'Tyranny and warfare were always rife throughout the length and 74
breadth of Gaul, until you accepted Roman government.
breadth of Gaul, until you accepted Roman government.
Tacitus
As for
our town-walls, seeing that the Roman armies are massing at this
moment, it would be safer for us to heighten them than to pull them
down. All the foreigners from Italy or the provinces who lived on our
soil have either perished in the war or fled to their own homes. As
for the original settlers[409], who are united to us by ties of
marriage, they and their offspring regard this as their home, and we
do not think you are so unreasonable as to ask us to kill our parents
and brothers and children. All taxes and commercial restrictions we
remit. We grant you free entry without supervision, but you must come
in daylight and unarmed, while these ties which are still strange and
new are growing into a long-established custom. As arbitrators we will
appoint Civilis and Veleda, and we will ratify our compact in their
presence. '
Thus the Tencteri were pacified. A deputation was sent with presents
to Civilis and Veleda, and obtained all that the people of Cologne
desired. They were not, however, allowed to approach and speak to
Veleda or even to see her, but were kept at a distance to inspire in
them the greater awe. She herself lived at the top of a high tower,
and one of her relatives was appointed to carry all the questions and
answers like a mediator between God and man.
Now that he had gained the accession of Cologne, Civilis 66
determined to win over the neighbouring communities or to declare war
in case of opposition. He reduced the Sunuci[410] and formed their
fighting strength into cohorts, but then found his advance barred by
Claudius Labeo[411] at the head of a hastily-recruited band of
Baetasii, Tungri, and Nervii. [411] He had secured the bridge over the
Maas and relied on the strength of his position. A skirmish in the
narrow defile proved indecisive, until the Germans swam across and
took Labeo in the rear. At this point Civilis by a bold move--or
possibly by arrangement--rode into the lines of the Tungri and called
out in a loud voice, 'Our object in taking up arms is not to secure
empire for the Batavi and Treviri over other tribes. We are far from
any such arrogance. Take us as allies. I am come to join you; whether
as general or as private it is for you to choose. ' This had a great
effect on the common soldiers, who began to sheathe their swords. Then
two of their chieftains, Campanus and Juvenalis, surrendered the
entire tribe. Labeo escaped before he was surrounded. Civilis also
received the allegiance of the Baetasii and Nervii, and added their
forces to his own. His power was now immense, for all the Gallic
communities were either terrified or ready to offer willing support.
In the meantime, Julius Sabinus,[412] who had destroyed every 67
memorial of the Roman alliance,[413] assumed the title of Caesar and
proceeded to hurry a large unwieldy horde of his tribesmen against the
Sequani,[414] a neighbouring community, faithful to Rome. The Sequani
accepted battle: the good cause prospered: the Lingones were routed.
Sabinus fled the field with the same rash haste with which he had
plunged into battle. Wishing to spread a rumour of his death, he took
refuge in a house and set fire to it, and was thus supposed to have
perished by his own act. We shall, however, relate in due course the
devices by which he lay in hiding and prolonged his life for nine
more years, and allude also to the loyalty of his friends and the
memorable example set by his wife Epponina. [415]
FOOTNOTES:
[384] Tacitus here resumes the thread of his narrative of the
rebellion on the Rhine, interrupted at the end of chap. 37,
and goes back from July to January, A. D. 70.
[385] Cp. iii. 46.
[386] The danger of Druidism was always before the eyes of the
emperors. Augustus had forbidden Roman citizens to adopt it.
Claudius had tried to stamp it out in Gaul and in Britain, yet
they appear again here to preach a fanatic nationalism.
However, this seems to be their last appearance as leaders of
revolt.
[387] Probably they were in Rome, and were sent back to their
homes to intrigue against Vitellius' rising power.
[388] See chap. 36.
[389] Cp. ii. 14.
[390] i. e. he was to prevent any incursions from Germany along
the frontier of his canton, between Bingen and Coblenz.
[391] At Mainz.
[392] Chap. 18.
[393] These tribes lived between the Maas and the Scheldt, and
the Marsaci were round the mouth of the Scheldt.
[394] Civilis, again besieging Vetera (chap. 36).
[395] i. e. from the rest of Vocula's force, which they had not
yet deserted.
[396] The Aedui, one of the most powerful of the Gallic
tribes, living between the Saône and the Loire had revolted in
A. D. 21, and held out for a short time at their chief town
(Autun).
[397] This had only been granted to a few tribes who had
helped in crushing Vindex (see i. 8 and 51). The Treviri and
Lingones had been punished. But it is a good rhetorical point.
[398] His presumption took away his breath.
[399] i. e. artificially reddened according to a Gallic custom.
[400] Cp. chap. 69.
[401] Under Vespasian she inspired another rebellion and was
brought as a captive to Rome, where she aroused much polite
curiosity.
[402] Windisch.
[403] From the standards.
[404] Claudius the Holy; lucus a non lucendo.
[405] An auxiliary squadron of Italian horse, originally
raised, we may suppose, by a provincial governor who was a
native of Picenum.
[406] The Ubii were distrusted as having taken the name
Agrippinenses and become in some degree Romanized. The town
was strongly walled, and Germans from outside only admitted on
payment and under Roman supervision.
[407] See chap. 21.
[408] Not, of course, to be taken literally. 'The Germans do
no business public or private except in full armour,' says
Tacitus in the _Germania_. So to them 'unarmed' meant
'unclothed'.
[409] i. e. the veterans whom Agrippina had sent out to her
birthplace in A. D. 50.
[410] West of the Ubii, between the Roer and the Maas.
[411] See chap. 56.
[412] Cp. chap. 55.
[413] e. g. the inscriptions recording the terms of alliance
granted to the Lingones by Rome.
[414] Round Vesontio (Besançon).
[415] The story, which Tacitus presumably told in the lost
part of his _History_, dealing with the end of Vespasian's
reign, is mentioned both by Plutarch and Dio. Sabinus and his
wife lived for nine years in an underground cave, where two
sons were born to them. They were eventually discovered and
executed.
THE EBB-TIDE OF REVOLT
This success on the part of the Sequani checked the rising flood. The
Gallic communities gradually came to their senses and began to
remember their obligations as allies. In this movement the Remi[416]
took the lead. They circulated a notice throughout Gaul, summoning a
meeting of delegates to consider whether liberty or peace was the
preferable alternative. At Rome, however, all these disasters were 68
exaggerated, and Mucianus began to feel anxious. He had already
appointed Annius Gallus and Petilius Cerialis to the chief command,
and distinguished officers as they were, he was afraid the conduct of
such a war might be too much for them. Moreover, he could not leave
Rome without government, but he was afraid of Domitian's unbridled
passions, while, as we have already seen,[417] he suspected Antonius
Primus and Arrius Varus. Varus, as commanding the Guards, still had
the chief power and influence in his hands. Mucianus accordingly
displaced him, but, as a compensation, made him Director of the
Corn-supply. As he had also to placate Domitian, who was inclined to
support Varus, he appointed to the command of the Guards Arrecinus
Clemens, who was connected with Vespasian's family[418] and very
friendly with Domitian. He also impressed it upon Domitian that
Clemens' father had filled this command with great distinction under
Caligula: that his name and his character would both find favour with
the troops, and that, although he was a member of the senate,[419] he
was quite able to fill both positions. He then chose his staff, some
as being the most eminent men in the country, others as recommended by
private influence.
Thus both Domitian and Mucianus made ready to start, but with very
different feelings. Domitian was full of the sanguine haste of youth,
while Mucianus kept devising delays to check this enthusiasm. He was
afraid that if Domitian once seized control of an army, his youthful
self-assurance and his bad advisers would lead him into action
prejudicial both to peace and war. Three victorious legions, the
Eighth, Eleventh, and Thirteenth;[420] the Twenty-first--one of
Vitellius' legions--and the Second, which had been newly enrolled, all
started for the front, some by way of the Poenine and Cottian[421]
Alps, others over the Graian Alps. [422] The Fourteenth was also
summoned from Britain, and the Sixth and First from Spain.
The rumour that this force was on its way, combined with the present
temper of the Gauls, inclined them to adopt a sober policy. Their
delegates now met in the territory of the Remi, where they found the
representatives of the Treviri awaiting them. One of these, Julius
Valentinus, who was the keenest instigator of a hostile policy,
delivered a set speech, in which he heaped spiteful aspersions on the
Roman people, making all the charges which are usually brought against
great empires. He was a clever agitator, whose mad rhetoric made him
popular with the crowd. However, Julius Auspex, a chieftain of the 69
Remi, enlarged upon the power of Rome and the blessings of peace. 'Any
coward can begin a war,' he said, 'but it is the brave who run the
risks of its conduct: and here are the legions already upon us. ' Thus
he restrained them, awakening a sense of duty in all the sager
breasts, and appealing to the fears of the younger men. So, while
applauding Valentinus' courage, they followed the advice of Auspex.
The fact that in Vindex's rising the Treviri and Lingones sided with
Verginius is known to have told against them in Gaul. Many, too, were
held back by tribal jealousy. They wanted to know where the
head-quarters of the war would be, to whom were they to look for
auspices and orders, and, if all went well, which town would be chosen
as the seat of government. Thus dissension preceded victory. They
angrily magnified, some their great connexions, others their wealth
and strength, others their antiquity, until they grew tired of
discussing the future and voted for the existing state of things.
Letters were written to the Treviri in the name of All Gaul, bidding
them cease hostilities, suggesting, however, that pardon might be
obtained, and that many were ready to plead their cause if they showed
repentance. Valentinus opposed this mandate and made his tribesmen
offer a deaf ear to it. He was always less anxious to organize a
campaign than to make speeches on every possible occasion.
The result was that neither the Treviri nor the Lingones nor the 70
other rebel tribes behaved as if aware of the serious risks they were
undertaking. Even the leaders did not act in concert. Civilis wandered
over the wilds of the Belgic country, trying to catch or expel
Claudius Labeo. Classicus ordinarily took his ease, apparently
enjoying the fruits of empire. Even Tutor seemed in no hurry to
garrison the Upper Rhine and block the Alpine passes. In the meantime,
the Twenty-first legion made its way down from Vindonissa, while
Sextilius Felix[423] advanced through Raetia with some auxiliary
cohorts. These were joined by the 'Picked Horse',[424] a force that
had been raised by Vitellius and then deserted to Vespasian. This was
commanded by Civilis' nephew, Julius Briganticus,[425] for uncle and
nephew hated each other with all the aggravated bitterness of near
relatives. Tutor swelled his force of Treviri with fresh levies from
the Vangiones, Triboci, and Caeracates,[426] and a stiffening of Roman
veterans, both horse and foot, who had either been bribed or
intimidated. These first cut up an auxiliary cohort sent forward by
Sextilius Felix, but on the advance of the Roman army with its
generals they loyally deserted to their old flag, and were followed by
the Triboci, Vangiones, and Caeracates. Tutor, followed by his
Treviri, avoided Mainz and fell back on Bingium,[427] relying on his
position there, as he had broken down the bridge over the river Nava.
However, Sextilius' cohorts followed him up; some traitor showed them
a ford; Tutor was routed. This disaster was a crushing blow to the
Treviri. The rank and file dropped their weapons and took to the
fields, while some of their chieftains, hoping it might be thought
that they had been the first to lay down arms, took refuge among
tribes who had never repudiated the Roman alliance. The legions which
had been moved, as we saw above,[428] from Novaesium and Bonn to
Trier, now administered to themselves the oath of allegiance to
Vespasian. This happened in Valentinus' absence. When he arrived in
furious excitement, ready to spread universal ruin and confusion, the
legions withdrew into the friendly territory of the Mediomatrici. [429]
Valentinus and Tutor then led the Treviri forcibly back into the
field, but first they killed the two Roman officers, Herennius and
Numisius. [430] By diminishing the hope of pardon they tried to cement
their bond of crime.
Such was the position when Petilius Cerialis reached Mainz. His 71
arrival roused high hopes. He was himself thirsting for battle, and
being always better at despising his enemy than at taking precautions,
he fired his men by delivering a spirited harangue, promising that
directly there was a chance of getting into touch with the enemy he
would engage without delay. He dismissed the Gallic recruits to their
homes with a message that the legions were enough for his task: the
allies could resume their peaceful occupations, feeling assured that
the war was practically ended, now that Roman troops had taken it in
hand. This action rendered the Gauls all the more tractable. They made
less difficulty about the war-tax, now that they had got their men
back again, while his disdain only sharpened their sense of duty. On
the other side, when Civilis and Classicus heard of Tutor's defeat,
the destruction of the Treviri, and the universal success of the Roman
arms, they fell into a panic, hastily mobilized their own scattered
forces, and kept sending messages to Valentinus not to risk a decisive
battle. This only hastened Cerialis' movements. He sent guides to the
legions stationed in the country of the Mediomatrici to lead them by
the shortest route on the enemy's rear. Then, assembling all the
troops to be found in Mainz[431] together with his own force, he
marched in three days to Rigodulum. [432] Here, on a spot protected by
the mountains on one side and the Moselle on the other, Valentinus had
already taken his stand with a large force of Treviri. His camp had
been strengthened with trenches and stone barricades, but these
fortifications had no terrors for the Roman general. He ordered the
infantry to force the position in front, while the cavalry were to
ascend the hill. Valentinus' hurriedly assembled forces filled him
with contempt, for he knew that whatever advantage their position
might give them, the superior morale of his men would outweigh it. A
short delay was necessary while the cavalry climbed the hill, exposed
to the enemy's fire. But when the fight began, the Treviri tumbled
headlong down the hill like a house falling. Some of our cavalry, who
had ridden round by an easier gradient, captured several Belgic
chieftains, including their general, Valentinus.
On the next day Cerialis entered Trier. The troops clamoured 72
greedily for its destruction. 'It was the native town of Classicus and
of Tutor: these were the men who had wickedly entrapped and
slaughtered the legions. Its guilt was far worse than that of Cremona,
which had been wiped off the face of Italy for causing the victors a
single night's delay. Was the chief seat of the rebellion to be left
standing untouched on the German frontier, glorying in the spoil of
Roman armies and the blood of Roman generals? [433] The plunder could
go to the Imperial Treasury. It would be enough for them to see the
rebel town in smoking ruins; that would be some compensation for the
destruction of so many camps. ' Cerialis was afraid of soiling his
reputation if it was said that he gave his men a taste for cruelty and
riot, so he suppressed their indignation. They obeyed him, too, for
now that civil war was done with, there was less insubordination on
foreign service. Their thoughts were now distracted by the pitiful
plight of the legions who had been summoned from the country of the
Mediomatrici. [434] Miserably conscious of their guilt, they stood with
eyes rooted to the ground. When the armies met, they raised no cheer:
they had no answer for those who offered comfort and encouragement:
they skulked in their tents, shunning the light of day. It was not
fear of punishment so much as the shame of their disgrace which thus
overwhelmed them. Even the victorious army showed their bewilderment:
hardly venturing to make an audible petition, they craved pardon for
them with silent tears. At length Cerialis soothed their alarm. He
insisted that all disasters due to dissension between officers and
men, or to the enemy's guile, were to be regarded as 'acts of
destiny'. They were to count this as their first day of service and
sworn allegiance. [435] Neither he nor the emperor would remember past
misdeeds. He then gave them quarters in his own camp, and sent round
orders that no one in the heat of any quarrel should taunt a fellow
soldier with mutiny or defeat.
Cerialis next summoned the Treviri and Lingones, and addressed 73
them as follows: 'Unpractised as I am in public speaking, for it is
only on the field that I have asserted the superiority of Rome, yet
since words have so much weight with you, and since you distinguish
good and bad not by the light of facts but by what agitators tell you,
I have decided to make a few remarks, which, as the war is practically
over, are likely to be more profitable to the audience than to
ourselves. Roman generals and officers originally set foot in your
country and the rest of Gaul from no motives of ambition, but at the
call of your ancestors, who were worn almost to ruin by dissension.
The Germans whom one party summoned to their aid had forced the yoke
of slavery on allies and enemies alike. You know how often we fought
against the Cimbri and the Teutons, with what infinite pains and with
what striking success our armies have undertaken German wars. All that
is notorious. And to-day it is not to protect Italy that we have
occupied the Rhine, but to prevent some second Ariovistus making
himself master of All Gaul. [436] Do you imagine that Civilis and his
Batavi and the other tribes across the Rhine care any more about you
than their ancestors cared about your fathers and grandfathers? The
Germans have always had the same motives for trespassing into
Gaul--their greed for gain and their desire to change homes with you.
They wanted to leave their marshes and deserts, and to make themselves
masters of this magnificently fertile soil and of you who live on it.
Of course they use specious pretexts and talk about liberty. No one
has ever wanted to enslave others and play the tyrant without making
use of the very same phrases.
'Tyranny and warfare were always rife throughout the length and 74
breadth of Gaul, until you accepted Roman government. Often as we have
been provoked, we have never imposed upon you any burden by right of
conquest, except what was necessary to maintain peace. Tribes cannot
be kept quiet without troops. You cannot have troops without pay; and
you cannot raise pay without taxation. In every other respect you are
treated as our equals. You frequently command our legions yourselves:
you govern this and other provinces yourselves. We have no exclusive
privileges. Though you live so far away, you enjoy the blessings of a
good emperor no less than we do, whereas the tyrant only oppresses
his nearest neighbours. You must put up with luxury and greed in your
masters, just as you put up with bad crops or excessive rain, or any
other natural disaster. Vice will last as long as mankind. But these
evils are not continual. There are intervals of good government, which
make up for them. You cannot surely hope that the tyranny of Tutor and
Classicus would mean milder government, or that they will need less
taxation for the armies they will have to raise to keep the Germans
and Britons at bay. For if the Romans were driven out--which Heaven
forbid--what could ensue save a universal state of intertribal
warfare? During eight hundred years, by good fortune and good
organization, the structure of empire has been consolidated. It cannot
be pulled down without destroying those who do it. And it is you who
would run the greatest risk of all, since you have gold and rich
resources, which are the prime causes of war. You must learn, then, to
love and foster peace and the city of Rome in which you, the
vanquished, have the same rights as your conquerors. You have tried
both conditions. Take warning, then, that submission and safety are
better than rebellion and ruin. ' By such words as these he quieted and
reassured his audience, who had been afraid of more rigorous measures.
While the victors were occupying Trier, Civilis and Classicus sent 75
a letter to Cerialis, the gist of which was that Vespasian was dead,
though the news was being suppressed: Rome and Italy were exhausted by
civil war: Mucianus and Domitian were mere names with no power behind
them: if Cerialis desired to be emperor of All Gaul, they would be
satisfied with their own territory: but if he should prefer battle,
that, too, they would not deny him. Cerialis made no answer to Civilis
and Classicus, but sent the letter and its bearer to Domitian.
The enemy now approached Trier from every quarter in detached bands,
and Cerialis was much criticized for allowing them to unite, when he
might have cut them off one by one. The Roman army now threw a trench
and rampart round their camp, for they had rashly settled in it
without seeing to the fortifications. In the German camp different 76
opinions were being keenly debated. Civilis contended that they should
wait for the tribes from across the Rhine, whose arrival would spread
a panic sufficient to crush the enfeebled forces of the Romans. The
Gauls, he urged, were simply a prey for the winning side and, as it
was, the Belgae, who were their sole strength, had declared for him or
were at least sympathetic. Tutor maintained that delay only
strengthened the Roman force, since their armies were converging from
every quarter. 'They have brought one legion across from Britain,
others have been summoned from Spain, or are on their way from
Italy. [437] Nor are they raw recruits, but experienced veterans, while
the Germans, on whose aid we rely, are subject to no discipline or
control, but do whatever they like. You can only bribe them with
presents of money, and the Romans have the advantage of us there:
besides, however keen to fight, a man always prefers peace to danger,
so long as the pay is the same. But if we engage them at once,
Cerialis has nothing but the remnants of the German army,[438] who
have sworn allegiance to the Gallic Empire. The very fact that they
have just won an unexpected victory over Valentinus' undisciplined
bands[439] serves to confirm them and their general in imprudence.
They will venture out again and will fall, not into the hands of an
inexperienced boy, who knows more about making speeches than war, but
into the hands of Civilis and Classicus, at the sight of whom they
will recall their fears and their flights and their famine, and
remember how often they have had to beg their lives from their
captors. Nor, again, is it any liking for the Romans that keeps back
the Treviri and Lingones: they will fly to arms again, when once their
fears are dispelled. ' Classicus finally settled the difference of
opinion by declaring for Tutor's policy, and they promptly proceeded
to carry it out.
The Ubii and Lingones were placed in the centre, the Batavian 77
cohorts on the right, and on the left the Bructeri and Tencteri.
Advancing, some by the hills and some by the path between the road and
the river,[440] they took us completely by surprise. So sudden was
their onslaught that Cerialis, who had not spent the night in camp,
was still in bed when he heard almost simultaneously that the fighting
had begun and that the day was lost. He cursed the messengers for
their cowardice until he saw the whole extent of the disaster with his
own eyes. The camp had been forced, the cavalry routed, and the bridge
over the Moselle, leading to the outskirts of the town, which lay
between him and his army,[440] was held by the enemy. But confusion
had no terrors for Cerialis. Seizing hold on fugitives, flinging
himself without any armour into the thick of the fire, he succeeded by
his inspired imprudence and the assistance of the braver men in
retaking the bridge. Leaving a picked band to hold it, he hurried back
to the camp, where he found that the companies of the legions which
had surrendered at Bonn and Novaesium[441] were all broken up, few men
were left at their posts, and the eagles were all but surrounded by
the enemy. He turned on them in blazing anger, 'It is not Flaccus or
Vocula that you are deserting. There is no "treason" about me. I have
done nothing to be ashamed of, except that I was rash enough to
believe that you had forgotten your Gallic ties and awakened to the
memory of your Roman allegiance. Am I to be numbered with Numisius
and Herennius? [442] Then you can say that all your generals have
fallen either by your hands or the enemy's. Go and tell the news to
Vespasian, or rather, to Civilis and Classicus--they are nearer at
hand--that you have deserted your general on the field of battle.
There will yet come legions who will not leave me unavenged or you
unpunished. '
All he said was true, and the other officers heaped the same 78
reproaches on their heads. The men were drawn up in cohorts and
companies, since it was impossible to deploy with the enemy swarming
round them, and, the fight being inside the rampart, the tents and
baggage were a serious encumbrance. Tutor and Classicus and Civilis,
each at his post, were busy rallying their forces, appealing to the
Gauls to fight for freedom, the Batavians for glory, and the Germans
for plunder. Everything, indeed, went well for the enemy until the
Twenty-first legion, who had rallied in a clearer space than any of
the others, first sustained their charge and then repulsed them. Then,
by divine providence, on the very point of victory the enemy suddenly
lost their nerve and turned tail. They themselves attributed their
panic to the appearance of the Roman auxiliaries, who, after being
scattered by the first charge, formed again on the hill-tops and were
taken for fresh reinforcements. However, what really cost the Gauls
their victory was that they let their enemy alone and indulged in
ignoble squabbles over the spoil. Thus after Cerialis' carelessness
had almost caused disaster, his pluck now saved the day, and he
followed up his success by capturing the enemy's camp and destroying
it before nightfall.
Cerialis' troops were allowed short respite. Cologne was 79
clamouring for help and offering to surrender Civilis' wife and sister
and Classicus' daughter, who had been left behind there as pledges of
the alliance. In the meantime the inhabitants had massacred all the
stray Germans to be found in the town. They were now alarmed at this,
and had good reason to implore aid before the enemy should recover
their strength and bethink themselves of victory, or at any rate of
revenge. Indeed, Civilis already had designs on Cologne, and he was
still formidable, for the most warlike of his cohorts, composed of
Chauci and Frisii,[443] was still in full force at Tolbiacum,[444]
within the territory of Cologne. However, he changed his plans on
receiving the bitter news that this force had been entrapped and
destroyed by the inhabitants of Cologne. They had entertained them at
a lavish banquet, drugged them with wine, shut the doors upon them and
burned the place to the ground. At the same moment Cerialis came by
forced marches to the relief of Cologne. A further anxiety haunted
Civilis. He was afraid that the Fourteenth legion, in conjunction with
the fleet from Britain,[445] might harry the Batavian coast. However,
Fabius Priscus, who was in command, led his troops inland into the
country of the Nervii and Tungri, who surrendered to him. The
Canninefates[446] made an unprovoked attack upon the fleet and sank or
captured the greater number of the ships. They also defeated a band of
Nervian volunteers who had been recruited in the Roman interest.
Classicus secured a further success against an advance-guard of
cavalry which Cerialis had sent forward to Novaesium. These repeated
checks, though unimportant in themselves, served to dim the lustre of
the recent Roman victory. [447]
FOOTNOTES:
[416] Round Reims.
[417] Chap. 39.
[418] His sister was Titus's first wife.
[419] Augustus had made it a rule that the _praefectus
praetorio_ should come from the equestrian order.
[420] The text is here uncertain, and some historians maintain
that the third of these legions was not XIII Gemina but VII
Claudia (v. Henderson, _Civil War_, &c. , p. 291).
[421] Great St. Bernard and Mt. Genèvre.
[422] Little St. Bernard.
[423] See iii. 5.
[424] i. e. not raised in any one locality.
[425] Cp. ii. 22.
[426] The Triboci were in Lower Alsace; the Vangiones north of
them in the district of Worms; the Caeracates probably to the
north again, in the district between Mainz and the Nahe
(Nava).
[427] Bingen.
[428] Chap. 62.
[429] Round Metz.
[430] See chap. 59.
[431] The other detachments of legions IV and XXII.
[432] Riol.
[433] Hordeonius Flaccus, Vocula, Herennius, and Numisius.
[434] Legions I and XVI.
[435] They had, as a matter of fact, changed their allegiance
no less than six times since the outbreak of the civil war.
[436] Ariovistus, king of the Suebi, summoned to aid one
Gallic confederacy against another, formed the ambition of
conquering Gaul, but was defeated by Julius Caesar near
Besançon (Vesontio) in 58 B. C.
[437] See chap. 68.
[438] Tutor erred. Cerialis had also the Twenty-first from
Vindonissa, Felix's auxiliary cohorts, and the troops he had
found at Mainz (see chaps. 70 and 71).
[439] He suppresses his own defeat at Bingen (chap. 70).
[440] The town lay on the right bank of the Moselle; the Roman
camp on the left bank between the river and the hills. There
was only one bridge.
[441] The Sixteenth had its permanent camp at Novaesium, the
First at Bonn. Both surrendered at Novaesium (cp. chap. 59).
[442] See chaps. 59 and 70.
[443] The Frisii occupied part of Friesland; the Chauci lay
east of them, between the Ems and Weser.
[444] Zülpich.
[445] A small flotilla on guard in the Channel. It probably
now transported the Fourteenth and landed them at Boulogne.
[446] Cp. chap. 15.
[447] The narrative is resumed from this point in v. 14.
EVENTS IN ROME AND IN THE EAST
It was about this time that Mucianus gave orders for the murder of 80
Vitellius' son,[448] on the plea that dissension would continue until
all the seeds of war were stamped out. He also refused to allow
Antonius Primus to go out on Domitian's staff, being alarmed at his
popularity among the troops and at the man's own vanity, which would
brook no equal, much less a superior. Antonius accordingly went to
join Vespasian, whose reception, though not hostile, proved a
disappointment. The emperor was drawn two ways. On the one side were
Antonius' services: it was undeniable that his generalship had ended
the war. In the other scale were Mucianus' letters. Besides which,
every one else seemed ready to rake up the scandals of his past life
and inveigh against his vanity and bad temper. Antonius himself did
his best to provoke hostility by expatiating to excess on his
services, decrying the other generals as incompetent cowards, and
stigmatizing Caecina as a prisoner who had surrendered. Thus without
any open breach of friendship he gradually declined lower and lower in
the emperor's favour.
During the months which Vespasian spent at Alexandria waiting for 81
the regular season of the summer winds[449] to ensure a safe voyage,
there occurred many miraculous events manifesting the goodwill of
Heaven and the special favour of Providence towards him. At Alexandria
a poor workman who was well known to have a disease of the eye, acting
on the advice of Serapis, whom this superstitious people worship as
their chief god, fell at Vespasian's feet demanding with sobs a cure
for his blindness, and imploring that the emperor would deign to
moisten his eyes and eyeballs with the spittle from his mouth. Another
man with a maimed hand, also inspired by Serapis, besought Vespasian
to imprint his footmark on it. At first Vespasian laughed at them and
refused. But they insisted. Half fearing to be thought a fool, half
stirred to hopes by their petition and by the flattery of his
courtiers, he eventually told the doctors to form an opinion whether
such cases of blindness and deformity could be remedied by human aid.
The doctors talked round the question, saying that in the one case the
power of sight was not extinct and would return, if certain
impediments were removed; in the other case the limbs were distorted
and could be set right again by the application of an effective
remedy: this might be the will of Heaven and the emperor had perhaps
been chosen as the divine instrument. They added that he would gain
all the credit, if the cure were successful, while, if it failed, the
ridicule would fall on the unfortunate patients. This convinced
Vespasian that there were no limits to his destiny: nothing now seemed
incredible. To the great excitement of the bystanders, he stepped
forward with a smile on his face and did as the men desired him.
Immediately the hand recovered its functions and daylight shone once
more in the blind man's eyes. Those who were present still attest both
miracles to-day,[450] when there is nothing to gain by lying.
This occurrence deepened Vespasian's desire to visit the 82
holy-place and consult Serapis about the fortunes of the empire. He
gave orders that no one else was to be allowed in the temple, and then
went in. While absorbed in his devotions, he suddenly saw behind him
an Egyptian noble, named Basilides, whom he knew to be lying ill
several days' journey from Alexandria. He inquired of the priests
whether Basilides had entered the temple that day. He inquired of
every one he met whether he had been seen in the city. Eventually he
sent some horsemen, who discovered that at the time Basilides was
eighty miles away. Vespasian therefore took what he had seen for a
divine apparition, and guessed the meaning of the oracle from the name
'Basilides'. [451]
The origins of the god Serapis are not given in any Roman 83
authorities. The high-priests of Egypt give the following account:
King Ptolemy, who was the first of the Macedonians to put the power of
Egypt on a firm footing,[452] was engaged in building walls and
temples, and instituting religious cults for his newly founded city of
Alexandria, when there appeared to him in his sleep a young man of
striking beauty and supernatural stature, who warned him to send his
most faithful friends to Pontus to fetch his image. After adding that
this would bring luck to the kingdom, and that its resting-place would
grow great and famous, he appeared to be taken up into heaven in a
sheet of flame. Impressed by this miraculous prophecy, Ptolemy
revealed his vision to the priests of Egypt, who are used to
interpreting such things. As they had but little knowledge of Pontus
or of foreign cults, he consulted an Athenian named Timotheus, a
member of the Eumolpid clan,[453] whom he had brought over from
Eleusis to be overseer of religious ceremonies, and asked him what
worship and what god could possibly be meant. Timotheus found some
people who had travelled in Pontus and learnt from them, that near a
town called Sinope there was a temple, which had long been famous in
the neighbourhood as the seat of Jupiter-Pluto,[454] and near it there
also stood a female figure, which was commonly called Proserpine.
Ptolemy was like most despots, easily terrified at first, but liable,
when his panic was over, to think more of his pleasures than of his
religious duties. The incident was gradually forgotten, and other
thoughts occupied his mind until the vision was repeated in a more
terrible and impressive form than before, and he was threatened with
death and the destruction of his kingdom if he failed to fulfil his
instructions. He at once gave orders that representatives should be
sent with presents to King Scydrothemis, who was then reigning at
Sinope, and on their departure he instructed them to consult the
oracle of Apollo at Delphi. They made a successful voyage and received
a clear answer from the oracle: they were to go and bring back the
image of Apollo's father but leave his sister's behind.
On their arrival at Sinope they laid their presents, their 84
petition, and their king's instructions before Scydrothemis. He was in
some perplexity. He was afraid of the god and yet alarmed by the
threats of his subjects, who opposed the project: then, again, he
often felt tempted by the envoys' presents and promises. Three years
passed. Ptolemy's zeal never abated for a moment. He persisted in his
petition, and kept sending more and more distinguished envoys, more
ships, more gold. Then a threatening vision appeared to Scydrothemis,
bidding him no longer thwart the god's design. When he still
hesitated, he was beset by every kind of disease and disaster: the
gods were plainly angry and their hand was heavier upon him every day.
He summoned an assembly and laid before it the divine commands, his
own and Ptolemy's visions, and the troubles with which they were
visited. The king found the people unfavourable. They were jealous of
Egypt and fearful of their own future. So they surged angrily round
the temple. The story now grows stranger still. The god himself, it
says, embarked unaided on one of the ships that lay beached on the
shore, and by a miracle accomplished the long sea-journey and landed
at Alexandria within three days. A temple worthy of so important a
city was then built in the quarter called Rhacotis, on the site of an
ancient temple of Serapis and Isis. [455] This is the most widely
accepted account of the god's origin and arrival. Some people, I am
well aware, maintain that the god was brought from the Syrian town of
Seleucia during the reign of Ptolemy, the third of that name. [456]
Others, again, say it was this same Ptolemy, but make the place of
origin the famous town of Memphis,[457] once the bulwark of ancient
Egypt. Many take the god for Aesculapius, because he cures disease:
others for Osiris, the oldest of the local gods; some, again, for
Jupiter, as being the sovereign lord of the world. But the majority of
people, either judging by what are clearly attributes of the god or by
an ingenious process of conjecture, identify him with Pluto.
Domitian and Mucianus were now on their way to the Alps. [458] 85
Before reaching the mountains they received the good news of the
victory over the Treviri, the truth of which was fully attested by the
presence of their leader Valentinus. His courage was in no way crushed
and his face still bore witness to the proud spirit he had shown. He
was allowed a hearing, merely to see what he was made of, and
condemned to death. At his execution some one cast it in his teeth
that his country was conquered, to which he replied, 'Then I am
reconciled to death. '
Mucianus now gave utterance to an idea which he had long cherished,
though he pretended it was a sudden inspiration. This was that, since
by Heaven's grace the forces of the enemy had been broken, it would
ill befit Domitian, now that the war was practically over, to stand
in the way of the other generals to whom the credit belonged. Were the
fortunes of the empire or the safety of Gaul at stake, it would be
right that a Caesar should take the field; the Canninefates and Batavi
might be left to minor generals.
our town-walls, seeing that the Roman armies are massing at this
moment, it would be safer for us to heighten them than to pull them
down. All the foreigners from Italy or the provinces who lived on our
soil have either perished in the war or fled to their own homes. As
for the original settlers[409], who are united to us by ties of
marriage, they and their offspring regard this as their home, and we
do not think you are so unreasonable as to ask us to kill our parents
and brothers and children. All taxes and commercial restrictions we
remit. We grant you free entry without supervision, but you must come
in daylight and unarmed, while these ties which are still strange and
new are growing into a long-established custom. As arbitrators we will
appoint Civilis and Veleda, and we will ratify our compact in their
presence. '
Thus the Tencteri were pacified. A deputation was sent with presents
to Civilis and Veleda, and obtained all that the people of Cologne
desired. They were not, however, allowed to approach and speak to
Veleda or even to see her, but were kept at a distance to inspire in
them the greater awe. She herself lived at the top of a high tower,
and one of her relatives was appointed to carry all the questions and
answers like a mediator between God and man.
Now that he had gained the accession of Cologne, Civilis 66
determined to win over the neighbouring communities or to declare war
in case of opposition. He reduced the Sunuci[410] and formed their
fighting strength into cohorts, but then found his advance barred by
Claudius Labeo[411] at the head of a hastily-recruited band of
Baetasii, Tungri, and Nervii. [411] He had secured the bridge over the
Maas and relied on the strength of his position. A skirmish in the
narrow defile proved indecisive, until the Germans swam across and
took Labeo in the rear. At this point Civilis by a bold move--or
possibly by arrangement--rode into the lines of the Tungri and called
out in a loud voice, 'Our object in taking up arms is not to secure
empire for the Batavi and Treviri over other tribes. We are far from
any such arrogance. Take us as allies. I am come to join you; whether
as general or as private it is for you to choose. ' This had a great
effect on the common soldiers, who began to sheathe their swords. Then
two of their chieftains, Campanus and Juvenalis, surrendered the
entire tribe. Labeo escaped before he was surrounded. Civilis also
received the allegiance of the Baetasii and Nervii, and added their
forces to his own. His power was now immense, for all the Gallic
communities were either terrified or ready to offer willing support.
In the meantime, Julius Sabinus,[412] who had destroyed every 67
memorial of the Roman alliance,[413] assumed the title of Caesar and
proceeded to hurry a large unwieldy horde of his tribesmen against the
Sequani,[414] a neighbouring community, faithful to Rome. The Sequani
accepted battle: the good cause prospered: the Lingones were routed.
Sabinus fled the field with the same rash haste with which he had
plunged into battle. Wishing to spread a rumour of his death, he took
refuge in a house and set fire to it, and was thus supposed to have
perished by his own act. We shall, however, relate in due course the
devices by which he lay in hiding and prolonged his life for nine
more years, and allude also to the loyalty of his friends and the
memorable example set by his wife Epponina. [415]
FOOTNOTES:
[384] Tacitus here resumes the thread of his narrative of the
rebellion on the Rhine, interrupted at the end of chap. 37,
and goes back from July to January, A. D. 70.
[385] Cp. iii. 46.
[386] The danger of Druidism was always before the eyes of the
emperors. Augustus had forbidden Roman citizens to adopt it.
Claudius had tried to stamp it out in Gaul and in Britain, yet
they appear again here to preach a fanatic nationalism.
However, this seems to be their last appearance as leaders of
revolt.
[387] Probably they were in Rome, and were sent back to their
homes to intrigue against Vitellius' rising power.
[388] See chap. 36.
[389] Cp. ii. 14.
[390] i. e. he was to prevent any incursions from Germany along
the frontier of his canton, between Bingen and Coblenz.
[391] At Mainz.
[392] Chap. 18.
[393] These tribes lived between the Maas and the Scheldt, and
the Marsaci were round the mouth of the Scheldt.
[394] Civilis, again besieging Vetera (chap. 36).
[395] i. e. from the rest of Vocula's force, which they had not
yet deserted.
[396] The Aedui, one of the most powerful of the Gallic
tribes, living between the Saône and the Loire had revolted in
A. D. 21, and held out for a short time at their chief town
(Autun).
[397] This had only been granted to a few tribes who had
helped in crushing Vindex (see i. 8 and 51). The Treviri and
Lingones had been punished. But it is a good rhetorical point.
[398] His presumption took away his breath.
[399] i. e. artificially reddened according to a Gallic custom.
[400] Cp. chap. 69.
[401] Under Vespasian she inspired another rebellion and was
brought as a captive to Rome, where she aroused much polite
curiosity.
[402] Windisch.
[403] From the standards.
[404] Claudius the Holy; lucus a non lucendo.
[405] An auxiliary squadron of Italian horse, originally
raised, we may suppose, by a provincial governor who was a
native of Picenum.
[406] The Ubii were distrusted as having taken the name
Agrippinenses and become in some degree Romanized. The town
was strongly walled, and Germans from outside only admitted on
payment and under Roman supervision.
[407] See chap. 21.
[408] Not, of course, to be taken literally. 'The Germans do
no business public or private except in full armour,' says
Tacitus in the _Germania_. So to them 'unarmed' meant
'unclothed'.
[409] i. e. the veterans whom Agrippina had sent out to her
birthplace in A. D. 50.
[410] West of the Ubii, between the Roer and the Maas.
[411] See chap. 56.
[412] Cp. chap. 55.
[413] e. g. the inscriptions recording the terms of alliance
granted to the Lingones by Rome.
[414] Round Vesontio (Besançon).
[415] The story, which Tacitus presumably told in the lost
part of his _History_, dealing with the end of Vespasian's
reign, is mentioned both by Plutarch and Dio. Sabinus and his
wife lived for nine years in an underground cave, where two
sons were born to them. They were eventually discovered and
executed.
THE EBB-TIDE OF REVOLT
This success on the part of the Sequani checked the rising flood. The
Gallic communities gradually came to their senses and began to
remember their obligations as allies. In this movement the Remi[416]
took the lead. They circulated a notice throughout Gaul, summoning a
meeting of delegates to consider whether liberty or peace was the
preferable alternative. At Rome, however, all these disasters were 68
exaggerated, and Mucianus began to feel anxious. He had already
appointed Annius Gallus and Petilius Cerialis to the chief command,
and distinguished officers as they were, he was afraid the conduct of
such a war might be too much for them. Moreover, he could not leave
Rome without government, but he was afraid of Domitian's unbridled
passions, while, as we have already seen,[417] he suspected Antonius
Primus and Arrius Varus. Varus, as commanding the Guards, still had
the chief power and influence in his hands. Mucianus accordingly
displaced him, but, as a compensation, made him Director of the
Corn-supply. As he had also to placate Domitian, who was inclined to
support Varus, he appointed to the command of the Guards Arrecinus
Clemens, who was connected with Vespasian's family[418] and very
friendly with Domitian. He also impressed it upon Domitian that
Clemens' father had filled this command with great distinction under
Caligula: that his name and his character would both find favour with
the troops, and that, although he was a member of the senate,[419] he
was quite able to fill both positions. He then chose his staff, some
as being the most eminent men in the country, others as recommended by
private influence.
Thus both Domitian and Mucianus made ready to start, but with very
different feelings. Domitian was full of the sanguine haste of youth,
while Mucianus kept devising delays to check this enthusiasm. He was
afraid that if Domitian once seized control of an army, his youthful
self-assurance and his bad advisers would lead him into action
prejudicial both to peace and war. Three victorious legions, the
Eighth, Eleventh, and Thirteenth;[420] the Twenty-first--one of
Vitellius' legions--and the Second, which had been newly enrolled, all
started for the front, some by way of the Poenine and Cottian[421]
Alps, others over the Graian Alps. [422] The Fourteenth was also
summoned from Britain, and the Sixth and First from Spain.
The rumour that this force was on its way, combined with the present
temper of the Gauls, inclined them to adopt a sober policy. Their
delegates now met in the territory of the Remi, where they found the
representatives of the Treviri awaiting them. One of these, Julius
Valentinus, who was the keenest instigator of a hostile policy,
delivered a set speech, in which he heaped spiteful aspersions on the
Roman people, making all the charges which are usually brought against
great empires. He was a clever agitator, whose mad rhetoric made him
popular with the crowd. However, Julius Auspex, a chieftain of the 69
Remi, enlarged upon the power of Rome and the blessings of peace. 'Any
coward can begin a war,' he said, 'but it is the brave who run the
risks of its conduct: and here are the legions already upon us. ' Thus
he restrained them, awakening a sense of duty in all the sager
breasts, and appealing to the fears of the younger men. So, while
applauding Valentinus' courage, they followed the advice of Auspex.
The fact that in Vindex's rising the Treviri and Lingones sided with
Verginius is known to have told against them in Gaul. Many, too, were
held back by tribal jealousy. They wanted to know where the
head-quarters of the war would be, to whom were they to look for
auspices and orders, and, if all went well, which town would be chosen
as the seat of government. Thus dissension preceded victory. They
angrily magnified, some their great connexions, others their wealth
and strength, others their antiquity, until they grew tired of
discussing the future and voted for the existing state of things.
Letters were written to the Treviri in the name of All Gaul, bidding
them cease hostilities, suggesting, however, that pardon might be
obtained, and that many were ready to plead their cause if they showed
repentance. Valentinus opposed this mandate and made his tribesmen
offer a deaf ear to it. He was always less anxious to organize a
campaign than to make speeches on every possible occasion.
The result was that neither the Treviri nor the Lingones nor the 70
other rebel tribes behaved as if aware of the serious risks they were
undertaking. Even the leaders did not act in concert. Civilis wandered
over the wilds of the Belgic country, trying to catch or expel
Claudius Labeo. Classicus ordinarily took his ease, apparently
enjoying the fruits of empire. Even Tutor seemed in no hurry to
garrison the Upper Rhine and block the Alpine passes. In the meantime,
the Twenty-first legion made its way down from Vindonissa, while
Sextilius Felix[423] advanced through Raetia with some auxiliary
cohorts. These were joined by the 'Picked Horse',[424] a force that
had been raised by Vitellius and then deserted to Vespasian. This was
commanded by Civilis' nephew, Julius Briganticus,[425] for uncle and
nephew hated each other with all the aggravated bitterness of near
relatives. Tutor swelled his force of Treviri with fresh levies from
the Vangiones, Triboci, and Caeracates,[426] and a stiffening of Roman
veterans, both horse and foot, who had either been bribed or
intimidated. These first cut up an auxiliary cohort sent forward by
Sextilius Felix, but on the advance of the Roman army with its
generals they loyally deserted to their old flag, and were followed by
the Triboci, Vangiones, and Caeracates. Tutor, followed by his
Treviri, avoided Mainz and fell back on Bingium,[427] relying on his
position there, as he had broken down the bridge over the river Nava.
However, Sextilius' cohorts followed him up; some traitor showed them
a ford; Tutor was routed. This disaster was a crushing blow to the
Treviri. The rank and file dropped their weapons and took to the
fields, while some of their chieftains, hoping it might be thought
that they had been the first to lay down arms, took refuge among
tribes who had never repudiated the Roman alliance. The legions which
had been moved, as we saw above,[428] from Novaesium and Bonn to
Trier, now administered to themselves the oath of allegiance to
Vespasian. This happened in Valentinus' absence. When he arrived in
furious excitement, ready to spread universal ruin and confusion, the
legions withdrew into the friendly territory of the Mediomatrici. [429]
Valentinus and Tutor then led the Treviri forcibly back into the
field, but first they killed the two Roman officers, Herennius and
Numisius. [430] By diminishing the hope of pardon they tried to cement
their bond of crime.
Such was the position when Petilius Cerialis reached Mainz. His 71
arrival roused high hopes. He was himself thirsting for battle, and
being always better at despising his enemy than at taking precautions,
he fired his men by delivering a spirited harangue, promising that
directly there was a chance of getting into touch with the enemy he
would engage without delay. He dismissed the Gallic recruits to their
homes with a message that the legions were enough for his task: the
allies could resume their peaceful occupations, feeling assured that
the war was practically ended, now that Roman troops had taken it in
hand. This action rendered the Gauls all the more tractable. They made
less difficulty about the war-tax, now that they had got their men
back again, while his disdain only sharpened their sense of duty. On
the other side, when Civilis and Classicus heard of Tutor's defeat,
the destruction of the Treviri, and the universal success of the Roman
arms, they fell into a panic, hastily mobilized their own scattered
forces, and kept sending messages to Valentinus not to risk a decisive
battle. This only hastened Cerialis' movements. He sent guides to the
legions stationed in the country of the Mediomatrici to lead them by
the shortest route on the enemy's rear. Then, assembling all the
troops to be found in Mainz[431] together with his own force, he
marched in three days to Rigodulum. [432] Here, on a spot protected by
the mountains on one side and the Moselle on the other, Valentinus had
already taken his stand with a large force of Treviri. His camp had
been strengthened with trenches and stone barricades, but these
fortifications had no terrors for the Roman general. He ordered the
infantry to force the position in front, while the cavalry were to
ascend the hill. Valentinus' hurriedly assembled forces filled him
with contempt, for he knew that whatever advantage their position
might give them, the superior morale of his men would outweigh it. A
short delay was necessary while the cavalry climbed the hill, exposed
to the enemy's fire. But when the fight began, the Treviri tumbled
headlong down the hill like a house falling. Some of our cavalry, who
had ridden round by an easier gradient, captured several Belgic
chieftains, including their general, Valentinus.
On the next day Cerialis entered Trier. The troops clamoured 72
greedily for its destruction. 'It was the native town of Classicus and
of Tutor: these were the men who had wickedly entrapped and
slaughtered the legions. Its guilt was far worse than that of Cremona,
which had been wiped off the face of Italy for causing the victors a
single night's delay. Was the chief seat of the rebellion to be left
standing untouched on the German frontier, glorying in the spoil of
Roman armies and the blood of Roman generals? [433] The plunder could
go to the Imperial Treasury. It would be enough for them to see the
rebel town in smoking ruins; that would be some compensation for the
destruction of so many camps. ' Cerialis was afraid of soiling his
reputation if it was said that he gave his men a taste for cruelty and
riot, so he suppressed their indignation. They obeyed him, too, for
now that civil war was done with, there was less insubordination on
foreign service. Their thoughts were now distracted by the pitiful
plight of the legions who had been summoned from the country of the
Mediomatrici. [434] Miserably conscious of their guilt, they stood with
eyes rooted to the ground. When the armies met, they raised no cheer:
they had no answer for those who offered comfort and encouragement:
they skulked in their tents, shunning the light of day. It was not
fear of punishment so much as the shame of their disgrace which thus
overwhelmed them. Even the victorious army showed their bewilderment:
hardly venturing to make an audible petition, they craved pardon for
them with silent tears. At length Cerialis soothed their alarm. He
insisted that all disasters due to dissension between officers and
men, or to the enemy's guile, were to be regarded as 'acts of
destiny'. They were to count this as their first day of service and
sworn allegiance. [435] Neither he nor the emperor would remember past
misdeeds. He then gave them quarters in his own camp, and sent round
orders that no one in the heat of any quarrel should taunt a fellow
soldier with mutiny or defeat.
Cerialis next summoned the Treviri and Lingones, and addressed 73
them as follows: 'Unpractised as I am in public speaking, for it is
only on the field that I have asserted the superiority of Rome, yet
since words have so much weight with you, and since you distinguish
good and bad not by the light of facts but by what agitators tell you,
I have decided to make a few remarks, which, as the war is practically
over, are likely to be more profitable to the audience than to
ourselves. Roman generals and officers originally set foot in your
country and the rest of Gaul from no motives of ambition, but at the
call of your ancestors, who were worn almost to ruin by dissension.
The Germans whom one party summoned to their aid had forced the yoke
of slavery on allies and enemies alike. You know how often we fought
against the Cimbri and the Teutons, with what infinite pains and with
what striking success our armies have undertaken German wars. All that
is notorious. And to-day it is not to protect Italy that we have
occupied the Rhine, but to prevent some second Ariovistus making
himself master of All Gaul. [436] Do you imagine that Civilis and his
Batavi and the other tribes across the Rhine care any more about you
than their ancestors cared about your fathers and grandfathers? The
Germans have always had the same motives for trespassing into
Gaul--their greed for gain and their desire to change homes with you.
They wanted to leave their marshes and deserts, and to make themselves
masters of this magnificently fertile soil and of you who live on it.
Of course they use specious pretexts and talk about liberty. No one
has ever wanted to enslave others and play the tyrant without making
use of the very same phrases.
'Tyranny and warfare were always rife throughout the length and 74
breadth of Gaul, until you accepted Roman government. Often as we have
been provoked, we have never imposed upon you any burden by right of
conquest, except what was necessary to maintain peace. Tribes cannot
be kept quiet without troops. You cannot have troops without pay; and
you cannot raise pay without taxation. In every other respect you are
treated as our equals. You frequently command our legions yourselves:
you govern this and other provinces yourselves. We have no exclusive
privileges. Though you live so far away, you enjoy the blessings of a
good emperor no less than we do, whereas the tyrant only oppresses
his nearest neighbours. You must put up with luxury and greed in your
masters, just as you put up with bad crops or excessive rain, or any
other natural disaster. Vice will last as long as mankind. But these
evils are not continual. There are intervals of good government, which
make up for them. You cannot surely hope that the tyranny of Tutor and
Classicus would mean milder government, or that they will need less
taxation for the armies they will have to raise to keep the Germans
and Britons at bay. For if the Romans were driven out--which Heaven
forbid--what could ensue save a universal state of intertribal
warfare? During eight hundred years, by good fortune and good
organization, the structure of empire has been consolidated. It cannot
be pulled down without destroying those who do it. And it is you who
would run the greatest risk of all, since you have gold and rich
resources, which are the prime causes of war. You must learn, then, to
love and foster peace and the city of Rome in which you, the
vanquished, have the same rights as your conquerors. You have tried
both conditions. Take warning, then, that submission and safety are
better than rebellion and ruin. ' By such words as these he quieted and
reassured his audience, who had been afraid of more rigorous measures.
While the victors were occupying Trier, Civilis and Classicus sent 75
a letter to Cerialis, the gist of which was that Vespasian was dead,
though the news was being suppressed: Rome and Italy were exhausted by
civil war: Mucianus and Domitian were mere names with no power behind
them: if Cerialis desired to be emperor of All Gaul, they would be
satisfied with their own territory: but if he should prefer battle,
that, too, they would not deny him. Cerialis made no answer to Civilis
and Classicus, but sent the letter and its bearer to Domitian.
The enemy now approached Trier from every quarter in detached bands,
and Cerialis was much criticized for allowing them to unite, when he
might have cut them off one by one. The Roman army now threw a trench
and rampart round their camp, for they had rashly settled in it
without seeing to the fortifications. In the German camp different 76
opinions were being keenly debated. Civilis contended that they should
wait for the tribes from across the Rhine, whose arrival would spread
a panic sufficient to crush the enfeebled forces of the Romans. The
Gauls, he urged, were simply a prey for the winning side and, as it
was, the Belgae, who were their sole strength, had declared for him or
were at least sympathetic. Tutor maintained that delay only
strengthened the Roman force, since their armies were converging from
every quarter. 'They have brought one legion across from Britain,
others have been summoned from Spain, or are on their way from
Italy. [437] Nor are they raw recruits, but experienced veterans, while
the Germans, on whose aid we rely, are subject to no discipline or
control, but do whatever they like. You can only bribe them with
presents of money, and the Romans have the advantage of us there:
besides, however keen to fight, a man always prefers peace to danger,
so long as the pay is the same. But if we engage them at once,
Cerialis has nothing but the remnants of the German army,[438] who
have sworn allegiance to the Gallic Empire. The very fact that they
have just won an unexpected victory over Valentinus' undisciplined
bands[439] serves to confirm them and their general in imprudence.
They will venture out again and will fall, not into the hands of an
inexperienced boy, who knows more about making speeches than war, but
into the hands of Civilis and Classicus, at the sight of whom they
will recall their fears and their flights and their famine, and
remember how often they have had to beg their lives from their
captors. Nor, again, is it any liking for the Romans that keeps back
the Treviri and Lingones: they will fly to arms again, when once their
fears are dispelled. ' Classicus finally settled the difference of
opinion by declaring for Tutor's policy, and they promptly proceeded
to carry it out.
The Ubii and Lingones were placed in the centre, the Batavian 77
cohorts on the right, and on the left the Bructeri and Tencteri.
Advancing, some by the hills and some by the path between the road and
the river,[440] they took us completely by surprise. So sudden was
their onslaught that Cerialis, who had not spent the night in camp,
was still in bed when he heard almost simultaneously that the fighting
had begun and that the day was lost. He cursed the messengers for
their cowardice until he saw the whole extent of the disaster with his
own eyes. The camp had been forced, the cavalry routed, and the bridge
over the Moselle, leading to the outskirts of the town, which lay
between him and his army,[440] was held by the enemy. But confusion
had no terrors for Cerialis. Seizing hold on fugitives, flinging
himself without any armour into the thick of the fire, he succeeded by
his inspired imprudence and the assistance of the braver men in
retaking the bridge. Leaving a picked band to hold it, he hurried back
to the camp, where he found that the companies of the legions which
had surrendered at Bonn and Novaesium[441] were all broken up, few men
were left at their posts, and the eagles were all but surrounded by
the enemy. He turned on them in blazing anger, 'It is not Flaccus or
Vocula that you are deserting. There is no "treason" about me. I have
done nothing to be ashamed of, except that I was rash enough to
believe that you had forgotten your Gallic ties and awakened to the
memory of your Roman allegiance. Am I to be numbered with Numisius
and Herennius? [442] Then you can say that all your generals have
fallen either by your hands or the enemy's. Go and tell the news to
Vespasian, or rather, to Civilis and Classicus--they are nearer at
hand--that you have deserted your general on the field of battle.
There will yet come legions who will not leave me unavenged or you
unpunished. '
All he said was true, and the other officers heaped the same 78
reproaches on their heads. The men were drawn up in cohorts and
companies, since it was impossible to deploy with the enemy swarming
round them, and, the fight being inside the rampart, the tents and
baggage were a serious encumbrance. Tutor and Classicus and Civilis,
each at his post, were busy rallying their forces, appealing to the
Gauls to fight for freedom, the Batavians for glory, and the Germans
for plunder. Everything, indeed, went well for the enemy until the
Twenty-first legion, who had rallied in a clearer space than any of
the others, first sustained their charge and then repulsed them. Then,
by divine providence, on the very point of victory the enemy suddenly
lost their nerve and turned tail. They themselves attributed their
panic to the appearance of the Roman auxiliaries, who, after being
scattered by the first charge, formed again on the hill-tops and were
taken for fresh reinforcements. However, what really cost the Gauls
their victory was that they let their enemy alone and indulged in
ignoble squabbles over the spoil. Thus after Cerialis' carelessness
had almost caused disaster, his pluck now saved the day, and he
followed up his success by capturing the enemy's camp and destroying
it before nightfall.
Cerialis' troops were allowed short respite. Cologne was 79
clamouring for help and offering to surrender Civilis' wife and sister
and Classicus' daughter, who had been left behind there as pledges of
the alliance. In the meantime the inhabitants had massacred all the
stray Germans to be found in the town. They were now alarmed at this,
and had good reason to implore aid before the enemy should recover
their strength and bethink themselves of victory, or at any rate of
revenge. Indeed, Civilis already had designs on Cologne, and he was
still formidable, for the most warlike of his cohorts, composed of
Chauci and Frisii,[443] was still in full force at Tolbiacum,[444]
within the territory of Cologne. However, he changed his plans on
receiving the bitter news that this force had been entrapped and
destroyed by the inhabitants of Cologne. They had entertained them at
a lavish banquet, drugged them with wine, shut the doors upon them and
burned the place to the ground. At the same moment Cerialis came by
forced marches to the relief of Cologne. A further anxiety haunted
Civilis. He was afraid that the Fourteenth legion, in conjunction with
the fleet from Britain,[445] might harry the Batavian coast. However,
Fabius Priscus, who was in command, led his troops inland into the
country of the Nervii and Tungri, who surrendered to him. The
Canninefates[446] made an unprovoked attack upon the fleet and sank or
captured the greater number of the ships. They also defeated a band of
Nervian volunteers who had been recruited in the Roman interest.
Classicus secured a further success against an advance-guard of
cavalry which Cerialis had sent forward to Novaesium. These repeated
checks, though unimportant in themselves, served to dim the lustre of
the recent Roman victory. [447]
FOOTNOTES:
[416] Round Reims.
[417] Chap. 39.
[418] His sister was Titus's first wife.
[419] Augustus had made it a rule that the _praefectus
praetorio_ should come from the equestrian order.
[420] The text is here uncertain, and some historians maintain
that the third of these legions was not XIII Gemina but VII
Claudia (v. Henderson, _Civil War_, &c. , p. 291).
[421] Great St. Bernard and Mt. Genèvre.
[422] Little St. Bernard.
[423] See iii. 5.
[424] i. e. not raised in any one locality.
[425] Cp. ii. 22.
[426] The Triboci were in Lower Alsace; the Vangiones north of
them in the district of Worms; the Caeracates probably to the
north again, in the district between Mainz and the Nahe
(Nava).
[427] Bingen.
[428] Chap. 62.
[429] Round Metz.
[430] See chap. 59.
[431] The other detachments of legions IV and XXII.
[432] Riol.
[433] Hordeonius Flaccus, Vocula, Herennius, and Numisius.
[434] Legions I and XVI.
[435] They had, as a matter of fact, changed their allegiance
no less than six times since the outbreak of the civil war.
[436] Ariovistus, king of the Suebi, summoned to aid one
Gallic confederacy against another, formed the ambition of
conquering Gaul, but was defeated by Julius Caesar near
Besançon (Vesontio) in 58 B. C.
[437] See chap. 68.
[438] Tutor erred. Cerialis had also the Twenty-first from
Vindonissa, Felix's auxiliary cohorts, and the troops he had
found at Mainz (see chaps. 70 and 71).
[439] He suppresses his own defeat at Bingen (chap. 70).
[440] The town lay on the right bank of the Moselle; the Roman
camp on the left bank between the river and the hills. There
was only one bridge.
[441] The Sixteenth had its permanent camp at Novaesium, the
First at Bonn. Both surrendered at Novaesium (cp. chap. 59).
[442] See chaps. 59 and 70.
[443] The Frisii occupied part of Friesland; the Chauci lay
east of them, between the Ems and Weser.
[444] Zülpich.
[445] A small flotilla on guard in the Channel. It probably
now transported the Fourteenth and landed them at Boulogne.
[446] Cp. chap. 15.
[447] The narrative is resumed from this point in v. 14.
EVENTS IN ROME AND IN THE EAST
It was about this time that Mucianus gave orders for the murder of 80
Vitellius' son,[448] on the plea that dissension would continue until
all the seeds of war were stamped out. He also refused to allow
Antonius Primus to go out on Domitian's staff, being alarmed at his
popularity among the troops and at the man's own vanity, which would
brook no equal, much less a superior. Antonius accordingly went to
join Vespasian, whose reception, though not hostile, proved a
disappointment. The emperor was drawn two ways. On the one side were
Antonius' services: it was undeniable that his generalship had ended
the war. In the other scale were Mucianus' letters. Besides which,
every one else seemed ready to rake up the scandals of his past life
and inveigh against his vanity and bad temper. Antonius himself did
his best to provoke hostility by expatiating to excess on his
services, decrying the other generals as incompetent cowards, and
stigmatizing Caecina as a prisoner who had surrendered. Thus without
any open breach of friendship he gradually declined lower and lower in
the emperor's favour.
During the months which Vespasian spent at Alexandria waiting for 81
the regular season of the summer winds[449] to ensure a safe voyage,
there occurred many miraculous events manifesting the goodwill of
Heaven and the special favour of Providence towards him. At Alexandria
a poor workman who was well known to have a disease of the eye, acting
on the advice of Serapis, whom this superstitious people worship as
their chief god, fell at Vespasian's feet demanding with sobs a cure
for his blindness, and imploring that the emperor would deign to
moisten his eyes and eyeballs with the spittle from his mouth. Another
man with a maimed hand, also inspired by Serapis, besought Vespasian
to imprint his footmark on it. At first Vespasian laughed at them and
refused. But they insisted. Half fearing to be thought a fool, half
stirred to hopes by their petition and by the flattery of his
courtiers, he eventually told the doctors to form an opinion whether
such cases of blindness and deformity could be remedied by human aid.
The doctors talked round the question, saying that in the one case the
power of sight was not extinct and would return, if certain
impediments were removed; in the other case the limbs were distorted
and could be set right again by the application of an effective
remedy: this might be the will of Heaven and the emperor had perhaps
been chosen as the divine instrument. They added that he would gain
all the credit, if the cure were successful, while, if it failed, the
ridicule would fall on the unfortunate patients. This convinced
Vespasian that there were no limits to his destiny: nothing now seemed
incredible. To the great excitement of the bystanders, he stepped
forward with a smile on his face and did as the men desired him.
Immediately the hand recovered its functions and daylight shone once
more in the blind man's eyes. Those who were present still attest both
miracles to-day,[450] when there is nothing to gain by lying.
This occurrence deepened Vespasian's desire to visit the 82
holy-place and consult Serapis about the fortunes of the empire. He
gave orders that no one else was to be allowed in the temple, and then
went in. While absorbed in his devotions, he suddenly saw behind him
an Egyptian noble, named Basilides, whom he knew to be lying ill
several days' journey from Alexandria. He inquired of the priests
whether Basilides had entered the temple that day. He inquired of
every one he met whether he had been seen in the city. Eventually he
sent some horsemen, who discovered that at the time Basilides was
eighty miles away. Vespasian therefore took what he had seen for a
divine apparition, and guessed the meaning of the oracle from the name
'Basilides'. [451]
The origins of the god Serapis are not given in any Roman 83
authorities. The high-priests of Egypt give the following account:
King Ptolemy, who was the first of the Macedonians to put the power of
Egypt on a firm footing,[452] was engaged in building walls and
temples, and instituting religious cults for his newly founded city of
Alexandria, when there appeared to him in his sleep a young man of
striking beauty and supernatural stature, who warned him to send his
most faithful friends to Pontus to fetch his image. After adding that
this would bring luck to the kingdom, and that its resting-place would
grow great and famous, he appeared to be taken up into heaven in a
sheet of flame. Impressed by this miraculous prophecy, Ptolemy
revealed his vision to the priests of Egypt, who are used to
interpreting such things. As they had but little knowledge of Pontus
or of foreign cults, he consulted an Athenian named Timotheus, a
member of the Eumolpid clan,[453] whom he had brought over from
Eleusis to be overseer of religious ceremonies, and asked him what
worship and what god could possibly be meant. Timotheus found some
people who had travelled in Pontus and learnt from them, that near a
town called Sinope there was a temple, which had long been famous in
the neighbourhood as the seat of Jupiter-Pluto,[454] and near it there
also stood a female figure, which was commonly called Proserpine.
Ptolemy was like most despots, easily terrified at first, but liable,
when his panic was over, to think more of his pleasures than of his
religious duties. The incident was gradually forgotten, and other
thoughts occupied his mind until the vision was repeated in a more
terrible and impressive form than before, and he was threatened with
death and the destruction of his kingdom if he failed to fulfil his
instructions. He at once gave orders that representatives should be
sent with presents to King Scydrothemis, who was then reigning at
Sinope, and on their departure he instructed them to consult the
oracle of Apollo at Delphi. They made a successful voyage and received
a clear answer from the oracle: they were to go and bring back the
image of Apollo's father but leave his sister's behind.
On their arrival at Sinope they laid their presents, their 84
petition, and their king's instructions before Scydrothemis. He was in
some perplexity. He was afraid of the god and yet alarmed by the
threats of his subjects, who opposed the project: then, again, he
often felt tempted by the envoys' presents and promises. Three years
passed. Ptolemy's zeal never abated for a moment. He persisted in his
petition, and kept sending more and more distinguished envoys, more
ships, more gold. Then a threatening vision appeared to Scydrothemis,
bidding him no longer thwart the god's design. When he still
hesitated, he was beset by every kind of disease and disaster: the
gods were plainly angry and their hand was heavier upon him every day.
He summoned an assembly and laid before it the divine commands, his
own and Ptolemy's visions, and the troubles with which they were
visited. The king found the people unfavourable. They were jealous of
Egypt and fearful of their own future. So they surged angrily round
the temple. The story now grows stranger still. The god himself, it
says, embarked unaided on one of the ships that lay beached on the
shore, and by a miracle accomplished the long sea-journey and landed
at Alexandria within three days. A temple worthy of so important a
city was then built in the quarter called Rhacotis, on the site of an
ancient temple of Serapis and Isis. [455] This is the most widely
accepted account of the god's origin and arrival. Some people, I am
well aware, maintain that the god was brought from the Syrian town of
Seleucia during the reign of Ptolemy, the third of that name. [456]
Others, again, say it was this same Ptolemy, but make the place of
origin the famous town of Memphis,[457] once the bulwark of ancient
Egypt. Many take the god for Aesculapius, because he cures disease:
others for Osiris, the oldest of the local gods; some, again, for
Jupiter, as being the sovereign lord of the world. But the majority of
people, either judging by what are clearly attributes of the god or by
an ingenious process of conjecture, identify him with Pluto.
Domitian and Mucianus were now on their way to the Alps. [458] 85
Before reaching the mountains they received the good news of the
victory over the Treviri, the truth of which was fully attested by the
presence of their leader Valentinus. His courage was in no way crushed
and his face still bore witness to the proud spirit he had shown. He
was allowed a hearing, merely to see what he was made of, and
condemned to death. At his execution some one cast it in his teeth
that his country was conquered, to which he replied, 'Then I am
reconciled to death. '
Mucianus now gave utterance to an idea which he had long cherished,
though he pretended it was a sudden inspiration. This was that, since
by Heaven's grace the forces of the enemy had been broken, it would
ill befit Domitian, now that the war was practically over, to stand
in the way of the other generals to whom the credit belonged. Were the
fortunes of the empire or the safety of Gaul at stake, it would be
right that a Caesar should take the field; the Canninefates and Batavi
might be left to minor generals.
