved money too
a threatening attitude, and information having much ; but he was so far from oppressing his sub-
reached them that Phocas was marching upon jects from taxes, that, on the contrary, he lowered
Constantinople, such a commotion arose in the them considerably ; on one occasion he took off
capital, that Maurice thought it best to fly into the one-third of the land-tax. Arts and sciences were
provinces, and there to prepare for resistance. He protected by this great emperor, who possessed
effected his escape by sea, together with his wife considerable learning. Maurice wrote twelve books
and children. A storm compelled him to land near on the military art, which have fortunately come
the church of St. Autonomus, not far from Chal down to posterity. They are entitled Etpatiyire,
cedon. Thence he despatched his eldest son and were published with a Latin version, together
Theodosius to the court of Chosroes, to implore with Arrian's “ Tactica," by John Scheffer, Upsala,
him to confer the same favour upon the emperor 1664, 8ro. The text contains 382 half pages, and
which the emperor had once conferred upon the the version as much ; the editor added 157 pages
king. Maurice with his family took sanctuary in of notes, and a few pages with very curious repre-
the church of St. Autonomus: he was tortured by sentations of the different battle arrays spoken of
sufferings of body and despair of mind. During in the work. (Theophylact. Simocaita, Vita Max-
this time Phocas arrived in Constantinople, and ricü; Evagr. lib. v. vi. ; Theoph. p. 213, &c. ;
was proclaimed emperor on the 23d of November, Cedren. p. 394, &c. ; Zonar. vol. i. p. 70, &c. ;
602. He immediately sent executioners in search Menander, p. 124, &c. ; Niceph. Call. xviii. 5,
of Maurice, who was dragged with his family from &c. )
(W. P. )
the sanctuary to the scaffold. Five of his sons,
Tiberius, Petrus, Paulus, Justin, and Justinian,
had their heads cut off while their father stood by
praying, but not trembling, awaiting the fatal
stroke in his turn. He was murdered on the 27th
of November, 602 ; his eldest son Theodosius,
who had not proceeded far on his way to Persia,
was arrested, and shared his fate soon afterwards.
COND
The empress and three of her daughters were
thrown into prison, but in 605, or perhaps 607,
they were likewise put to death, and their bodies
thrown into the sea. The heads of Maurice and MAURICUS, JU'NIUS, called in some manu-
his song were carried on pikes to Phocas, who, scripts both of Tacitus and Pliny Maricus, was an
after having enjoyed the sight for some time, gave intimate friend of Pliny, who says (Ep. iv. 22) of
orders for the execution of Petrus, the brother of him,“ quo viro nihil firmius, nihil verius,” Mau-
Maurice, Comentiolus, Constantine Lardys, and a ricus showed his independence by the question
great number of other persons of distinction. which he dared to ask Domitian in the senate, at
[PHOCAS. )
the accession of Vespasian, A. D. 70 (Tac. Hist. iv.
Among the papers of the murdered emperor was 40), which is the first time that his name is men-
found his will, which he had made in the fifteenth tioned ; and it is therefore not surprising that he
year of his reign (597), and by which he left was banished during the reign of Domitian. He
Constantinople and the East to Theodosius ; Rome, was recalled from exile by Nerva, and an anecdote
Italy and the Islands, to his second son Tiberius. related by Pliny (Ep. I. c. ) and Aurelius Victor
Maurice was indeed preparing for wresting Italy (Epit. 12) shows with what freedom he spoke to
from the Lombards, and might have carried his the latter emperor. (Tac. Agric. 45 ; Plin. Ep. i.
plan into execution, but for the great wars 5, $ 10, i. 11, $ 3. ) Mauricus was the brother of
against the Persians and the Avars. Although Arulenus Rusticus (Plin. Ep. i. 14). [Rusticus. )
greater as a general than as a king, Maurice was Three of Pliny's epistles are addressed to Mauricus
yet one of the best emperors of the East. Con- (i. 14, ii. 18, vi. 14).
stantly active, he knew no other pleasure than that MAU'ROPUS, JOANNES. (JOANNES, No.
which arises from doing one's duty ; he was firm 58. )
without being obstinate, bold yet prudent, and MAUSOʻLUS (Maúowlos or Maúorwios, the
both severe or forbearing according to circumstances. latter form is that found on bis coins), king or
He was completely master of his passions and dynast of Caria, was the eldest son of Hecatomnus,
appetites, sober to the extreme, a loving and whom he succeeded in the sovereignty. If the
virtuous husband and father, and full of filial chronology of Diodorus be correct, his accession
piety. No sooner was he informed of the intentions may be placed in B. C. 377. But the first occasion
of the emperor Tiberius towards him, than he en- on which he appears in history is not till long
treated his father Paulus and his mother Joanna to afterwards, in B. c. 362, when he took part in the
come to Constantinople, and they were both present general revolt of the satraps against Artaxerxes
at his marriage with the princess Constantina. Mnemon. (Diod. xv. 90. ) He is said to have at
They continued to live at his court, and his father that time already possessed several strong fortresses
became one of his most influential ministers: the and flourishing cities, of which his capital, Hali-
fame of Paulus as a wise and well-disposed man carnassus, was the most conspicuous; but he ap-
spread abroad, and the views of Maurice upon pears to have availed himself of the opportunity of
Italy being likely to lead to either an alliance or a that war to extend his dominions by conquest,
war with the Franks in Gaul, their king Childebert having overrun great part of Lydia and Ionia as
wrote a letter to Paulus on that subject, which is far as Miletus, and made himself master of several
given in Hist. Francor. vol. i. p. 869. A natural of the neighbouring islands. (Lucian. Dial. Mort
and timely death in 593 saved Paulus from being / xxiv. ; and comp. Polyaen, vii. 23. § 2. ) His
COIN OF MAURICIUS.
janer princes
onstructed a
adorned the ci
many other pu
judgment, as w
by him in these
by Vitruvius as
1. 8. $$ 11, 1
to the astronom
is also a sign th
terated charac
Le; Theopom
σελος, 'Αρτεμις
Xin 6. ) Cơ
see Clinton, F.
MAXENTI
312. M. AUR
son of Marimi
ceited in marti
in consequences


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MAXENTIUS.
979
MAXENTIUS.
ambition was next turned towards the more im- | dissolute habits, was altogether passed over in the
portant acquisitions of Rhodes and Cos; and it division of the empire which followed the abdica-
was apparently as a preliminary step to that object tion of his father and Diocletian in A. D. 305. A
that he overthrew the democracy in the former strong feeling of disaffection towards the existing
island, and established there an oligarchical govern- government prevailed at this time in Rome, arising
ment in the hands of his own friends. (Dem. de from the pressure of increased taxation upon the
Rhod. Lib. pp. 191, 198. ) Shortly after (B. C. 358) nobles and wealthier classes, from the discontent of
he joined with the Rhodians, Byzantians, and the praetorians who had been recently deprived of
Chians in the war waged by them against the all their exclusive privileges, and from the indigna-
Athenians, known by the name of the Social War, tion which pervaded the whole community, in con-
of which indeed he was, according to Demosthenes, sequence of the degradation of the ancient metro
the prime mover and instigator, though we do not polis by the selection of Nicomedeia and Milan as
hear of his taking any farther part in it than the residences of the Augusti. It proved no diffi-
sending a body of troops to assist in the defence of cult task for the neglected prince to turn this angry
Chios. (Dem. 1. c. ; Diod. xvi. 7. ) He died, ac- spirit to his own advantage, and to place himself
cording to Diodorus (xvi. 36) in B. C. 353, after a at the head of the party who styled themselves
reign of twenty-four years, leaving no children, patriota. A regular conspiracy was soon organised
and was succeeded by his wife and sister Arte- and eagerly supported by men of all ranks, the
misia. The extravagant grief of the latter for his standard of open revolt was raised, the feeble re-
death, and the honours she paid to his memory sistance of the few magistrates who remained true
especially by the erection of the costly monument, to their allegiance was easily overcome, Maxentius
which was called from him the Mausoleum, and was proclaimed emperor on the 28th of October,
was accounted one of the seven wonders of the A. D. 306, amidst the most enthusiastic demonstra-
world—are well known. (ARTEMISIA. ) On oc- tions of zeal by the senate, the populace, and the
casion of the consecration of that monument, a prize soldiery ; all Italy followed the example of the
was proposed by Artemisia for the best panegyric capital; and Africa, acquiescing in the choice,
of her husband, and the praises of Mausolus were struck medals in honour of the new ruler. Severus
celebrated by rival orators, among whom Theo (SEVERUS Flavius VALERIUS], to whom the
pompus was the successful candidate. (Gell
. x. guardianship of these provinces had been com-
18. ) Nevertheless, the character transmitted to mitted, straightway marched upon Rome to sup-
us of the Carian prince is by no means one of un- press what he rainly deemed a trifling insurrection ;
mixed praise. He is said to have been very greedy but a large body of his troops having deserted to
of money, which he sought to accumulate by every their old commander, Maximianus, who, upon the
means in his power, and thus amassed vast trea invitation of his son, had quitted his retreat in Lu-
sures at the expense of his subjects. The sums cania, and had again assumed the purple, the Caesar
thus accumulated were in great part expended was compelled to retreat in all haste to Ravenna,
upon the decoration of his new capital, Halicar- hotly pursued by the veteran.
In an evil hour he
passus, to which he had transferred the seat of was persuaded by treacherous representations to
government from Mylasa, the residence of the quit this almost impregnable stronghold, and to trust
former princes of Caria, and where he not only to the clemency of his foe, who, having once ob-
constructed a splendid palace for himself, but tained possession of his person, granted him nothing
adorned the city with a new agora, temples, and save the liberty of choosing the manner of his
many other public works. So much taste and death (A. D. 307). Galerius, enraged by these
judgment, as well as magnificence, were displayed disasters, hastened, at the head of a numerous host,
by him in these improvements, that they are cited drawn from Illyria and the East, to chastise the
by Vitruvius as a model in their kind. (Vitruv. usurper ; but the military talents of Maximianus
ii. 8. $$ 11, 13. ) The reception afforded by him devised a system of defence which paralysed the
to the astronomer Eudoxus (Diog. Laërt. viii. 87) energies of his opponent. The invader found him-
is also a sign that he was not without tastes of an self in a desert, the whole population had quitted
elevated character. (Strab. xiv. p. 656 ; Lucian. the open country, every town capable of resistance
l. c. ; Theopomp. ap. Harpocrat. et Suid. s. vv. Maú- shut its gates, and thus, although he penetrated
owós, 'Apteucola ; Polyaen. vii. 23. 51; Plin. H. N. almost unmolested to within less than a hundred
xxxvi. 6. ) Concerning the chronology of his reign miles of the city, the embarrassments by which he
see Clinton, F. H. vol. ii. p. 286. [E. H. B. ] was surrounded, from want of supplies, from ene-
mies in his rear, and from the doubtful fidelity of
his soldiers, proved so numerous, that he considered
it prudent to make overtures of peace; and when
they were contemptuously rejected, commenced a
hasty retreat. Maxentius, relieved from these im-
minent dangers, proceeded to disentangle himself
from the control which his father sought to exer-
cise ; and having succeeded in driving him from
the court [MAXIMIANUS), turned his arms against
Africa, where a certain Alexander had established
an independent sway. The contest was quickly
COIN OP MAUSOLUS.
terminated by the destruction of the pretender, and
MAXE'NTIUS, Roman emperor A. D. 306— the victory was savagely abused. The whole
312. M. AURELIUS VALERIUS MAXENTIUS, the country was ravaged with fire and sword ; Car
son of Maximianus Herculius and Eutropia, re- thage, at that epoch one of the most splendid cities
ceived in marriage the daughter of Galerius ; but in the world, was made the scene of a general con-
in consequence, it would seem, of his indolent and flagration and massacre, after which the conqueror
8

>
WOZZAWA
3 R 2


## p. 980 (#996) ############################################

980
MAXENTIUS.
MAXENTIUS.
od Epistolan 1
ing works are
bol7. Eji
BROS, Lüri II.
by the editor o
pointing out 1
Baronins also
of Marentins,
Cardinal Noni
(Baron. Amai
Hutor. Pelagt
Historico-Thou
ann. 520, rol
Fabric. BILG
MAXIMIA
286—30331
DHANUS, beri
had acquired st
arus, that
(1 D. 285) his
out dismember
1012), be was
for his colleart
were likels
actual disturbe
ingly creaied
Augustus (28)
W
returned to Rome, there to celebrate a flagitious | reign of the Byzantine emperor, Justin I. , who suc-
triumph, and to indulge the worst passions of a ceeded Anastasius A. D. 518, certain "Scythiant
depraved nature, at the expense of the citizens. monks," as their contemporaries term them, who
Elated by these successes, Maxentius now openly appear to have come from the bishopric of Tomi
aspired to dominion over all the Western provinces; and the adjacent bishoprics near the south bank of
and having first insulted and then declared open the Danube, made a great stir at Constantinople,
war against Constantine, assuming, as a pretext, by contending for the propriety of the expression
the conduct of the latter towards Maximianus, he" Unus e Trinitate in carne crucifixus est. ”. This
prepared to pass into Gaul with an army numbering mode of expression was suspected of covering the
not less than two hundred thousand men. But his Monophysite or Eutychian heresy [EUTYCHES) ;
schemes were frustrated by the prudent boldness and the formula“ Una Persona e Trinitate” was
of his adversary, who, encouraged by an embassy regarded as more orthodox. Here was sufficient
despatched from Rome imploring relief from the cause in that age of logomachy for bitter contro-
oppression of the despot, determined at once to versy. Maxentius appeared in Constantinople on
cross the Alps The events of this campaign are the side of the “Scythians ;” but whether he
detailed elsewhere [CONSTANTINUS, p. 834]. The was one of them is questionable: he was, or
forces of the tyrant, shattered by the defeats of claimed to be, of the monastic profession, and styled
Turin and Verona, retired upon Rome ; the deci- himself abbot ; but from what place he came is very
sive battle was fought at Saxa Rubra, not far from doubtful. The Magdeburgh Centuriators and Pos-
the storied stream of the Cremera ; the imperial sevino absurdly identify him with Maxentius, an
army, cut off from retreat, were driven by thou- abbot of Poitou, in France ; and Usher, followed
sands into the Tiber ; the Milvian bridge broke by Cave, misunderstanding an expression in one of
beneath the fugitives at the very moment when Max. Maxentius' works, makes him a monk and pres-
entius was forcing his way through the throng which byter of Antioch. Some have confounded him
choked up the passage, and borne down by the with the Joannes of Antioch mentioned by Genna-
weight of his armour, he perished miserably in the dius (de Viris Illustr. c. 93). From whatever quarter
stream on the 28th of October, 312, exactly six he came, he entered warmly into the contest, which
years from the day on wbich he was saluted em- was further inflamed by the addition of the con-
peror.
troversy about divine grace, revived in the East by
All historians agree in representing this prince the diffusion of the Semi-Pelagian writings of
as a monster of rapacity, cruelty, and lust. The Faustus of Riez (Faustus REIENSIS). Maxentius
only favoured class was the military, upon whom became the leader of the Scythians, and presented
he depended for safety ; and in order to secure their on their part and his own a confession of faith to
devotion and to gratify his own evil passions, every the legates of pope Hormisdas, who were at Con-
other portion of his subjects were made the victims of stantinople on other matters. This confession was
the most revolting licentiousness, and ruined by the designed to vindicate them from the suspicion or
most grinding exactions. Various statements have charge of Eutychianism, and to obtain the sanction
been put forth with regard to his conduct towards of the legates to the favourite expression “ Unus e
the Christians, since by some he is commended for Trinitate,” &c. Failing in this, four of the monks,
the solitary virtue of tolerance, while by others he of whom it is questioned whether Maxentius was
is numbered among the most cruel persecutors. one, were despatched to Rome, to try what could
The truth seems to be, that neither of these repre- be done with the pope himself. But though they
sentations is accurate. The Christians buffered in strained every nerve, they could effect nothing ;
common with all who had the misfortune to own and after a stay of a year or more they retumed
his sway; but while there is no reason to believe to Constantinople ; shortly after which Hormisdas,
that they received any encouragement or patronage, in a letter to Possessor, an African bishop then in
80, on the other hand, there is no evidence to prove exile at Constantinople, branded them as deceivers
that they were at any time the objects of special and men of the worst character. To this letter
hostility. (Zosim. ii. 9–18; Zonar. xii. 33, xiii. Maxentius published a reply; and in order to have
1; Panegyr. Vet. ix. 2, 3, 11--25, x. 6, 7, &c. , more liberty to assail it, chose to regard it as not
27, &c. , xi
. 16; Auctor. de Mort. Persecut. cc. 26, genuine. Nothing further of Maxentius's history
28, 44; Euseb. H. E. viii. 14, Vit. Const. i. 26, is known.
33, &c. ; Fragments published by Valesius at the His works are extant only in a Latin version,
end of his edition of Ammianus Marcellinus ; Vic- and have been published in various collections of
tor, de Caes. 40, Epit. 40; Eutrop. x. 2. ) [W. R. ] the fathers. They first appeared in the Orthodoro-
grapha, fol. Basel, 1555. In the Marina Biblioth
Patrum, fol. Lyon, 1677, vol. ix. p. 533, &c. , they
appear in the following order :-i. Joannis Mat
entü Confessio suae Fidei, 8. de Christo Professio,
with a prefatory letter to the legates of the Holy
See. This appears to be the confession already
noticed. 2. Ejusdem contra Nestorianos Capitula:
these appear to have been published by the delegates
of the Scythian monks at Rome, and consist of
twelve brief anathemas against various dogmas.
3. Ejusdem alia Fidei Professio : shorter than
MAXENTIUS, JOANNES, whom Cave, ap- No. 1. It is not known on what occasion it was
parently without just ground, identifies with composed. 4. Ejusdem Adunationis Verbi Dei ad
Joannes SCYTHOPOLITANUS ('Iwávens ó Ekvôo- propriam Carnem Ratio. This is followed by the
Follons) (JOANNES, No. 111. ), lived in the early letter of Hormisdas to Possessor, already noticed ;
part of the sixth century. In the beginning of the and then 5. Maxentius' reply, Joannis Marentii
honorary appe
Kelf assumed di
a copious then
for broad adol
subsequent hi
blended with
stantine, tbat:
detailed in fon
STANTINUS I.
cien, therefore
facts, that afte
suaded, if not
the first of M
inviation of E
(305), and qu
again invested
station ; that
arerted the da
compassed the
Tepulsed Gale
Constantine,
Angustus and
that on his
Maxentius, *
control and di
Dugo
MESE
had formed a F
betaken hims
been there de
able intrigues
and, to disari
threw off the
of the tempo
treacherously
deposited at
a body of 80
the third time
seilles and con
of all bis dige
and liberty
afterwards, he
his daughter
ordered to ch
strangled bim
310,
ST
COIN OF MAXENTIUS.


## p. 981 (#997) ############################################

MAXIMIANUS.
981
MAXIMIANUS.
PORN
ad Epistolam Hormisdae Responsio. The remain- The whole history of this stormy period bears
ing works are: 6. Ejusdem contra Acephalos Li- testimony to the military talents of Maximianus,
bellus. 7. Ejusdem Diologorum contra Nestori- and proves with equal certainty that he was totally
anos, Libri II. To these several pieces are prefixed, destitute of all dignity of mind, thoroughly unprin-
by the editor of the Bibliotheca, short introductions, cipled, not merely rough and stern, but base and
pointing out their supposed heretical tendency. cruel. All authorities agree that he was altogether
Baronius also bitterly inveighs against the heresies devoid of cultivation or refinement, and it is said
of Maxentius, who is, however, ably vindicated by that his features and general aspect were an index
Cardinal Noris and by John Forbes of Aberdeen. of the coarseness and harshness of the mind within.
(Baron. Annales ad ann. 519, 520; Norisius, So long as he was guided by the superior genius
Histor. Pelagian. ii. 18—20; Forbesius, Instruction, and commanding intellect of Diocletian, he per-
Historico-Theologic. iii. 21 ; Cave, Hist. Litt. ad formed well the work for which he was chosen, but
ann. 520, vol. 1. p. 505, ed. Oxf. 1740—1742; the latter years of his life, when left to the direction
Fabric. Bill. Graec, vol. x. p. 540. ) [J. C. M. ) of his own judgment, exhibit a melancholy spec-
MAXIMIA'NUS I. , Roman emperor, A. D. tacle of weak ambition, turbulence, perfidy, and
286–3054310. M. AURELIUS VALERIUS Max. crime.
IMIANUS, born of humble parents in Pannonia, Maximianus married Eutropia, a widow of Syrian
had acquired such high fame by his services in the extraction, by whom he had two children, the
army, that when Diocletian carried into effect emperor Maxentius, and Fausta, wife of 'Con-
(A. D. 285) his celebrated scheme for dividing with stantine the Great. Eutropia, by ber former hus-
out dismembering the empire [DIOCLETIANUS, p. band, who is unknown, bad a daughter, Flavia
1012], he was induced to select this rough soldier Maximiana Theodora, who was united to Con-
for his colleague, as one whose habits and abilities stantius Chlorus when he was elevated to the rank
were likely to prove particularly valuable in the of Caesar. (EUTROPIA ; Fausta; THEODORA. ]
actual disturbed state of public affairs, and accord-|(Zosim. ii. 7, 8, 10, 11 ; Zonar. xii.