Bernard himself comments (294): "The proc-
lamations meant for the people of the countryside have the appearance of a sort of sermon, and their allure is much more familiar in the translation than in the [French] original.
lamations meant for the people of the countryside have the appearance of a sort of sermon, and their allure is much more familiar in the translation than in the [French] original.
Cult of the Nation in France
, 158-60) had previously volunteered as a French- Basque translator (Arch.
Nat.
AA 32, fol.
22r).
The proposals to standardize the regional languages came from the Strasbourg professor Je?
re?
mie-Jacques Oberlin (BN NAF 2798, fol.
95), and the Montauban Protestant Antoine Gautier-Sauzin (Arch.
Nat.
F17 1309, reprinted in de Certeau et al.
, 259-63).
Significantly, both were Protestants.
60. Both Brunot and Patrice Higonnet (in his excellent article "The Politics of Linguistic Terrorism"; see Ch. 3, n. 125) see the language policies as products of the radical revolution.
61. On the attempt to create a new, uniform revolutionary culture, see Hunt, Pol- itics, Culture and Class (see Ch. 5, n. 75), esp. 52-86.
62. See esp. Gre? goire, in de Certeau et al. , 301, 306.
63. Gre? goire, Essai sur la re? ge? ne? ration (see Intro. , n. 61), 161.
64. See Talleyrand in Archives parlementaires XXX, 472. Notes to Pages 181-183
65. Gellner, Nations and Nationalism; Anderson, Imagined Communities (see
Intro. , n. 13).
66. Salivas, Abis salutari de M. Salivas lou Xoube? al brabe? mounde? de las cam-
pagnos (Albi, [1790 or 1791]) (Bibliothe`que Municipale de Toulouse, hereaf- ter B. M. T. , Re? serve Cxviii 151). Salivas identifies himself as a wool merchant on 12.
67. Ibid. , 4-6. The awkward English sentence beginning "France will be the first" reads in the original: "La Franc? o sera la premeiro qu'en se randen libro respendra & proupagara la lei de nostre? Seigne? , & las Natieus de l'Europo que dexa bolou imita nostro Counstitutieu, espousaran tabe? toute la puretat de l'Ebanxeli, & aital s'accoumplira lou desir de nostre? Redemptiou. "
68. Ibid. , 7.
69. On the Civil Constitution, see the fundamental work of Timothy Tackett, Re-
ligion, Revolution and Regional Culture in Eighteenth-Century France: The Ec-
clesiastical Oath of 1791 (Princeton, 1986).
70. Much larger even than in the provincial newspapers studied by Jeremy
Popkin in "The Provincial Newspaper Press and Revolutionary Politics," French Historical Studies, XVIII/2 (1993), esp. 448-49. For the texts in Occitan, the largest part of the corpus, this conclusion was evident to the leading nineteenth-century specialist in the subject, Jean-Baptiste Noulet, in Essai sur l'histoire litte? raire des patois du midi de la France au xviiie sie`cle (Paris, 1877), 137.
282
Notes to Pages 183-184
? 71. 72.
73.
74.
75.
Notes to Pages 183-184
76.
Discour d'un pe? isan a sous councitouyens (Montpellier, 1791), 9.
Compare Garres, Rasounomens, 20, and Abis d'un boun pastou a sous parrouquias (n. p. , n. d. ), 15 (B. M. T. , Re? serve Dxviii 756, no. 2). Claude-Franc? ois Marie Primat, Herderlyken brief van Mr. den bisschop van het departement van het noorden (Paris, 1791), 4 (B. S. P. Re? v. 222, pp. 650-53). On the case of Flanders in general, see Cooraert, La Flandre.
In the absence of the necessary Breton language skills, I am forced here to rely on Bernard, "La Re? volution franc? aise et la langue bretonne. " One of the (bi- lingual) pamphlets in question is partially reproduced on pp. 301-9. The other is Adresse de la Socie? te? des Amis de la Constitution, e? tablie a` Brest, aux habitants de la campagne (Brest, 1791) (B. S. P. Re? v. 222, pp. 643-49).
Die neuesten Religionsbegebenheiten in Frankreich, published in Strasbourg and cited in Popkin, "The Provincial Press," 449. As Popkin points out, there were also several provincial periodicals founded in French for the same pur- pose.
Contemporary historians of Occitan generally subscribe to this view. But these authors, who generally champion increased autonomy (at the least) for the modern Midi, have an ideological committment to excavate the remains of a complete Occitan civilization from under the oppressive structures of (northern) French domination, and it ill suits this purpose to give undue weight to religious uses of their language alone. See, for instance, Martel, "Les textes occitans," 232; Fournier, "La production toulousaine," 367, 391; Merle, 349. Regardless of their regionalist convictions, however, these scholars have produced serious and important work, informed by a deep knowledge of sociolinguistics and the history of their language.
The lion's share of these pamphlets can be found at the B. M. T. in the follow- ing recueils: Re? serve Dxviii 243, 248, 756; Re? serve Dxix 134. See also Fournier, "La production toulousaine," esp. 400, and Noulet, Essai, 137. For Sermet, see Discours, 18.
Boyer et al. , Le texte occitan, 173. These figures leave out Occitan pamphlets published outside of the period 1789-1794 and undatable pamphlets. I am indebted to the meticulous and tireless authors of this book for locating much of the evidence discussed here.
Martel, "Les textes occitans," 239. Martel himself argues, somewhat bizarrely (232), that since the map of Occitan publications does not coincide with the map of religious conflict (measured by the percentage of priests who refused to swear allegiance to the Civil Constitution), the Civil Constitution cannot have been a crucial factor--as if regions of resistance such as the Massif cen- tral, which utterly lacked any serious tradition of publication in Occitan, would have matched Toulouse in their rates of publication!
Ibid. , 225. The Toulouse newspaper was called L'home? franc, Journal tout
77.
78.
79.
80.
noubel e? n patois, Fait espre`s per Toulouso, no. 1 (Feb. 8, 1791). Only one issue of this paper was printed. It was devoted in large part to the conflict over the Civil Constitution. On the rates of "juring" priests, see Tackett, 355, 373. On the religious situation in Toulouse, see Meyer, La vie religieuse en Haute- Garonne.
81. [Pierre Barrau], Discours prounounc? at, le de? cadi 30 Floure? al, deuxiemo annado de la Re? publiquo Franceso uno et indibisiblo, per Pierre Barrau, Agent natiounal proche le District de Rioux, imprimat d'aprex la de? liberatiou de la Soucie? tat poupulario de Rioux, le premie? Prairial de la memo annado (Tou- louse, 1794), pp. 6-7 (B. M. T. Re? serve Dxviii 756, no. 12). See also, for instance, Discours prounounc? at par Pierre Barrau, jutge? de? pax de? la coumuno de? Rioux, departomen de? la Hauto-Garonoo, a` l'ouccasiou de? la festo d'el 21 Janvie? (estille? buffec), le? 10 Niboso (estille? sancer) al pe? de? l'arbre? de? la libertat (Toulouse, 1794) (B. M. T. Re? serve Dxviii 756, no. 14); [Jean-Philibert d'Auriol], Tableau actuel de la situation publique & triomphante de la Re? publique franc? aise (Toulouse, 1794) (B. M. T. Br. Fa. C. 1491). This last text consists of three "pa-
triotic hymms" sung at the Temple of Reason.
Notes to Pages 184-185
82. Bernard, 324-30, 319-20.
83. J. Loth, quoted in Bernard, 295.
Bernard himself comments (294): "The proc-
lamations meant for the people of the countryside have the appearance of a sort of sermon, and their allure is much more familiar in the translation than in the [French] original. "
84. Merle, 345.
85. Boyet et al. , Le texte occitan, 42-161.
86. Mikel Bourrel, Re? flexious curiousos q'appre? nen a estre? couste? ns; [constant} car
tout passo, tout n'e? s que? be? ns, et y a d'annados malhurousos, mais apey be? n le? boun te? ms (Toulouse, 1790). On the carol, see Re? gis Bertrand, "Un pre^tre provenc? aliste en Re? volution, J. J. Tousaint Bonnet," in Agulhon, ed. , La Re? volution ve? cue par la province, 140.
87. On Gre? goire, see Sepinwall, "Regenerating France" (see Ch. 1, n. 91), and Rita Hermon-Belot, L'abbe? Gre? goire: La politique et la ve? rite? (Paris, 2000).
88. Quoted in de Certeau et al. , 21.
89. Reproduced in ibid. , 13.
90. On the visites, see Marc Ve? nard and Dominique Julia, eds. , Re? pertoires des
visites pastorales de la France, 6 vols. (Paris, 1977-85). This comparison is also made by Michel Peronnet in "Re? flexions sur 'une se? rie de questions relatives aux patois et aux moeurs des gens de la campagne,' propose? e par l'abbe? Gre? goire le 13 aou^t 1790," in Lengas, 17 (1985), 79-96.
91. On the friendship, see letters between the men in B. M. T. , Re? serve Dxix 134, and B. S. P. , Fonds Gre? goire, Correspondence Sermet, as well as Henri Gre? goire, Oraison fune`bre d'Antoine-Pascal-Hyacinthe Sermet, Ex-Provincial
Notes to Pages 184-185 283
? 284
Notes to Pages 186-188
? 92. 93. 94.
95.
96. 97.
98.
Notes to Pages 186-188
99.
100. 101.
102.
103.
de l'Ordre des Carmes De? chausse? s, Membre de l'Acade? mie des Sciences de Toulouse, associe? de celle de Montauban, ancien Eve^que me? tropolitain du Sud, prononce? par M. Gre? goire, ancien e? ve^que de Blois, Se? nateur (Toulouse, 1809). Bernard, 291.
Coornaert, La Flandre franc? aise, 266.
Abbe? Cambon to Gre? goire, January 9, 1791, B. S. P. Re? v. 222, p. 303. See other instances in Brunot, IX, pt. 1, 62-63; Merle, 297; Jean-Paul Damaggio, "La question religieuse a` Montauban (1790-1793)," Lengas, 17 (1985), 145-155, esp. 148.
For instance, club of Amberieux (Ain) to Gre? goire, Dec. 16 1790, BN NAF 2798, fol. 6r; unsigned and undated letter from Lorraine, BN NAF 2798, fol. 26v. ; unsigned and undated response sent by the club of Auch, 1790, in Gazier, 100; Franc? ois Chabot to Gre? goire, Sept. 4, 1790, in Gazier, 78. On the professions of the correspondents, see de Certeau et al. , 30.
Letter of May 11, 1792, Arch. Nat. AA 32, fol. 30v.
For instance, Rigaud to Gre? goire, Jan. 28, 1791, in Gazier, 13; Chabot to Gre? goire, Sept. 8, 1790, in Gazier, 57; Cambon to Gre? goire, Jan. 9, 1791, in B. S. P. Re? v. 222, p. 304.
Chabot to Gre? goire, Sept. 4, 1790, in Gazier, 57; See also Club of Auch to Gre? goire, undated, in Gazier, 103.
Bare`re, in de Certeau et al. , 292-93. For his discussion of the Basques as a "new people" in danger of falling victim to priestly "fanaticism," see 294. Ibid. , 293.
Jacobin club of Auch to Gre? goire (1790? ), in Gazier, 89, 92. The author, by in- ternal evidence, appears to have been a former military officer. Given the va- garies of Occitan orthography, (particularly eccentric for the Gascon dia- lects), and the inherent difficulty of d'Astros's verse, the bafflement of the peasantry is understandable.
As a Toulouse priest wrote in 1752, "Christian doctrine contains truths that are sublime by themselves, but to understand them demands much attention. It therefore only increases the dificulty when these truths are explained in a language unknown to most of those who have no contact with city dwellers. " B. M. T. Ms. 892, "Cate? chisme dogmatique et moral traduit en langue vulgaire de Toulouse" (1752), 450.
It was the clergy that had spurred the development of German in Charle- magne's Europe, and the Slavic languages in the high Middle Ages. In West- ern Europe, medieval church councils frequently urged priests to explain the mass, preach, and catechize in their parishioners' own language, and in 1562- 63 the Council of Trent confirmed the principle See John Michael Wallace- Hadrill, The Frankish Church (Oxford, 1983); Francis Dvornik, Byzantine Missions among the Slavs: SS. Constantine-Cyril and Methodus (New Bruns-
Notes to Pages 188-189 285
? wick, 1970). Early instances in Western Europe include Canon 17 of the Concile de Tours, held in 813. For the Tridentine decisions, see Le Saint Concile de Trente, oecumenique et ge? ne? ral, ce? le? bre? sous Paul III, Jules III et Pie IV, Souverains Pontifes, nouvellement traduit par M. l'abbe? Chanut, 4th ed. (Rouen, 1705), 245 (Session XXII, ch. 8, Sept. 17, 1562) and 331 (Session XXIV, ch. 7, Nov. 11, 1563). A large section of the French clergy began follow- ing these decisions even before the (tardy) formal acceptance into France of Tridentine doctrine.
104. For a notable look at the African situation, see Lamin Sanneh, Translating the Message: The Missionary Impact on Culture (Maryknoll, NY, 1990).
105. On this subject, see most recently Margaret J. Leahey, "'Comment peut un muet prescher l'e? vangile? ' Jesuit Missionaries and the Native Languages of New France," French Historical Studies, XIX/1 (1995), 105-32.
106. See Julien Maunoir, Le Sacre? Colle`ge de Jesus divise? en cinq classes (Quimper, 1659), 17-18. Some of Maunoir's missionaries were native Bretons, but most were not.
107. Quoted in Christian Anatole, "La Re? forme tridentine et l'emploi de l'Occitan dans le pastorale," Revue des langues romanes, LXXVII (1967), 10. Notes to Pages 188-189
108. Ibid. For many more similar examples of bishops urging their priests to preach and catechize "en langage vulgaire," see Brun, Recherches historiques,
433-79; Brunot, V, 25-50; VII, 66-76.
109. Croix (see Intro. , n. 25), 1207-10; Anatole, "La re? forme tridentine," passim.
110. Le Roy Ladurie, "Les minorite? s pe? riphe? riques," 608; Brun, Recherches his-
toriques, 460.
60. Both Brunot and Patrice Higonnet (in his excellent article "The Politics of Linguistic Terrorism"; see Ch. 3, n. 125) see the language policies as products of the radical revolution.
61. On the attempt to create a new, uniform revolutionary culture, see Hunt, Pol- itics, Culture and Class (see Ch. 5, n. 75), esp. 52-86.
62. See esp. Gre? goire, in de Certeau et al. , 301, 306.
63. Gre? goire, Essai sur la re? ge? ne? ration (see Intro. , n. 61), 161.
64. See Talleyrand in Archives parlementaires XXX, 472. Notes to Pages 181-183
65. Gellner, Nations and Nationalism; Anderson, Imagined Communities (see
Intro. , n. 13).
66. Salivas, Abis salutari de M. Salivas lou Xoube? al brabe? mounde? de las cam-
pagnos (Albi, [1790 or 1791]) (Bibliothe`que Municipale de Toulouse, hereaf- ter B. M. T. , Re? serve Cxviii 151). Salivas identifies himself as a wool merchant on 12.
67. Ibid. , 4-6. The awkward English sentence beginning "France will be the first" reads in the original: "La Franc? o sera la premeiro qu'en se randen libro respendra & proupagara la lei de nostre? Seigne? , & las Natieus de l'Europo que dexa bolou imita nostro Counstitutieu, espousaran tabe? toute la puretat de l'Ebanxeli, & aital s'accoumplira lou desir de nostre? Redemptiou. "
68. Ibid. , 7.
69. On the Civil Constitution, see the fundamental work of Timothy Tackett, Re-
ligion, Revolution and Regional Culture in Eighteenth-Century France: The Ec-
clesiastical Oath of 1791 (Princeton, 1986).
70. Much larger even than in the provincial newspapers studied by Jeremy
Popkin in "The Provincial Newspaper Press and Revolutionary Politics," French Historical Studies, XVIII/2 (1993), esp. 448-49. For the texts in Occitan, the largest part of the corpus, this conclusion was evident to the leading nineteenth-century specialist in the subject, Jean-Baptiste Noulet, in Essai sur l'histoire litte? raire des patois du midi de la France au xviiie sie`cle (Paris, 1877), 137.
282
Notes to Pages 183-184
? 71. 72.
73.
74.
75.
Notes to Pages 183-184
76.
Discour d'un pe? isan a sous councitouyens (Montpellier, 1791), 9.
Compare Garres, Rasounomens, 20, and Abis d'un boun pastou a sous parrouquias (n. p. , n. d. ), 15 (B. M. T. , Re? serve Dxviii 756, no. 2). Claude-Franc? ois Marie Primat, Herderlyken brief van Mr. den bisschop van het departement van het noorden (Paris, 1791), 4 (B. S. P. Re? v. 222, pp. 650-53). On the case of Flanders in general, see Cooraert, La Flandre.
In the absence of the necessary Breton language skills, I am forced here to rely on Bernard, "La Re? volution franc? aise et la langue bretonne. " One of the (bi- lingual) pamphlets in question is partially reproduced on pp. 301-9. The other is Adresse de la Socie? te? des Amis de la Constitution, e? tablie a` Brest, aux habitants de la campagne (Brest, 1791) (B. S. P. Re? v. 222, pp. 643-49).
Die neuesten Religionsbegebenheiten in Frankreich, published in Strasbourg and cited in Popkin, "The Provincial Press," 449. As Popkin points out, there were also several provincial periodicals founded in French for the same pur- pose.
Contemporary historians of Occitan generally subscribe to this view. But these authors, who generally champion increased autonomy (at the least) for the modern Midi, have an ideological committment to excavate the remains of a complete Occitan civilization from under the oppressive structures of (northern) French domination, and it ill suits this purpose to give undue weight to religious uses of their language alone. See, for instance, Martel, "Les textes occitans," 232; Fournier, "La production toulousaine," 367, 391; Merle, 349. Regardless of their regionalist convictions, however, these scholars have produced serious and important work, informed by a deep knowledge of sociolinguistics and the history of their language.
The lion's share of these pamphlets can be found at the B. M. T. in the follow- ing recueils: Re? serve Dxviii 243, 248, 756; Re? serve Dxix 134. See also Fournier, "La production toulousaine," esp. 400, and Noulet, Essai, 137. For Sermet, see Discours, 18.
Boyer et al. , Le texte occitan, 173. These figures leave out Occitan pamphlets published outside of the period 1789-1794 and undatable pamphlets. I am indebted to the meticulous and tireless authors of this book for locating much of the evidence discussed here.
Martel, "Les textes occitans," 239. Martel himself argues, somewhat bizarrely (232), that since the map of Occitan publications does not coincide with the map of religious conflict (measured by the percentage of priests who refused to swear allegiance to the Civil Constitution), the Civil Constitution cannot have been a crucial factor--as if regions of resistance such as the Massif cen- tral, which utterly lacked any serious tradition of publication in Occitan, would have matched Toulouse in their rates of publication!
Ibid. , 225. The Toulouse newspaper was called L'home? franc, Journal tout
77.
78.
79.
80.
noubel e? n patois, Fait espre`s per Toulouso, no. 1 (Feb. 8, 1791). Only one issue of this paper was printed. It was devoted in large part to the conflict over the Civil Constitution. On the rates of "juring" priests, see Tackett, 355, 373. On the religious situation in Toulouse, see Meyer, La vie religieuse en Haute- Garonne.
81. [Pierre Barrau], Discours prounounc? at, le de? cadi 30 Floure? al, deuxiemo annado de la Re? publiquo Franceso uno et indibisiblo, per Pierre Barrau, Agent natiounal proche le District de Rioux, imprimat d'aprex la de? liberatiou de la Soucie? tat poupulario de Rioux, le premie? Prairial de la memo annado (Tou- louse, 1794), pp. 6-7 (B. M. T. Re? serve Dxviii 756, no. 12). See also, for instance, Discours prounounc? at par Pierre Barrau, jutge? de? pax de? la coumuno de? Rioux, departomen de? la Hauto-Garonoo, a` l'ouccasiou de? la festo d'el 21 Janvie? (estille? buffec), le? 10 Niboso (estille? sancer) al pe? de? l'arbre? de? la libertat (Toulouse, 1794) (B. M. T. Re? serve Dxviii 756, no. 14); [Jean-Philibert d'Auriol], Tableau actuel de la situation publique & triomphante de la Re? publique franc? aise (Toulouse, 1794) (B. M. T. Br. Fa. C. 1491). This last text consists of three "pa-
triotic hymms" sung at the Temple of Reason.
Notes to Pages 184-185
82. Bernard, 324-30, 319-20.
83. J. Loth, quoted in Bernard, 295.
Bernard himself comments (294): "The proc-
lamations meant for the people of the countryside have the appearance of a sort of sermon, and their allure is much more familiar in the translation than in the [French] original. "
84. Merle, 345.
85. Boyet et al. , Le texte occitan, 42-161.
86. Mikel Bourrel, Re? flexious curiousos q'appre? nen a estre? couste? ns; [constant} car
tout passo, tout n'e? s que? be? ns, et y a d'annados malhurousos, mais apey be? n le? boun te? ms (Toulouse, 1790). On the carol, see Re? gis Bertrand, "Un pre^tre provenc? aliste en Re? volution, J. J. Tousaint Bonnet," in Agulhon, ed. , La Re? volution ve? cue par la province, 140.
87. On Gre? goire, see Sepinwall, "Regenerating France" (see Ch. 1, n. 91), and Rita Hermon-Belot, L'abbe? Gre? goire: La politique et la ve? rite? (Paris, 2000).
88. Quoted in de Certeau et al. , 21.
89. Reproduced in ibid. , 13.
90. On the visites, see Marc Ve? nard and Dominique Julia, eds. , Re? pertoires des
visites pastorales de la France, 6 vols. (Paris, 1977-85). This comparison is also made by Michel Peronnet in "Re? flexions sur 'une se? rie de questions relatives aux patois et aux moeurs des gens de la campagne,' propose? e par l'abbe? Gre? goire le 13 aou^t 1790," in Lengas, 17 (1985), 79-96.
91. On the friendship, see letters between the men in B. M. T. , Re? serve Dxix 134, and B. S. P. , Fonds Gre? goire, Correspondence Sermet, as well as Henri Gre? goire, Oraison fune`bre d'Antoine-Pascal-Hyacinthe Sermet, Ex-Provincial
Notes to Pages 184-185 283
? 284
Notes to Pages 186-188
? 92. 93. 94.
95.
96. 97.
98.
Notes to Pages 186-188
99.
100. 101.
102.
103.
de l'Ordre des Carmes De? chausse? s, Membre de l'Acade? mie des Sciences de Toulouse, associe? de celle de Montauban, ancien Eve^que me? tropolitain du Sud, prononce? par M. Gre? goire, ancien e? ve^que de Blois, Se? nateur (Toulouse, 1809). Bernard, 291.
Coornaert, La Flandre franc? aise, 266.
Abbe? Cambon to Gre? goire, January 9, 1791, B. S. P. Re? v. 222, p. 303. See other instances in Brunot, IX, pt. 1, 62-63; Merle, 297; Jean-Paul Damaggio, "La question religieuse a` Montauban (1790-1793)," Lengas, 17 (1985), 145-155, esp. 148.
For instance, club of Amberieux (Ain) to Gre? goire, Dec. 16 1790, BN NAF 2798, fol. 6r; unsigned and undated letter from Lorraine, BN NAF 2798, fol. 26v. ; unsigned and undated response sent by the club of Auch, 1790, in Gazier, 100; Franc? ois Chabot to Gre? goire, Sept. 4, 1790, in Gazier, 78. On the professions of the correspondents, see de Certeau et al. , 30.
Letter of May 11, 1792, Arch. Nat. AA 32, fol. 30v.
For instance, Rigaud to Gre? goire, Jan. 28, 1791, in Gazier, 13; Chabot to Gre? goire, Sept. 8, 1790, in Gazier, 57; Cambon to Gre? goire, Jan. 9, 1791, in B. S. P. Re? v. 222, p. 304.
Chabot to Gre? goire, Sept. 4, 1790, in Gazier, 57; See also Club of Auch to Gre? goire, undated, in Gazier, 103.
Bare`re, in de Certeau et al. , 292-93. For his discussion of the Basques as a "new people" in danger of falling victim to priestly "fanaticism," see 294. Ibid. , 293.
Jacobin club of Auch to Gre? goire (1790? ), in Gazier, 89, 92. The author, by in- ternal evidence, appears to have been a former military officer. Given the va- garies of Occitan orthography, (particularly eccentric for the Gascon dia- lects), and the inherent difficulty of d'Astros's verse, the bafflement of the peasantry is understandable.
As a Toulouse priest wrote in 1752, "Christian doctrine contains truths that are sublime by themselves, but to understand them demands much attention. It therefore only increases the dificulty when these truths are explained in a language unknown to most of those who have no contact with city dwellers. " B. M. T. Ms. 892, "Cate? chisme dogmatique et moral traduit en langue vulgaire de Toulouse" (1752), 450.
It was the clergy that had spurred the development of German in Charle- magne's Europe, and the Slavic languages in the high Middle Ages. In West- ern Europe, medieval church councils frequently urged priests to explain the mass, preach, and catechize in their parishioners' own language, and in 1562- 63 the Council of Trent confirmed the principle See John Michael Wallace- Hadrill, The Frankish Church (Oxford, 1983); Francis Dvornik, Byzantine Missions among the Slavs: SS. Constantine-Cyril and Methodus (New Bruns-
Notes to Pages 188-189 285
? wick, 1970). Early instances in Western Europe include Canon 17 of the Concile de Tours, held in 813. For the Tridentine decisions, see Le Saint Concile de Trente, oecumenique et ge? ne? ral, ce? le? bre? sous Paul III, Jules III et Pie IV, Souverains Pontifes, nouvellement traduit par M. l'abbe? Chanut, 4th ed. (Rouen, 1705), 245 (Session XXII, ch. 8, Sept. 17, 1562) and 331 (Session XXIV, ch. 7, Nov. 11, 1563). A large section of the French clergy began follow- ing these decisions even before the (tardy) formal acceptance into France of Tridentine doctrine.
104. For a notable look at the African situation, see Lamin Sanneh, Translating the Message: The Missionary Impact on Culture (Maryknoll, NY, 1990).
105. On this subject, see most recently Margaret J. Leahey, "'Comment peut un muet prescher l'e? vangile? ' Jesuit Missionaries and the Native Languages of New France," French Historical Studies, XIX/1 (1995), 105-32.
106. See Julien Maunoir, Le Sacre? Colle`ge de Jesus divise? en cinq classes (Quimper, 1659), 17-18. Some of Maunoir's missionaries were native Bretons, but most were not.
107. Quoted in Christian Anatole, "La Re? forme tridentine et l'emploi de l'Occitan dans le pastorale," Revue des langues romanes, LXXVII (1967), 10. Notes to Pages 188-189
108. Ibid. For many more similar examples of bishops urging their priests to preach and catechize "en langage vulgaire," see Brun, Recherches historiques,
433-79; Brunot, V, 25-50; VII, 66-76.
109. Croix (see Intro. , n. 25), 1207-10; Anatole, "La re? forme tridentine," passim.
110. Le Roy Ladurie, "Les minorite? s pe? riphe? riques," 608; Brun, Recherches his-
toriques, 460.
