Thus Spain
remained unconquered for the present, and the Vandals now made their
way into the rich province of Narbonensis.
remained unconquered for the present, and the Vandals now made their
way into the rich province of Narbonensis.
Cambridge Medieval History - v1 - Christian Roman Empire and Teutonic Kingdoms
After-
wards Theodosius had given him his niece Serena in marriage and
promoted him step by step. He was considered to be one of the ablest
statesmen in the Eastern Empire, and the military command entrusted
to him in 392 was destined to increase the importance of his position.
For he succeeded at length in defeating the enemy, who for so long a
time had been the terror of the Empire. The Goths were surrounded
on the Maritza. But again the Emperor shewed mercy and gave orders
that the enemy should be permitted to go free. Theodosius' policy may
probably be attributed to a certain fear of revenge, and it was doubtless
influenced by Rufinus, who did not wish Stilicho to become too
powerful. Thus a treaty with the vanquished Goths was concluded.
Meanwhile Arbogast had embarked upon a most ambitious course
of politics. His aim was to get rid of the young and irresolute
Valentinian II. Not indeed that he himself wished for the imperial crown,
for he very likely felt its possession to be®undesirable. His idea was to
get Valentinian II out of the way, and then assist to the imperial throne
some one of his ardent devotees, under whose name he himself hoped to
wield the supreme power. For the attainment of this end, his first
requisite was a trustworthy army. He therefore levied a large number
of Teuton troops, in whose loyalty he could place the utmost confidence.
When Valentinian took up his abode in Gaul, the relations between him
and the powerful Frank became more and more strained, till finally the
Emperor from his throne handed to his rival a written order, demanding
that he should resign his post. Arbogast tore the document in pieces
before the eyes of the Emperor, whose days were thenceforth numbered.
On 15 May 392 the youthful sovereign was assassinated at Vienne; but
whether Arbogast was directly responsible for this deed remains uncer-
tain. The way was now clear for the Frank's ambitious plans. A short
time previously the Frank Richomer had recommended to his tribesman
Arbogast the head of the imperial chancery, the magister scriniorum
Eugenius. This Roman, formerly a rhetorician and grammarian, was
the man whom Arbogast intended to raise to the imperial throne.
Eugenius could not but yield to the mighty man's wish. He therefore
sent an embassy to Theodosius in 392 to obtain his recognition. But
Theodosius gave an evasive answer; and as there was every prospect of a
war, Arbogast deemed it necessary to make provision for a safe retreat.
We know that the neighbourhood of the Franks formed a very vulnerable
## p. 259 (#289) ############################################
392–395]
Battle of the Frigidus
259
1
point of the Roman government in Gaul. For this reason in the winter
of 392 Arbogast undertook a campaign against these dangerous
neighbours. He probably hoped at the same time to reinforce his army
with Frankish troops, should he be successful in this war. He pushed
on through Cologne and the country along the river Lippe into the
territory of the Bructeri and Chamavi, after which he turned eastward
against the Ampsivarii, who had joined forces with the Chatti under
Marcomir. Apparently he met with but little resistance, for in the spring
of 393 Eugenius succeeded in concluding treaties with the Franks and
even the Alemanni, on condition that they supplied him with troops.
The ensuing period was spent in preparation for war in both Empires,
Eugenius having been, thanks to Arbogast's influence, recognised as
Emperor in Italy also. Theodosius had reinforced his army more
especially with Teutons; the Visigoths were again commanded by Alaric,
whilst the leaders of the other foederati were Gaïnas, Saul and the
comes domesticorum Bacurius, an Armenian. The meeting of the two
armies took place 5 Sept. 394 on the Frigidus, a tributary of the
Isonza, probably the Hubel. As the Gothic troops formed the vanguard
and opened the attack on the enemy, who were posted very favourably,
they suffered severe losses on the first day of the battle, which greatly
elated the Westerns. On the second day the battle would in all
probability have been decided in favour of Arbogast, had not his
general Arbitrio, who commanded the Frankish troops, gone over to
Theodosius. It is related besides, that a violent storm from the north-
east—the Bora, as it is called—wrought such havoc in the ranks of
Eugenius' army, that it helped Theodosius to gain a complete victory.
Eugenius was taken prisoner and put to death, and Arbogast escaped
into the mountains, where he died by his own hand (8 Sept. ). But whilst
the relations and followers of Eugenius and Arbogast were pardoned,
Alaric waited in vain for the post in the Roman army, which Theodosius
had promised him; and when (17 Jan. 395) Theodosius died at Milan,
still in the prime of life, the Goths were sent home by Stilicho, who had
been second in command during the war. To make matters worse, the
yearly payments which had hitherto been made to the Goths, were now
injudiciously held back. These various causes combined to disturb the
peace between the Romans and Goths, which had so far been tolerably
well preserved, and the Goths once more commenced hostilities.
The time for a general rising seemed to be well chosen. Theodosius,
whose strong hand had endeavoured to maintain the peace within the
Empire, was now no more, and his sons were yet of tender age.
The
late Emperor had been the last to reign over the whole Empire. And
even he, powerless to stay its decline, had been obliged to cede to the
Goths an extensive district within its borders. How important the
Teutonic element had grown can best be understood from the fact that
the Teutons not only furnished the best part of the troops, but also
SH Ix.
17-2
## p. 260 (#290) ############################################
260
Division of the Empire
[395
ever.
commanded the armies and held the highest appointments, both civil and
military. Now that Theodosius was dead, the Empire was divided for
At an age of hardly eighteen years his son Arcadius received the
Empire of the East under the guidance of Rufinus, who had in 394, during
the absence of Theodosius, been entrusted with the regency as well as
with the supreme direction of Arcadius. On 27 April 395, to Rufinus'
great vexation, the young Emperor married Eudoxia, who had been
brought to him by Eutropius, the eunuch of the palace. She was the
daughter of Bauto, the Frank who had played an important part under
Gratian and Valentinian. In the course of the same year Rufinus was most
cruelly slain by the soldiers whom Gaïnas had but recently led back to
Constantinople. After his death Eutropius stood in high favour with
the Emperor. He received the office of High Chamberlain (praepositus
sacri cubiculi) and later on the title patricius. The younger son
Honorius, who was in his eleventh year, received the Western Empire.
Stilicho was appointed his guardian and also regent. He had been
raised to the rank of magister utriusque militiae by Theodosius before his
death, and, as we saw, had married a niece of the Emperor. This
capable man was no doubt better fitted than any other to rule the
Empire in the spirit of Theodosius, and when the Emperor died it was
he who without delay hurried to the Rhine to receive homage for
Honorius from the Teuton tribes, even as far as the Batavi. Apparently
on this journey King Marcomir was delivered into his hands, and was
sent into exile to Tuscany. After this Stilicho immediately returned to
Italy.
Meanwhile the Visigoths had broken loose from Moesia. Those of
their tribesmen who had formerly accompanied Alaric to Transylvania
had joined them and chosen Alaric, whose power at that time, however,
was still limited, as leader in the coming war. This war was fraught
with danger for the Eastern Empire, for it appears that in the early
spring of 395 the whole mass of the Visigoths marched south towards
Constantinople. As before, there could of course be no question
of capturing the city, but the surrounding country was mercilessly
devastated. It is most probable that Rufinus, who paid repeated visits
to the hostile camp, bribed the enemy to retire. Alaric now made his way
along the coast to Macedonia and Thessaly. Near Larissa he encountered
Stilicho, who had left Italy with strong forces. These were the victorious
East-Roman soldiers, whom he was leading home to their own country,
hoping at the same time to win back Illyria for the Western Empire.
This province, though given to Theodosius by Gratian, was said to have
been restored by the former a short time before his death. Apparently
the Goths had first of all tried to gain the valley of the Peneus, the Vale
of Tempe ; but meeting with resistance, they had pushed on across the
eastern slopes of Olympus into Thessaly, where they barricaded them-
selves behind their wagons. Stilicho was on the point of attacking
## p. 261 (#291) ############################################
396–397
Alaric in Greece
261
them when he received a message from Arcadius, ordering him to dismiss
the army of the Eastern Empire, and himself return to Italy. If at
first sight this order seems strange, it is because we have long been
accustomed to see in Stilicho a disinterested statesman and general, who
dedicated his labour and personality to the family of Theodosius. This
disposition of Eastern Illyria, which Theodosius was supposed to have
made shortly before his death, is however very doubtful, and it is certain
that Stilicho had entertained personal ambitions with regard to that
province. Viewed in the light of these circumstances, the order from
Arcadius appears in a very different light, especially if to this is added
the fact that in the same year the Huns had broken through the gates
of the Caucasus at Baku on the Caspian Sea and reached Syria by way of
Armenia. There they laid siege to Antioch and proceeded thence to
Asia Minor. Ravages of every kind marked their way. In this situation
it was an absolute necessity for the welfare of the State that the army
should return to its own country. Stilicho obeyed the order, because, as
has justly been remarked, he was probably uncertain about the future
conduct of the East-Roman troops, a section of whom remained in
Greece under Gerontius' command to cover Thermopylae. Alaric, how-
ever, assisted perhaps by treachery, took possession of this famous pass
without difficulty. After this the Goths marched through Boeotia into
Attica. Here Alaric succeeded in seizing the Piraeus, and forced Athens
to capitulate by cutting off her supplies. It is probable that she escaped
pillage by the payment of a sum of money ; Alaric stayed for a short
time peacefully within her walls. From Athens the march of the Goths
was continued to Eleusis, where they ransacked the temple of Demeter,
and further to Megara, which was quickly taken. Gerontius had left the
entrance to the Peloponnesus undefended, and the Gothic hordes,
meeting with no resistance, broke like a torrent upon Corinth and thence
on Argos and Sparta. Many an ancient work of art must have perished
in this rush, but no mention is made of any systematic and wilful
destruction of the ancient monuments.
It is a curious fact, that after all this the East-Roman government
seems neither to have made war against the Huns, who had invaded
Asia, nor to have lent assistance to the Greeks, when Gerontius had so
utterly failed to do his duty at Thermopylae and the Isthmus. Help
came rather from another quarter, and primarily, it must be owned,
with a different purpose in view. Though Stilicho had returned to
Italy, he had been kept well informed about events in Greece. As he
himself had designs on East-Illyria, to which Epirus and Achaia
belonged, and as Alaric was to all appearances endeavouring to create an
independent sovereignty in these provinces, it was imperative for the
vicegerent of the West to interfere. In 397 he transported an army to
Greece, and, landing on the south side of Corinth, expelled the Goths
from Arcadia and surrounded them at Elis near the Alpheus on the
H. I.
## p. 262 (#292) ############################################
262
Revolt of Gaïnas
(
394-399
plateau of Pholoe. But no decisive battle was fought, for Stilicho was
not sufficiently master of his own troops, and just then the revolt of the
Moorish prince Gildo threatened to become a serious danger to the
Western Empire. Gildo had formerly been praefect of Mauretania and
had subsequently been raised to the office of magister utriusque militiae.
In the year 394 he began his revolt, whereby he intended to secure the
North coast of Africa as a dominion of his own, and in 397 he offered
Africa as a feudal province to the Eastern Empire, hoping thereby to
kindle war between the two Empires. In this predicament Stilicho
avoided a decisive encounter with the Goths. For the second time he
allowed his adversary to escape. He even concluded a treaty with
Alaric, which doubtless contained an alliance against the Eastern
Empire; for in these precarious circumstances the chief of the brave
Goths might possibly prove of great service to Stilicho in his ambitious
private policy. The effect of these conditions on the mutual relations
of the two Empires was soon apparent. At Constantinople Stilicho was
declared an enemy of the State, whilst in the Western Empire the
consulship of Eutropius, who had been nominated for 399 and had
entirely won the favour of Arcadius, was not acknowledged. Before his
death Theodosius had so arranged the division of the Empire that the
cohesion of the whole might for the future be firmly and permanently
secured. Thus the first deep cleft had been made in a union which
was already difficult to maintain. Neither Empire had a permanent
diplomatic representation ; only special embassies were sent from time
to time, so that unfounded suspicions were very likely to arise on
either side.
At this time, while Stilicho was sailing back in haste from Greece to
Italy to prepare for war against Gildo, the Goths made a raid into
Epirus, which they devastated in a terrible manner. At last the
government at Constantinople was roused sufficiently to make proposals
of peace to Alaric. In return for a sum of money and the position of
magister militum in Illyria, Alaric withdrew from the alliance with
Stilicho, made peace with the Eastern Empire and occupied Epirus,
which had been assigned to him, with his Gothic troops. Another
trouble for the Eastern Empire at this time arose from the large number
of Goths who served in the army, and more especially through their
leader Gaïnas. At his command they had killed Rufinus in 395.
When Eutropius did not reward him for his services with the high
military office he coveted, he joined a rebellion of his compatriot
Tribigild in Phrygia, against whom he had been sent out with an army.
For after the fall and execution of the powerful favourite Eutropius in
the summer of 399, a national movement was set on foot at Constan-
tinople, having for its object the abolition of foreign influence in the
high government offices ; Aurelianus, Eutropius' successor, was at the
head of this movement. But the Roman supremacy was not destined to
## p. 263 (#293) ############################################
400]
Revolts of Gaïnas and Gildo
263
be revived. The Gothic rebellion in Asia Minor grew more and more
alarming, and Arcadius was soon obliged to negotiate with Gaïnas.
During an interview with the Emperor, the Goth succeeded in obtaining
his nomination to the post of magister militum praesentalis and the
extradition of the three leaders of the national party, one of whom was
Aurelianus. On his subsequent return to the capital, Gaïnas could
consider himself master of the Empire, and as such demanded of the
Emperor a place of worship for the Arian Goths. But the famous
theologian and bishop, John Chrysostom, contrived to avert this danger
to the orthodox Church. But the power of Gainas was not to be of
long duration. When in July 400 he left the town with the majority
of the Goths, owing to a feeling of insecurity, the inhabitants rose
against those who had been left behind. At last no refuge remained to
them except the church they had lately been given. In its ruins they
were burned, as Gaïnas failed to come to their rescue in time to storm
the city. Gaïnas was declared a public enemy, and the pursuit was
entrusted to his tribesman Fravitta, who so far carried out his order that
he followed Gaïnas to Thrace and the Hellespont, and prevented him
from crossing to Asia. Eventually, at the end of the year 400, Gaïnas
was killed on the further side of the Danube by a chief of the Huns,
called Uldin, who sent his head to Constantinople.
Nothing is more characteristic of the impotence of the Eastern
Empire, than the revolt of this Gothic general, whose downfall was only
secured by a combination of favourable circumstances. The clever and
valiant Goth succumbed only to strangers ; the Empire itself had no
means to overthrow him.
Such were the conditions at the dawn of the new century; the last
twenty-five years of the old having brought nothing but war, poverty,
and depopulation to the Eastern Empire. It is true that for the
Western Empire the century had closed more favourably; the campaign
against Gildo especially had been prepared by Stilicho with characteristic
ability. This Moorish prince, after putting to death the sons of his
brother Mascezel, who had gone to Italy, had proceeded to conquer the
North of Africa. Only the large and fortified towns could resist his
ever-increasing power. He created great anxiety in Rome by cutting
off her African corn-supply; but the danger of a famine was averted by
Stilicho, who succeeded in having corn brought by sea from Gaul and
Spain. When his preparations for war were completed, Stilicho did not
at this critical time put himself at the head of the army, but resigned
the supreme command to Mascezel. The army was not large, but it
seems that Stilicho relied upon the skill of its commander for entering
into secret relations with the leaders of the enemy. Mascezel departed
for Africa, where the campaign was decided between Tebeste and
Ammedera on the Ardalio, a tributary of the Bagradas. Apparently no
real battle was fought, but Gildo's troops went over to the enemy
fled
or
CH. A.
## p. 264 (#294) ############################################
264
Stilicho's Position
[398–401
into the mountains. Gildo himself first tried to escape by sea, but
returned to land and soon after met his death at Tabraca. These wars
against the two rebels Gaïnas and Gildo so excited the imagination of
the contemporary world, that they formed the subject of many poetical
productions. Of these “The Egyptians or On Providence," a novel by
Synesius of Cyrene, and Claudian's “War against Gildo” are preserved.
With the year 401, however, there began for the Western Empire
a period similar to that which the Eastern Empire had already so
long endured. The Teutons began to press forward in dense masses
against the provinces of the Western Empire, which they had so long
spared, and finally effected the complete dissolution of that once so
mighty realm. But this time the disturbance did not proceed from the
Goths only; other tribes also were involved in the movement, which
could no longer be restrained, and the danger to the Empire grew in
proportion. In the first place Alaric had made use of the short time of
his alliance with the Eastern Empire to increase his power, chiefly by
re-arming his Goths from the Roman arsenals. His plan of founding an
independent kingdom for himself in Greece had failed, and it probably
seemed most tempting to him to transfer his attentions to Italy, whose
resources were not yet so completely drained by the Goths. No doubt
Stilicho ruled there with a firm hand. He had in 398 created for
himself an unassailable position by giving his daughter Maria, a mere
child, in marriage to the Emperor Honorius, who was then fourteen
years of age. But apparently Alaric did not fear the power of Stilicho,
.
who had twice allowed him to escape from a most critical position;
furthermore the Western Empire was just now engaged in a different
direction. In the year 401, the Vandals, who had long ago settled in
.
the regions between the Danube and the Theiss, began to grow restless.
On account of their increasing population the majority of them had
resolved to emigrate with their king Godigisel, retaining at the same
time the right of possession over their old dominions. They were joined
by Alani from Pannonia, and in the same year this new wave of migration
reached Rhaetia by way of Noricum. Stilicho at first opposed them,
but was eventually obliged to grant them territories in Noricum and
Vindelicia under the suzerainty of Rome, in return for which they bound
themselves to serve in the Roman army.
By this time Alaric had already left Epirus far behind and reached
Aquileia by way of Aemona and the Birnbaum forest. This invasion of
Italy by the barbarians caused great consternation; the fortifications of
Rome were repaired and strengthened, and the young Emperor Honorius
even contemplated an escape into Gaul. Venetia was already in the
enemy's hands, and the road to Milan was occupied by the Goths.
Honorius was staying in this city, Alaric naturally desired above all to
take possession of it. But Stilicho came to the rescue. He had rein-
forced his army with the Vandals and Alani with whom he had just
## p. 265 (#295) ############################################
402—406]
Battle of Pollentia
265
made
peace, and Alaric was forced to abandon the siege of Milan. He
now tried to gain the coast in order to reach Rome. With Stilicho at
his heels he turned to Ticinum and Hasta and thence to Pollentia.
Here (6 April 402) a battle was fought in the early stages of which it
seemed likely that the Romans would be defeated, as Saul, the Roman
general of the Alani, had begun the battle prematurely. But the appear-
ance of Stilicho with the main body of infantry changed the aspect of affairs.
The fight was continued until nightfall, but though the Romans were
left in possession of the field and took numerous prisoners, Stilicho can
hardly be said to have gained a victory. For Alaric's forces retreated in
perfect order and were able to continue their march on Rome. In this
crisis Stilicho was obliged to come to terms with Alaric. The Gothic
chief was raised to the rank of magister militum and promised to evacuate
Italy. For the future the two generals arranged to conquer Eastern
Illyria for the Western Empire. This treaty, which put a considerable
check on the movements of the Goths, is explained not only by the state
of affairs at that time, but also by the fact that Alaric's wife and
children had been made prisoners during the battle. The Goths now
left Italy, but remained close to the frontier, and made a fresh invasion
in 403. This time Alaric tried to lay siege to Verona, but was defeated
by Stilicho, and on trying to gain Rhaetia by way of the Brenner again
found himself in a very dangerous plight, from which he could only
extricate himself by concluding a new treaty with Stilicho against the
Eastern Empire. Probably it was at this juncture that Sarus the
Visigothic prince with his followers went over to Stilicho, a desertion
which must be ascribed to Stilicho's diplomatic skill. The uncertainty
of the situation may account for the very remarkable fact that Stilicho
suffered the enemy to escape so often from his fatal embrace. Be that
as it may, the Goths withdrew, and Stilicho could celebrate a brilliant
triumph with Honorius. Alaric, however, does not appear to have
returned to Epirus till much later, but remained for some time in the
neighbourhood of Illyria.
In the following year (405) the Ostrogoths and Vandals, the Alani
and the Quadi under the leadership of Radagaisus left their homes,
crossed the Alps, and descended into Italy. Their number, though much
exaggerated by contemporary historians, must have been considerable ;
for the hostile army marched through the North of the peninsula in
several divisions. Stilicho seems to have collected his troops at Pavia ;
the invasion happened at a very inopportune moment, as he was about to
carry out his designs on Eastern Illyria. This time, however, he quickly
succeeded in ridding himself of the enemy. He surrounded Radagaisus
who had attacked Florence, in the narrow valleys of the Apennines near
Faesulae, and destroyed a large part of his army. Radagaisus himself
was captured with his sons whilst trying to escape, and was shortly
afterwards executed. For this victory Stilicho's thanks were chiefly due
SH.
## p. 266 (#296) ############################################
266
Barbarian Invasion of Gaul
[
406
to two foreign generals, Sarus the Goth, and Uldin the Hun. In this
manner Italy had indeed been speedily saved from great danger, but at the
end of the next year (406) hostile hordes broke into Gaul with so much
the greater violence. It is very probable that this invasion, which was
undertaken by the Vandals, had some connexion with that of Radagaisus.
In conjunction with the Vandals were the Alani, who had recently formed
an alliance with them, and the Suevi, by whom we must understand the
Quadi, who had formerly dwelt north of the Vandals. This great tribal
migration, following the road along the Roman frontier (limes), reached
the river Main, where they met the Silingi, a Vandal tribe which had
gone westward with the Burgundians in the third century. These now
helped to swell the Vandal hordes, whilst a part of the Alani under the
leadership of Goar enlisted in the Roman army on the Rhine. Near this
river the Vandals were attacked by some Frankish tribes, who were
keeping guard on the frontier, in accordance with their treaty with
Stilicho. In the ensuing fight the Vandals suffered severe losses, their
king Godigisel being among the slain. On receiving this news the Alani
immediately turned about, and, led by their king Respendial, they
completely routed the Franks. On the last day of 406 this mass of
people crossed the Rhine at Mainz, which they invested and destroyed.
The march was continued by Trèves to Rheims, where the bishop
Nicasius was slain in his own church; thence to Tournai, Terouenne, Arras
and Amiens. From this point the journey proceeded through Gallia
Lugdunensis to Paris, Orleans, and Tours, and, passing through Aquitania
into Novempopulana, by Bordeaux to Toulouse, which the bishop
Exuperius saved from falling into the enemies' hands. But the fortified
passes of the Pyrenees put a stop to their further advance.
Thus Spain
remained unconquered for the present, and the Vandals now made their
way into the rich province of Narbonensis. The devastation of the
extensive provinces and the conquered cities of Gaul was terrible;
contemporary writers of prose and verse alike complain bitterly of the
atrocities committed by the barbarians in this unhappy country. The
oldest people could not remember so disastrous an invasion. The
weakness of the Empire is revealed by the absence of a Roman army to
oppose the Germans. Stilicho's policy was at that time directed towards
Illyria, and for this reason he probably found it impossible to come to
the assistance of Gaul.
This first great danger was soon followed by a second. The migration
of the Vandals had very likely caused the Burgundians along the middle
course of the Main to become restless ; they now began to bear down
upon the Alemanni on the lower Main. A part of the Burgundians had
perhaps intended to join the great migration of 406, for shortly after we
meet with them on the west side of the Rhine. The most important
result, however, was, that the Alemanni now entered on a campaign
against Roman Upper Germany, and conquered Worms, Speier, and
## p. 267 (#297) ############################################
406–407]
The usurper Constantine
267
a
The new
Strassburg. Here again the Empire failed to send help, and the allied
Franks remained quiet. Stilicho meanwhile collected an army in 406
and arranged a plan with Alaric, by which he could carry out his Illyrian
projects from Epirus. Already a Praefectus Praetorio for Illyria had
been nominated in the person of Jovius, when in the year 407 an event
occurred which threw everything else into the background. A new
emperor appeared on the scene. When a rumour had spread, that
Alaric was dead, the legions in Britain after two unsuccessful attempts?
proclaimed Constantine emperor. According to Orosius, he was
common soldier, but his name excited hopes for better times.
Emperor crossed over to Gaul without delay, where he was recognised by
the Roman troops throughout the country. He immediately pushed
forward into the districts along the Rhone, where, though he probably
concluded treaties with the Alemanni, Burgundians and Franks, he made
but little impression on the Teutons who had invaded the land. But
Stilicho had already sent the experienced general Sarus with an army
against him. In the neighbourhood of Valence, which Constantine had
made his temporary abode, his general Justinian was defeated and killed
in battle by Sarus. Another of the usurper's generals met his death soon
afterwards during an interview with the crafty Goth. When, however,
Constantine sent against him his newly appointed generals, the Frank
Edobic and the Briton Gerontius, Sarus abandoned the siege of Valence
and effected a passage into Italy by paying a sum of money to the
fugitive peasants called Bagaudae, who at that time held the passes of
the Western Alps. Stilicho joined Honorius at Rome to discuss the
serious situation. Constantine, however, directed his attention towards
Spain, evidently with a view to protect his rear before attacking Italy.
At the passes across the Pyrenees he met with energetic resistance from
Didymus, Verenianus, Theodosius, and Logadius, all relatives of the
Emperor. But Constantine’s son Constans soon overcame the enemy;
he captured Verenianus and Didymus, whilst Theodosius and Logadius
fed, the former to Italy, the latter to the East. After this, when
Constans had returned to Gaul in triumph, he entrusted the passes to
Gerontius, who was in command of the Honorians, a troop of barbarian
foederati. These, it appears, fulfilled their duty but indifferently, for
during the quarrels which ensued in the borderlands the Vandals, Alani
and Suevi, who had pushed on as far as southern Gaul, saw an oppor-
tunity of executing their design on Spain.
With these disturbances in Spain is generally connected a great rising
of the Celts in Britain and Gaul, which was directed against the
advancing Teutonic tribes as well as against the Roman rule, and in
which the Gaulish district of Armorica was specially concerned. Thus
1 First a man named Marcus and after him Gratian, a British official, had
been declared emperors ; both however were after a short time put to death by the
soldiers.
a
m. IX.
## p. 268 (#298) ############################################
268
Alaric
[408
was prepared in these provinces the separation from the Roman govern-
ment which had lasted for centuries, and at the same time Teutonic rule
superseded that of the Romans in Spain.
Meanwhile Alaric had not failed to profit by the violent disturbances
within the Western Empire. As Stilicho had neither undertaken the
campaign against Illyria nor met the demands of the Gothic soldiers
for their pay, Alaric believed himself entitled to deal a powerful blow
,
at the Western Empire. Stilicho had recently strengthened his relations
with the imperial house by a new link. The Empress Maria had died
.
early, still a virgin as rumour went, and Stilicho succeeded in persuading
the Emperor to marry his second daughter Thermantia. Now Alaric
tried to force his way into Italy. He had left Epirus and reached
Aemona. There he probably found the roads to the South barred; he
therefore crossed the river Aquilis and made his way to Virunum in
Noricum, whence he sent an embassy to Stilicho at Ravenna. The
ambassadors demanded the enormous sum of four thousand pounds of
gold as compensation for the long delay in Epirus and the present
campaign of the Goths. Stilicho went to Rome to discuss the matter
with the Emperor and the Senate. The majority of the Senate was
opposed to the concession of this demand and would have preferred war
with the Goths, but Stilicho's power in the assembly was still so great
that his opinion prevailed and the huge sum was paid. At this juncture
the rumour spread that the Emperor of the East was dead. Arcadius
had indeed died (1 May 408). This greatly altered the situation, for
Theodosius II, the heir to the Eastern throne, was but a child of seven.
Honorius now decided to go to Ravenna, but was opposed by Stilicho,
who wanted himself to inspect the troops there. But neither did
Stilicho succeed in dissuading Honorius nor could a mutiny among
the soldiers at Ravenna, which Sarus had promoted, induce the
Emperor to desist from his plan. Nevertheless he eventually diverged
from the route to Ravenna, and went to Bologna, where he ordered
Stilicho to meet him for the purpose of discussing the situation in
the East.
Stilicho's first concern at Bologna was to calm the agitation amongst
the soldiers and recommend the ringleaders to the Emperor's mercy ;
then he took counsel with Honorius. It was the Emperor's wish to go
in person to Constantinople and settle the affairs of the Eastern Empire,
but Stilicho tried to turn him from this purpose, pointing out that the
journey would cause too much expense, and that the Emperor could not
well leave Italy whilst Constantine was as yet powerful and residing
at Arles. Honorius bent his will to the prudent counsel of his great
statesman, and it was resolved that Stilicho should go to the East, whilst
Alaric was sent with an army to Gaul against Constantine. Stilicho,
however, neither departed for the East nor did he gather together the
troops which remained assembled at Pavia, and were ill-disposed towards
a
## p. 269 (#299) ############################################
408]
Fall of Stilicho
269
him. Meanwhile a cunning Greek, the chancellor Olympius, profited by
the change in the Emperor's feelings towards his great minister. Under
the mask of Christian piety he secretly intrigued against Stilicho in
order to undermine his position. Thus Olympius accompanied the
Emperor to Pavia and on this occasion spread the calumnious report,
that Stilicho intended to kill the child Theodosius and put his own son
Eucherius on the throne. The storm now gathered over Stilicho's head.
The prelude to the catastrophe, however, took place at Pavia.
When the Emperor had arrived with Olympius at this town, the
latter made an exhibition of his philanthropy by visiting the sick
soldiers; probably his real object was to gather the threads of the
conspiracy which he had already spun and to weave them further. On
the fourth day Honorius himself appeared among the troops and tried
to inspire them with enthusiasm for the fight against Constantine. At
this moment Olympius gave a sign to the soldiers, and, in accordance
with a previous arrangement, they threw themselves upon all the high
military and civil officers present, who were supposed to be Stilicho's
adherents. Some of them escaped to the town, but the soldiers rushed
through the streets and killed all the unpopular dignitaries. The
slaughter continued under the very eyes of the Emperor, who had
withdrawn at first but reappeared without his royal robes and tried to
check the mad fury of the soldiers. When the Emperor, fearing for his
own life, had a second time retired, Longinianus, the Praefectus Praetorio
for Italy, was also slain. News of this horrible mutiny reached Stilicho
at Bologna. He at once summoned all the generals of Teutonic race in
whose loyalty alone he could still trust. It was decided to attack the
Roman army, should the Emperor himself have been killed. When,
however, Stilicho learned that the mutiny had not been directed against
Honorius, he resolved to abstain from punishing the culprits, for his
enemies were numerous and he was no longer sure of the Emperor's
support. But to this the Teuton generals would not agree, and Sarus
even went so far as to have Stilicho's Hunnic body-guard killed during
the night. Stilicho now betook himself to Ravenna, and to this town
Olympius despatched a letter from the Emperor, addressed to the army,
with the order to arrest Stilicho and keep him in honourable custody.
During the night Stilicho took refuge in a church to secure the right of
sanctuary; but in the morning the soldiers fetched him away, solemnly
assuring him that his life was safe. Then a second letter from the
Emperor was read, which condemned Stilicho to death for high-treason.
The fallen man might still have saved his life by appealing to the
Teuton soldiers, who were devoted to him, and would readily have
fought for him. But he made no attempt to do so, probably to preserve
the Empire from a civil war, which would have been fatal at this time.
Without resistance he offered his neck to the sword. In him the Roman
Empire (23 August 408) lost one of its most prominent statesmen, and
a
CH. .
## p. 270 (#300) ############################################
270
Alaric in Italy
[408
at the same time one of its ablest generals, one who had been in command
of the army for twenty-three years.
Without doubt we should consider the fall of Stilicho as a mani-
festation of a national Roman reaction against the ever-increasing
Teutonic influence within the Empire, a reaction proceeding from the
political party which saw in the removal of the barbarians the salvation
of Rome. Whether this party was right or not, they certainly had acted
most unwisely, for Olympius, the successor to Stilicho's position, turned
his power to very foolish account. Even the severest tortures could not
wring from Stilicho's friends and followers the confession desired by
Olympius, that the executed minister had aspired to the imperial throne.
And still more injudicious was the edict by which all those who had
attained high office under Stilicho's administration forfeited their
property to the State. But most
But most incomprehensible of all was the fact
that the Roman soldiers were allowed to wander about murdering and
robbing the families of the Teuton troops in Italy. The consequence
was that thousands of these soldiers deserted, and went over to Alaric.
Thermantia was sent back to her mother Serena by Honorius, who also
sentenced Eucherius to death. But as the latter had escaped to Rome
and taken refuge in a church, he was left unmolested for a time.
Shortly afterwards, however, he was murdered by two eunuchs who were
rewarded by high offices in the State.
Alaric's opportunity had arrived, now that the Empire had of its
own free will lost the services of its great leader. At first the Gothic
chief tried to maintain the peace. He sent ambassadors to the Emperor
with the message that he would adhere to the treaties made with Stilicho,
if he received a moderate payment of money, and that if an exchange of
hostages were effected, he would withdraw his troops from Noricum to
Pannonia. Although Honorius rejected Alaric's proposals for a peaceful
arrangement, he did not take any active steps to ensure success in the
campaign which had now become inevitable. Instead of entrusting to
Sarus the command of the troops against Alaric, Olympius bestowed it
on two men who were faithfully devoted to him but absolutely devoid of
merit. This time Alaric did not tarry long. However, as the campaign
promised to assume greater dimensions, he sent for reinforcements from
his brother-in-law Ataulf, who was stationed in Upper Pannonia with
Hunnic and Gothic troops. Without waiting for Ataulf's arrival, Alaric
marched to Aquileia and thence westward to Cremona, where he crossed
the Po, without meeting with the slightest resistance. Then the Goths
proceeded south-east from Placentia to Ariminum, leaving Ravenna
unmolested, and through Picenum, until they arrived before Rome
without opposition. When Alaric surrounded the city the Senate
believed Serena, Stilicho's widow, to be in connivance with him, and as
Placidia, the sister of Honorius, was of the same opinion, Serena was put
to death. This act of violence had, of course, no influence upon Alaric's
## p. 271 (#301) ############################################
408–409]
Alaric's negotiations with Honorius
271
policy; on the contrary the investment of the city was carried on with
greater vigour than before. As the Goths also blockaded the Tiber, the
city was cut off from all supplies, and soon famine broke out. No help
came from Ravenna, and when the distress in the city was at its highest
ambassadors were sent to the hostile camp to ask for moderate terms.
At first Alaric demanded the surrender of all the gold and silver in the
city, inclusive of all precious movable goods, and the emancipation of all
Teuton slaves, but in the end he lowered his demand to an imposition,
which, however, was still so heavy that it necessitated the confiscation of
the sacred treasures stored in the temples. After this he withdrew his
troops from Rome and went into the neighbouring province of Tuscany
where he collected around his standard a great number of slaves, who had
escaped from Rome. But even in this situation Honorius declined the
negotiations for peace which were now urged by Alaric and the Senate
alike.
This temporising policy could not but bring ruin upon Italy, the
more so, as at the beginning of 409 ambassadors came to treat with
Honorius about the recognition of Constantine. The usurper had
raised his son Constans, who had returned from Spain to Gaul, to the
dignity of a co-emperor, and had had the two cousins of Honorius put
to death. The Emperor, who entertained hopes that they were still
alive and counted upon assistance from Constantine against Alaric, no
longer withheld his recognition, and even sent him an imperial robe.
During this time Olympius did not shew himself in any way equal to the
situation, but continued to persecute those whom he believed to be
Stilicho's adherents. Honorius now ordered a body of picked troops
from Dalmatia to come to the protection of Rome. These six thousand
men, however, under their leader Valens were on their way surprised by
Alaric, and all of them but one hundred were cut down. A second
Roman embassy, in which the Roman bishop Innocent took part, and
which was escorted by troops furnished by Alaric, was now sent to the
Emperor. In the meantime Ataulf had at last made his way from
Pannonia across the Alps, and although an army sent by the Emperor
caused him some loss, probably near Ravenna, his junction with Alaric
could not be prevented. Now at last a general outcry against Olympius,
who had shewn himself so utterly incompetent, arose at the imperial
Court. The Emperor was forced to give in and depose his favourite,
and after this he at length inclined his ear to more peaceful proposals.
When, however, the Gothic chief in an interview with the Praefectus
Praetorio Jovius at Ariminum demanded not only an annual subsidy of
money and corn, but also the cession of Venetia, Noricum and Dalmatia,
and when moreover the same Jovius in a letter to the Emperor proposed
that Alaric should be raised to the rank of a magister utriusque militiae,
because it was hoped that this would induce him to lower his
terms, Honorius refused everything and was determined to go to war.
а
H. .
## p. 272 (#302) ############################################
272
Attalus Emperor
[410
Apparently this bellicose mood continued, for shortly afterwards a fresh
embassy from Constantine appeared at the Court, promising Honorius
speedy support from British, Gaulish, and Spanish soldiers.
Even
Jovius had allowed himself to be persuaded by the Emperor and together
with other high officials had taken an oath on pain of death never to
make peace with Alaric.
At first all seemed to go well ; Honorius levied 10,000 Huns for his
army, and to his great satisfaction found that Alaric himself was inclined
to peace and was sending some Italian bishops as ambassadors to him.
Of his former conditions he only maintained the cession of Noricum and
a subsidy of corn, the amount of which was to be left to the Emperor's
decision. He requested Honorius not to allow the city of Rome, which
had ruled the world for more than thousand years, to be sacked and
burnt by the Teutons. There can be no doubt that the Goths were
forced by the pressure of circumstances to offer these conditions. But
Honorius was prevented from complying with them by Jovius, who is
said to have pleaded the sanctity of the oath which he and others had
taken. Alaric now had recourse to a simple device in order to attain
the object of his desires. As he could not out of consideration for the
Goths aspire to the imperial crown himself, he caused an emperor to be
proclaimed. In order to put this proclamation into effect he marched to
Rome, seized the harbour of Portus and told the Senate of his intention
to divide among his troops all the corn which he found stored there,
should the city refuse to obey his orders. The Senate gave in, and in
.
compliance with Alaric's wish Attalus was raised to the throne.
a Roman of noble descent, who had been given a high government post
by Olympius and shortly afterwards made praefect of the city by
Honorius. Attalus thereupon raised Alaric to the rank of magister
militum praesentalis, and Ataulf to that of comes domesticorum; but he
gave them each a Roman colleague in their office, and Valens was made
magister militum, while Lampadius, an enemy of Alaric, became praefect
of the city. On the next day Attalus delivered a high-flown oration in
the Senate, boasting that it would be a small matter for him and the
Romans to subjugate the whole world. Soon, however, his relations with
Alaric became strained. Formerly he had been a heathen, but though
he now accepted the Arian faith and was baptised by the Gothic bishop
Sigesar, he not only openly slighted the Goths but also, disregarding
Alaric's advice to send a Gothic army under Druma to Africa, despatched
the Roman Constans with troops ill-prepared for war to that country.
Africa was at that time held by Heraclian, one of Honorius' generals, the
murderer of Stilicho, and the province required the Emperor's whole
attention, as the entire corn supply of Rome depended upon its
possession.
Attalus himself now marched against Honorius at Ravenna. The
latter, who had already contemplated an escape to the East, sent Attalus
He was
## p. 273 (#303) ############################################
410]
Sack of Rome
273
a message to the effect that he would consent to acknowledge him as
co-emperor. Attalus replied, through Jovius, that he would order
Honorius to be mutilated and banish him to some remote island, besides
depriving him of his imperial dignity. At this critical moment, however,
Honorius was saved by four thousand soldiers of the Eastern Empire,
who disembarked at Ravenna and came to his assistance. When the
news arrived that the expedition against Heraclian in Africa had proved
a complete failure and that Rome was again exposed to a great famine,
owing to this victory of Honorius' arms, Attalus and Alaric abandoned
the siege of Ravenna. Alaric turned against Aemilia where he took
possession of all the cities except Bologna, and then advanced in a north-
westerly direction towards Liguria. Attalus on the other hand hastened
to Rome to take counsel with the Senate about the pressing African
question. The majority of the assembly decided to send an army of
Gothic and Roman troops to Africa under the command of the Goth
Druma, but Attalus opposed the plan. This brought about his fall;
for when Alaric heard of it he returned, stripped Attalus of the diadem
and purple at Ariminum and sent both to Honorius. He did not,
however, leave the deposed Emperor to his fate, but kept him and his
son Ampelius under his protection till peace had been concluded with
Honorius. Placidia, Honorius' sister, was also in Alaric's keeping. If
we may believe Zosimus, she was brought from Rome as a kind of hostage
by Alaric, who, however, granted her imperial honours.
The deposition of Attalus in May or June 410 was the starting-point
for renewed negotiations for peace between Alaric and the Emperor, in
the course of which the former perhaps claimed a part of Italy for himself.
But the peaceful propositions were nipped in the bud by the Goth Sarus.
He was hostile to Alaric and Ataulf; at that time he lay encamped in
Picenum. Under pretence of being menaced by Ataulf's strong body of
troops, he went over to the Emperor and violated the truce by an attack
on the Gothic camp.
Alaric now marched for the third time against
Rome, doubtless firmly resolved to punish the Emperor for his duplicity
by thoroughly chastising the city, and to establish at last a kingdom of
The investment by the Goths caused another terrible famine
in the city, and at last, during the night preceding 24 August 410, the
Salarian gate was treacherously opened. Then followed a complete sack
of the city, which did not, however, degenerate into mere wanton
destruction, especially as it only lasted three days. The deeds of
violence and cruelty which are mentioned more particularly in the writings
of contemporary Christians were probably for the greater part committed
by the slaves, who, as we know, had flocked to the Goths in great
numbers. As early as 27 August the Goths left Rome laden with
enormous spoil, and marched by Capua and Nola into southern Italy.
For Alaric, who had probably borne the title of king already for a con-
siderable time, had resolved to go to Africa by way of Sicily, and gain
his own.
C. BD. H. v0L. I. GH, Ix.
18
## p. 274 (#304) ############################################
274
Barbarian Conquest in Spain
[ 409-412
the dominion of Italy by the possession of that rich province. But when
part of the army had embarked at Rhegium, his ships were scattered and
destroyed by a storm. Alaric, therefore, turned back ; but on the way
north was seized by an illness which proved fatal before the end of the
year 410. He was laid to rest in the river Basentus (Busento) near
Cosentia. A large number of slaves were employed in first diverting the
course of the river and then bringing it back into its former channel after
the dead king and his treasures had been buried. In order that nobody
might ever know the burial place, all the slaves who had been employed
in the labour were killed. Ataulf was now elected king. He seems at
first to have thought of carrying out the plans of his brother-in-law,
Alaric; but on further consideration of the great power of Heraclian in
Africa, he abandoned them and resolved rather to lead the Goths against
Gaul. It is possible that on his march northward he again sacked Rome,
and he certainly married Placidia before he withdrew from Italy. He
invaded Gaul in 412, and in that year commenced the war which was
waged so long by the Teutons against the Roman supremacy in that
country.
A little earlier a similar struggle had begun in Spain, which
resulted in the victory of the barbarians. In the autumn of 409 the
Vandals, Alani, and Suevi had penetrated into Spain, tempted thither
no doubt by the treasures of that rich country and by the greater
security of a future settlement there. The course followed by those
tribes was towards the west of the peninsula, first of all passing through
Galicia and Lusitania. Constans, on leaving Spain, had certainly made
an unfortunate choice in appointing Gerontius praefect; for not only
did this official allow the Teutons to enter the country but he tried at the
same time to put an end to Constantine's rule, by deserting him and
causing one of his own followers, Maximus, to be proclaimed emperor.
Circumstances even forced Gerontius into an alliance with the barbarians.
For when Constans returned to Spain, the usurper could only drive him
out of the country by making common cause with the Teutons.
Gerontius followed Constans to Gaul, invested him at Vienne, and put
him to death at the beginning of 411. He then turned his attention to
Constantine, who concentrated his forces at Arles. But Honorius had
by now recovered sufficiently to make war against Constantine. For
that purpose he sent the Roman Constantius and a Goth named Wulfila
with an army to Gaul. When Gerontius advanced to meet them, his
soldiers deserted him and joined the imperial troops. He himself met
his death shortly afterwards in a burning house, whilst Maximus
succeeded in escaping. This sealed the fate of Constantine; for
Constantius and Wulfila defeated the army of the Frank Edobic,
who came to render him assistance. Constantius then proceeded to
besiege Arles, which for a considerable time withstood his efforts, but
eventually surrendered on conditions to the general of Honorius. The
## p. 275 (#305) ############################################
411]
Constantius
275
reason for this was that Constantius had heard that Guntiarius, king of
the Burgundians, and Goar, king of the Alani, had raised the Gaulish
noble Jovinus to the imperial throne at Mainz, and in these circum-
stances he deemed it necessary to offer easy terms of capitulation to
Constantine. The usurper submitted; but on the way to Ravenna he
and his youngest son were killed by Honorius' command. His head was
brought to Ravenna (18 Sept. 411). Meanwhile Jovinus with an army
consisting of Burgundians, Franks, and Alemanni had marched south-
ward, apparently in the belief that the critical situation of the Empire,
which was at war with both Goths and Vandals, would facilitate a rapid
extension of his power.
In these circumstances it was an easy matter for the Teutons who
had invaded Spain to spread over a large part of the peninsula.
wards Theodosius had given him his niece Serena in marriage and
promoted him step by step. He was considered to be one of the ablest
statesmen in the Eastern Empire, and the military command entrusted
to him in 392 was destined to increase the importance of his position.
For he succeeded at length in defeating the enemy, who for so long a
time had been the terror of the Empire. The Goths were surrounded
on the Maritza. But again the Emperor shewed mercy and gave orders
that the enemy should be permitted to go free. Theodosius' policy may
probably be attributed to a certain fear of revenge, and it was doubtless
influenced by Rufinus, who did not wish Stilicho to become too
powerful. Thus a treaty with the vanquished Goths was concluded.
Meanwhile Arbogast had embarked upon a most ambitious course
of politics. His aim was to get rid of the young and irresolute
Valentinian II. Not indeed that he himself wished for the imperial crown,
for he very likely felt its possession to be®undesirable. His idea was to
get Valentinian II out of the way, and then assist to the imperial throne
some one of his ardent devotees, under whose name he himself hoped to
wield the supreme power. For the attainment of this end, his first
requisite was a trustworthy army. He therefore levied a large number
of Teuton troops, in whose loyalty he could place the utmost confidence.
When Valentinian took up his abode in Gaul, the relations between him
and the powerful Frank became more and more strained, till finally the
Emperor from his throne handed to his rival a written order, demanding
that he should resign his post. Arbogast tore the document in pieces
before the eyes of the Emperor, whose days were thenceforth numbered.
On 15 May 392 the youthful sovereign was assassinated at Vienne; but
whether Arbogast was directly responsible for this deed remains uncer-
tain. The way was now clear for the Frank's ambitious plans. A short
time previously the Frank Richomer had recommended to his tribesman
Arbogast the head of the imperial chancery, the magister scriniorum
Eugenius. This Roman, formerly a rhetorician and grammarian, was
the man whom Arbogast intended to raise to the imperial throne.
Eugenius could not but yield to the mighty man's wish. He therefore
sent an embassy to Theodosius in 392 to obtain his recognition. But
Theodosius gave an evasive answer; and as there was every prospect of a
war, Arbogast deemed it necessary to make provision for a safe retreat.
We know that the neighbourhood of the Franks formed a very vulnerable
## p. 259 (#289) ############################################
392–395]
Battle of the Frigidus
259
1
point of the Roman government in Gaul. For this reason in the winter
of 392 Arbogast undertook a campaign against these dangerous
neighbours. He probably hoped at the same time to reinforce his army
with Frankish troops, should he be successful in this war. He pushed
on through Cologne and the country along the river Lippe into the
territory of the Bructeri and Chamavi, after which he turned eastward
against the Ampsivarii, who had joined forces with the Chatti under
Marcomir. Apparently he met with but little resistance, for in the spring
of 393 Eugenius succeeded in concluding treaties with the Franks and
even the Alemanni, on condition that they supplied him with troops.
The ensuing period was spent in preparation for war in both Empires,
Eugenius having been, thanks to Arbogast's influence, recognised as
Emperor in Italy also. Theodosius had reinforced his army more
especially with Teutons; the Visigoths were again commanded by Alaric,
whilst the leaders of the other foederati were Gaïnas, Saul and the
comes domesticorum Bacurius, an Armenian. The meeting of the two
armies took place 5 Sept. 394 on the Frigidus, a tributary of the
Isonza, probably the Hubel. As the Gothic troops formed the vanguard
and opened the attack on the enemy, who were posted very favourably,
they suffered severe losses on the first day of the battle, which greatly
elated the Westerns. On the second day the battle would in all
probability have been decided in favour of Arbogast, had not his
general Arbitrio, who commanded the Frankish troops, gone over to
Theodosius. It is related besides, that a violent storm from the north-
east—the Bora, as it is called—wrought such havoc in the ranks of
Eugenius' army, that it helped Theodosius to gain a complete victory.
Eugenius was taken prisoner and put to death, and Arbogast escaped
into the mountains, where he died by his own hand (8 Sept. ). But whilst
the relations and followers of Eugenius and Arbogast were pardoned,
Alaric waited in vain for the post in the Roman army, which Theodosius
had promised him; and when (17 Jan. 395) Theodosius died at Milan,
still in the prime of life, the Goths were sent home by Stilicho, who had
been second in command during the war. To make matters worse, the
yearly payments which had hitherto been made to the Goths, were now
injudiciously held back. These various causes combined to disturb the
peace between the Romans and Goths, which had so far been tolerably
well preserved, and the Goths once more commenced hostilities.
The time for a general rising seemed to be well chosen. Theodosius,
whose strong hand had endeavoured to maintain the peace within the
Empire, was now no more, and his sons were yet of tender age.
The
late Emperor had been the last to reign over the whole Empire. And
even he, powerless to stay its decline, had been obliged to cede to the
Goths an extensive district within its borders. How important the
Teutonic element had grown can best be understood from the fact that
the Teutons not only furnished the best part of the troops, but also
SH Ix.
17-2
## p. 260 (#290) ############################################
260
Division of the Empire
[395
ever.
commanded the armies and held the highest appointments, both civil and
military. Now that Theodosius was dead, the Empire was divided for
At an age of hardly eighteen years his son Arcadius received the
Empire of the East under the guidance of Rufinus, who had in 394, during
the absence of Theodosius, been entrusted with the regency as well as
with the supreme direction of Arcadius. On 27 April 395, to Rufinus'
great vexation, the young Emperor married Eudoxia, who had been
brought to him by Eutropius, the eunuch of the palace. She was the
daughter of Bauto, the Frank who had played an important part under
Gratian and Valentinian. In the course of the same year Rufinus was most
cruelly slain by the soldiers whom Gaïnas had but recently led back to
Constantinople. After his death Eutropius stood in high favour with
the Emperor. He received the office of High Chamberlain (praepositus
sacri cubiculi) and later on the title patricius. The younger son
Honorius, who was in his eleventh year, received the Western Empire.
Stilicho was appointed his guardian and also regent. He had been
raised to the rank of magister utriusque militiae by Theodosius before his
death, and, as we saw, had married a niece of the Emperor. This
capable man was no doubt better fitted than any other to rule the
Empire in the spirit of Theodosius, and when the Emperor died it was
he who without delay hurried to the Rhine to receive homage for
Honorius from the Teuton tribes, even as far as the Batavi. Apparently
on this journey King Marcomir was delivered into his hands, and was
sent into exile to Tuscany. After this Stilicho immediately returned to
Italy.
Meanwhile the Visigoths had broken loose from Moesia. Those of
their tribesmen who had formerly accompanied Alaric to Transylvania
had joined them and chosen Alaric, whose power at that time, however,
was still limited, as leader in the coming war. This war was fraught
with danger for the Eastern Empire, for it appears that in the early
spring of 395 the whole mass of the Visigoths marched south towards
Constantinople. As before, there could of course be no question
of capturing the city, but the surrounding country was mercilessly
devastated. It is most probable that Rufinus, who paid repeated visits
to the hostile camp, bribed the enemy to retire. Alaric now made his way
along the coast to Macedonia and Thessaly. Near Larissa he encountered
Stilicho, who had left Italy with strong forces. These were the victorious
East-Roman soldiers, whom he was leading home to their own country,
hoping at the same time to win back Illyria for the Western Empire.
This province, though given to Theodosius by Gratian, was said to have
been restored by the former a short time before his death. Apparently
the Goths had first of all tried to gain the valley of the Peneus, the Vale
of Tempe ; but meeting with resistance, they had pushed on across the
eastern slopes of Olympus into Thessaly, where they barricaded them-
selves behind their wagons. Stilicho was on the point of attacking
## p. 261 (#291) ############################################
396–397
Alaric in Greece
261
them when he received a message from Arcadius, ordering him to dismiss
the army of the Eastern Empire, and himself return to Italy. If at
first sight this order seems strange, it is because we have long been
accustomed to see in Stilicho a disinterested statesman and general, who
dedicated his labour and personality to the family of Theodosius. This
disposition of Eastern Illyria, which Theodosius was supposed to have
made shortly before his death, is however very doubtful, and it is certain
that Stilicho had entertained personal ambitions with regard to that
province. Viewed in the light of these circumstances, the order from
Arcadius appears in a very different light, especially if to this is added
the fact that in the same year the Huns had broken through the gates
of the Caucasus at Baku on the Caspian Sea and reached Syria by way of
Armenia. There they laid siege to Antioch and proceeded thence to
Asia Minor. Ravages of every kind marked their way. In this situation
it was an absolute necessity for the welfare of the State that the army
should return to its own country. Stilicho obeyed the order, because, as
has justly been remarked, he was probably uncertain about the future
conduct of the East-Roman troops, a section of whom remained in
Greece under Gerontius' command to cover Thermopylae. Alaric, how-
ever, assisted perhaps by treachery, took possession of this famous pass
without difficulty. After this the Goths marched through Boeotia into
Attica. Here Alaric succeeded in seizing the Piraeus, and forced Athens
to capitulate by cutting off her supplies. It is probable that she escaped
pillage by the payment of a sum of money ; Alaric stayed for a short
time peacefully within her walls. From Athens the march of the Goths
was continued to Eleusis, where they ransacked the temple of Demeter,
and further to Megara, which was quickly taken. Gerontius had left the
entrance to the Peloponnesus undefended, and the Gothic hordes,
meeting with no resistance, broke like a torrent upon Corinth and thence
on Argos and Sparta. Many an ancient work of art must have perished
in this rush, but no mention is made of any systematic and wilful
destruction of the ancient monuments.
It is a curious fact, that after all this the East-Roman government
seems neither to have made war against the Huns, who had invaded
Asia, nor to have lent assistance to the Greeks, when Gerontius had so
utterly failed to do his duty at Thermopylae and the Isthmus. Help
came rather from another quarter, and primarily, it must be owned,
with a different purpose in view. Though Stilicho had returned to
Italy, he had been kept well informed about events in Greece. As he
himself had designs on East-Illyria, to which Epirus and Achaia
belonged, and as Alaric was to all appearances endeavouring to create an
independent sovereignty in these provinces, it was imperative for the
vicegerent of the West to interfere. In 397 he transported an army to
Greece, and, landing on the south side of Corinth, expelled the Goths
from Arcadia and surrounded them at Elis near the Alpheus on the
H. I.
## p. 262 (#292) ############################################
262
Revolt of Gaïnas
(
394-399
plateau of Pholoe. But no decisive battle was fought, for Stilicho was
not sufficiently master of his own troops, and just then the revolt of the
Moorish prince Gildo threatened to become a serious danger to the
Western Empire. Gildo had formerly been praefect of Mauretania and
had subsequently been raised to the office of magister utriusque militiae.
In the year 394 he began his revolt, whereby he intended to secure the
North coast of Africa as a dominion of his own, and in 397 he offered
Africa as a feudal province to the Eastern Empire, hoping thereby to
kindle war between the two Empires. In this predicament Stilicho
avoided a decisive encounter with the Goths. For the second time he
allowed his adversary to escape. He even concluded a treaty with
Alaric, which doubtless contained an alliance against the Eastern
Empire; for in these precarious circumstances the chief of the brave
Goths might possibly prove of great service to Stilicho in his ambitious
private policy. The effect of these conditions on the mutual relations
of the two Empires was soon apparent. At Constantinople Stilicho was
declared an enemy of the State, whilst in the Western Empire the
consulship of Eutropius, who had been nominated for 399 and had
entirely won the favour of Arcadius, was not acknowledged. Before his
death Theodosius had so arranged the division of the Empire that the
cohesion of the whole might for the future be firmly and permanently
secured. Thus the first deep cleft had been made in a union which
was already difficult to maintain. Neither Empire had a permanent
diplomatic representation ; only special embassies were sent from time
to time, so that unfounded suspicions were very likely to arise on
either side.
At this time, while Stilicho was sailing back in haste from Greece to
Italy to prepare for war against Gildo, the Goths made a raid into
Epirus, which they devastated in a terrible manner. At last the
government at Constantinople was roused sufficiently to make proposals
of peace to Alaric. In return for a sum of money and the position of
magister militum in Illyria, Alaric withdrew from the alliance with
Stilicho, made peace with the Eastern Empire and occupied Epirus,
which had been assigned to him, with his Gothic troops. Another
trouble for the Eastern Empire at this time arose from the large number
of Goths who served in the army, and more especially through their
leader Gaïnas. At his command they had killed Rufinus in 395.
When Eutropius did not reward him for his services with the high
military office he coveted, he joined a rebellion of his compatriot
Tribigild in Phrygia, against whom he had been sent out with an army.
For after the fall and execution of the powerful favourite Eutropius in
the summer of 399, a national movement was set on foot at Constan-
tinople, having for its object the abolition of foreign influence in the
high government offices ; Aurelianus, Eutropius' successor, was at the
head of this movement. But the Roman supremacy was not destined to
## p. 263 (#293) ############################################
400]
Revolts of Gaïnas and Gildo
263
be revived. The Gothic rebellion in Asia Minor grew more and more
alarming, and Arcadius was soon obliged to negotiate with Gaïnas.
During an interview with the Emperor, the Goth succeeded in obtaining
his nomination to the post of magister militum praesentalis and the
extradition of the three leaders of the national party, one of whom was
Aurelianus. On his subsequent return to the capital, Gaïnas could
consider himself master of the Empire, and as such demanded of the
Emperor a place of worship for the Arian Goths. But the famous
theologian and bishop, John Chrysostom, contrived to avert this danger
to the orthodox Church. But the power of Gainas was not to be of
long duration. When in July 400 he left the town with the majority
of the Goths, owing to a feeling of insecurity, the inhabitants rose
against those who had been left behind. At last no refuge remained to
them except the church they had lately been given. In its ruins they
were burned, as Gaïnas failed to come to their rescue in time to storm
the city. Gaïnas was declared a public enemy, and the pursuit was
entrusted to his tribesman Fravitta, who so far carried out his order that
he followed Gaïnas to Thrace and the Hellespont, and prevented him
from crossing to Asia. Eventually, at the end of the year 400, Gaïnas
was killed on the further side of the Danube by a chief of the Huns,
called Uldin, who sent his head to Constantinople.
Nothing is more characteristic of the impotence of the Eastern
Empire, than the revolt of this Gothic general, whose downfall was only
secured by a combination of favourable circumstances. The clever and
valiant Goth succumbed only to strangers ; the Empire itself had no
means to overthrow him.
Such were the conditions at the dawn of the new century; the last
twenty-five years of the old having brought nothing but war, poverty,
and depopulation to the Eastern Empire. It is true that for the
Western Empire the century had closed more favourably; the campaign
against Gildo especially had been prepared by Stilicho with characteristic
ability. This Moorish prince, after putting to death the sons of his
brother Mascezel, who had gone to Italy, had proceeded to conquer the
North of Africa. Only the large and fortified towns could resist his
ever-increasing power. He created great anxiety in Rome by cutting
off her African corn-supply; but the danger of a famine was averted by
Stilicho, who succeeded in having corn brought by sea from Gaul and
Spain. When his preparations for war were completed, Stilicho did not
at this critical time put himself at the head of the army, but resigned
the supreme command to Mascezel. The army was not large, but it
seems that Stilicho relied upon the skill of its commander for entering
into secret relations with the leaders of the enemy. Mascezel departed
for Africa, where the campaign was decided between Tebeste and
Ammedera on the Ardalio, a tributary of the Bagradas. Apparently no
real battle was fought, but Gildo's troops went over to the enemy
fled
or
CH. A.
## p. 264 (#294) ############################################
264
Stilicho's Position
[398–401
into the mountains. Gildo himself first tried to escape by sea, but
returned to land and soon after met his death at Tabraca. These wars
against the two rebels Gaïnas and Gildo so excited the imagination of
the contemporary world, that they formed the subject of many poetical
productions. Of these “The Egyptians or On Providence," a novel by
Synesius of Cyrene, and Claudian's “War against Gildo” are preserved.
With the year 401, however, there began for the Western Empire
a period similar to that which the Eastern Empire had already so
long endured. The Teutons began to press forward in dense masses
against the provinces of the Western Empire, which they had so long
spared, and finally effected the complete dissolution of that once so
mighty realm. But this time the disturbance did not proceed from the
Goths only; other tribes also were involved in the movement, which
could no longer be restrained, and the danger to the Empire grew in
proportion. In the first place Alaric had made use of the short time of
his alliance with the Eastern Empire to increase his power, chiefly by
re-arming his Goths from the Roman arsenals. His plan of founding an
independent kingdom for himself in Greece had failed, and it probably
seemed most tempting to him to transfer his attentions to Italy, whose
resources were not yet so completely drained by the Goths. No doubt
Stilicho ruled there with a firm hand. He had in 398 created for
himself an unassailable position by giving his daughter Maria, a mere
child, in marriage to the Emperor Honorius, who was then fourteen
years of age. But apparently Alaric did not fear the power of Stilicho,
.
who had twice allowed him to escape from a most critical position;
furthermore the Western Empire was just now engaged in a different
direction. In the year 401, the Vandals, who had long ago settled in
.
the regions between the Danube and the Theiss, began to grow restless.
On account of their increasing population the majority of them had
resolved to emigrate with their king Godigisel, retaining at the same
time the right of possession over their old dominions. They were joined
by Alani from Pannonia, and in the same year this new wave of migration
reached Rhaetia by way of Noricum. Stilicho at first opposed them,
but was eventually obliged to grant them territories in Noricum and
Vindelicia under the suzerainty of Rome, in return for which they bound
themselves to serve in the Roman army.
By this time Alaric had already left Epirus far behind and reached
Aquileia by way of Aemona and the Birnbaum forest. This invasion of
Italy by the barbarians caused great consternation; the fortifications of
Rome were repaired and strengthened, and the young Emperor Honorius
even contemplated an escape into Gaul. Venetia was already in the
enemy's hands, and the road to Milan was occupied by the Goths.
Honorius was staying in this city, Alaric naturally desired above all to
take possession of it. But Stilicho came to the rescue. He had rein-
forced his army with the Vandals and Alani with whom he had just
## p. 265 (#295) ############################################
402—406]
Battle of Pollentia
265
made
peace, and Alaric was forced to abandon the siege of Milan. He
now tried to gain the coast in order to reach Rome. With Stilicho at
his heels he turned to Ticinum and Hasta and thence to Pollentia.
Here (6 April 402) a battle was fought in the early stages of which it
seemed likely that the Romans would be defeated, as Saul, the Roman
general of the Alani, had begun the battle prematurely. But the appear-
ance of Stilicho with the main body of infantry changed the aspect of affairs.
The fight was continued until nightfall, but though the Romans were
left in possession of the field and took numerous prisoners, Stilicho can
hardly be said to have gained a victory. For Alaric's forces retreated in
perfect order and were able to continue their march on Rome. In this
crisis Stilicho was obliged to come to terms with Alaric. The Gothic
chief was raised to the rank of magister militum and promised to evacuate
Italy. For the future the two generals arranged to conquer Eastern
Illyria for the Western Empire. This treaty, which put a considerable
check on the movements of the Goths, is explained not only by the state
of affairs at that time, but also by the fact that Alaric's wife and
children had been made prisoners during the battle. The Goths now
left Italy, but remained close to the frontier, and made a fresh invasion
in 403. This time Alaric tried to lay siege to Verona, but was defeated
by Stilicho, and on trying to gain Rhaetia by way of the Brenner again
found himself in a very dangerous plight, from which he could only
extricate himself by concluding a new treaty with Stilicho against the
Eastern Empire. Probably it was at this juncture that Sarus the
Visigothic prince with his followers went over to Stilicho, a desertion
which must be ascribed to Stilicho's diplomatic skill. The uncertainty
of the situation may account for the very remarkable fact that Stilicho
suffered the enemy to escape so often from his fatal embrace. Be that
as it may, the Goths withdrew, and Stilicho could celebrate a brilliant
triumph with Honorius. Alaric, however, does not appear to have
returned to Epirus till much later, but remained for some time in the
neighbourhood of Illyria.
In the following year (405) the Ostrogoths and Vandals, the Alani
and the Quadi under the leadership of Radagaisus left their homes,
crossed the Alps, and descended into Italy. Their number, though much
exaggerated by contemporary historians, must have been considerable ;
for the hostile army marched through the North of the peninsula in
several divisions. Stilicho seems to have collected his troops at Pavia ;
the invasion happened at a very inopportune moment, as he was about to
carry out his designs on Eastern Illyria. This time, however, he quickly
succeeded in ridding himself of the enemy. He surrounded Radagaisus
who had attacked Florence, in the narrow valleys of the Apennines near
Faesulae, and destroyed a large part of his army. Radagaisus himself
was captured with his sons whilst trying to escape, and was shortly
afterwards executed. For this victory Stilicho's thanks were chiefly due
SH.
## p. 266 (#296) ############################################
266
Barbarian Invasion of Gaul
[
406
to two foreign generals, Sarus the Goth, and Uldin the Hun. In this
manner Italy had indeed been speedily saved from great danger, but at the
end of the next year (406) hostile hordes broke into Gaul with so much
the greater violence. It is very probable that this invasion, which was
undertaken by the Vandals, had some connexion with that of Radagaisus.
In conjunction with the Vandals were the Alani, who had recently formed
an alliance with them, and the Suevi, by whom we must understand the
Quadi, who had formerly dwelt north of the Vandals. This great tribal
migration, following the road along the Roman frontier (limes), reached
the river Main, where they met the Silingi, a Vandal tribe which had
gone westward with the Burgundians in the third century. These now
helped to swell the Vandal hordes, whilst a part of the Alani under the
leadership of Goar enlisted in the Roman army on the Rhine. Near this
river the Vandals were attacked by some Frankish tribes, who were
keeping guard on the frontier, in accordance with their treaty with
Stilicho. In the ensuing fight the Vandals suffered severe losses, their
king Godigisel being among the slain. On receiving this news the Alani
immediately turned about, and, led by their king Respendial, they
completely routed the Franks. On the last day of 406 this mass of
people crossed the Rhine at Mainz, which they invested and destroyed.
The march was continued by Trèves to Rheims, where the bishop
Nicasius was slain in his own church; thence to Tournai, Terouenne, Arras
and Amiens. From this point the journey proceeded through Gallia
Lugdunensis to Paris, Orleans, and Tours, and, passing through Aquitania
into Novempopulana, by Bordeaux to Toulouse, which the bishop
Exuperius saved from falling into the enemies' hands. But the fortified
passes of the Pyrenees put a stop to their further advance.
Thus Spain
remained unconquered for the present, and the Vandals now made their
way into the rich province of Narbonensis. The devastation of the
extensive provinces and the conquered cities of Gaul was terrible;
contemporary writers of prose and verse alike complain bitterly of the
atrocities committed by the barbarians in this unhappy country. The
oldest people could not remember so disastrous an invasion. The
weakness of the Empire is revealed by the absence of a Roman army to
oppose the Germans. Stilicho's policy was at that time directed towards
Illyria, and for this reason he probably found it impossible to come to
the assistance of Gaul.
This first great danger was soon followed by a second. The migration
of the Vandals had very likely caused the Burgundians along the middle
course of the Main to become restless ; they now began to bear down
upon the Alemanni on the lower Main. A part of the Burgundians had
perhaps intended to join the great migration of 406, for shortly after we
meet with them on the west side of the Rhine. The most important
result, however, was, that the Alemanni now entered on a campaign
against Roman Upper Germany, and conquered Worms, Speier, and
## p. 267 (#297) ############################################
406–407]
The usurper Constantine
267
a
The new
Strassburg. Here again the Empire failed to send help, and the allied
Franks remained quiet. Stilicho meanwhile collected an army in 406
and arranged a plan with Alaric, by which he could carry out his Illyrian
projects from Epirus. Already a Praefectus Praetorio for Illyria had
been nominated in the person of Jovius, when in the year 407 an event
occurred which threw everything else into the background. A new
emperor appeared on the scene. When a rumour had spread, that
Alaric was dead, the legions in Britain after two unsuccessful attempts?
proclaimed Constantine emperor. According to Orosius, he was
common soldier, but his name excited hopes for better times.
Emperor crossed over to Gaul without delay, where he was recognised by
the Roman troops throughout the country. He immediately pushed
forward into the districts along the Rhone, where, though he probably
concluded treaties with the Alemanni, Burgundians and Franks, he made
but little impression on the Teutons who had invaded the land. But
Stilicho had already sent the experienced general Sarus with an army
against him. In the neighbourhood of Valence, which Constantine had
made his temporary abode, his general Justinian was defeated and killed
in battle by Sarus. Another of the usurper's generals met his death soon
afterwards during an interview with the crafty Goth. When, however,
Constantine sent against him his newly appointed generals, the Frank
Edobic and the Briton Gerontius, Sarus abandoned the siege of Valence
and effected a passage into Italy by paying a sum of money to the
fugitive peasants called Bagaudae, who at that time held the passes of
the Western Alps. Stilicho joined Honorius at Rome to discuss the
serious situation. Constantine, however, directed his attention towards
Spain, evidently with a view to protect his rear before attacking Italy.
At the passes across the Pyrenees he met with energetic resistance from
Didymus, Verenianus, Theodosius, and Logadius, all relatives of the
Emperor. But Constantine’s son Constans soon overcame the enemy;
he captured Verenianus and Didymus, whilst Theodosius and Logadius
fed, the former to Italy, the latter to the East. After this, when
Constans had returned to Gaul in triumph, he entrusted the passes to
Gerontius, who was in command of the Honorians, a troop of barbarian
foederati. These, it appears, fulfilled their duty but indifferently, for
during the quarrels which ensued in the borderlands the Vandals, Alani
and Suevi, who had pushed on as far as southern Gaul, saw an oppor-
tunity of executing their design on Spain.
With these disturbances in Spain is generally connected a great rising
of the Celts in Britain and Gaul, which was directed against the
advancing Teutonic tribes as well as against the Roman rule, and in
which the Gaulish district of Armorica was specially concerned. Thus
1 First a man named Marcus and after him Gratian, a British official, had
been declared emperors ; both however were after a short time put to death by the
soldiers.
a
m. IX.
## p. 268 (#298) ############################################
268
Alaric
[408
was prepared in these provinces the separation from the Roman govern-
ment which had lasted for centuries, and at the same time Teutonic rule
superseded that of the Romans in Spain.
Meanwhile Alaric had not failed to profit by the violent disturbances
within the Western Empire. As Stilicho had neither undertaken the
campaign against Illyria nor met the demands of the Gothic soldiers
for their pay, Alaric believed himself entitled to deal a powerful blow
,
at the Western Empire. Stilicho had recently strengthened his relations
with the imperial house by a new link. The Empress Maria had died
.
early, still a virgin as rumour went, and Stilicho succeeded in persuading
the Emperor to marry his second daughter Thermantia. Now Alaric
tried to force his way into Italy. He had left Epirus and reached
Aemona. There he probably found the roads to the South barred; he
therefore crossed the river Aquilis and made his way to Virunum in
Noricum, whence he sent an embassy to Stilicho at Ravenna. The
ambassadors demanded the enormous sum of four thousand pounds of
gold as compensation for the long delay in Epirus and the present
campaign of the Goths. Stilicho went to Rome to discuss the matter
with the Emperor and the Senate. The majority of the Senate was
opposed to the concession of this demand and would have preferred war
with the Goths, but Stilicho's power in the assembly was still so great
that his opinion prevailed and the huge sum was paid. At this juncture
the rumour spread that the Emperor of the East was dead. Arcadius
had indeed died (1 May 408). This greatly altered the situation, for
Theodosius II, the heir to the Eastern throne, was but a child of seven.
Honorius now decided to go to Ravenna, but was opposed by Stilicho,
who wanted himself to inspect the troops there. But neither did
Stilicho succeed in dissuading Honorius nor could a mutiny among
the soldiers at Ravenna, which Sarus had promoted, induce the
Emperor to desist from his plan. Nevertheless he eventually diverged
from the route to Ravenna, and went to Bologna, where he ordered
Stilicho to meet him for the purpose of discussing the situation in
the East.
Stilicho's first concern at Bologna was to calm the agitation amongst
the soldiers and recommend the ringleaders to the Emperor's mercy ;
then he took counsel with Honorius. It was the Emperor's wish to go
in person to Constantinople and settle the affairs of the Eastern Empire,
but Stilicho tried to turn him from this purpose, pointing out that the
journey would cause too much expense, and that the Emperor could not
well leave Italy whilst Constantine was as yet powerful and residing
at Arles. Honorius bent his will to the prudent counsel of his great
statesman, and it was resolved that Stilicho should go to the East, whilst
Alaric was sent with an army to Gaul against Constantine. Stilicho,
however, neither departed for the East nor did he gather together the
troops which remained assembled at Pavia, and were ill-disposed towards
a
## p. 269 (#299) ############################################
408]
Fall of Stilicho
269
him. Meanwhile a cunning Greek, the chancellor Olympius, profited by
the change in the Emperor's feelings towards his great minister. Under
the mask of Christian piety he secretly intrigued against Stilicho in
order to undermine his position. Thus Olympius accompanied the
Emperor to Pavia and on this occasion spread the calumnious report,
that Stilicho intended to kill the child Theodosius and put his own son
Eucherius on the throne. The storm now gathered over Stilicho's head.
The prelude to the catastrophe, however, took place at Pavia.
When the Emperor had arrived with Olympius at this town, the
latter made an exhibition of his philanthropy by visiting the sick
soldiers; probably his real object was to gather the threads of the
conspiracy which he had already spun and to weave them further. On
the fourth day Honorius himself appeared among the troops and tried
to inspire them with enthusiasm for the fight against Constantine. At
this moment Olympius gave a sign to the soldiers, and, in accordance
with a previous arrangement, they threw themselves upon all the high
military and civil officers present, who were supposed to be Stilicho's
adherents. Some of them escaped to the town, but the soldiers rushed
through the streets and killed all the unpopular dignitaries. The
slaughter continued under the very eyes of the Emperor, who had
withdrawn at first but reappeared without his royal robes and tried to
check the mad fury of the soldiers. When the Emperor, fearing for his
own life, had a second time retired, Longinianus, the Praefectus Praetorio
for Italy, was also slain. News of this horrible mutiny reached Stilicho
at Bologna. He at once summoned all the generals of Teutonic race in
whose loyalty alone he could still trust. It was decided to attack the
Roman army, should the Emperor himself have been killed. When,
however, Stilicho learned that the mutiny had not been directed against
Honorius, he resolved to abstain from punishing the culprits, for his
enemies were numerous and he was no longer sure of the Emperor's
support. But to this the Teuton generals would not agree, and Sarus
even went so far as to have Stilicho's Hunnic body-guard killed during
the night. Stilicho now betook himself to Ravenna, and to this town
Olympius despatched a letter from the Emperor, addressed to the army,
with the order to arrest Stilicho and keep him in honourable custody.
During the night Stilicho took refuge in a church to secure the right of
sanctuary; but in the morning the soldiers fetched him away, solemnly
assuring him that his life was safe. Then a second letter from the
Emperor was read, which condemned Stilicho to death for high-treason.
The fallen man might still have saved his life by appealing to the
Teuton soldiers, who were devoted to him, and would readily have
fought for him. But he made no attempt to do so, probably to preserve
the Empire from a civil war, which would have been fatal at this time.
Without resistance he offered his neck to the sword. In him the Roman
Empire (23 August 408) lost one of its most prominent statesmen, and
a
CH. .
## p. 270 (#300) ############################################
270
Alaric in Italy
[408
at the same time one of its ablest generals, one who had been in command
of the army for twenty-three years.
Without doubt we should consider the fall of Stilicho as a mani-
festation of a national Roman reaction against the ever-increasing
Teutonic influence within the Empire, a reaction proceeding from the
political party which saw in the removal of the barbarians the salvation
of Rome. Whether this party was right or not, they certainly had acted
most unwisely, for Olympius, the successor to Stilicho's position, turned
his power to very foolish account. Even the severest tortures could not
wring from Stilicho's friends and followers the confession desired by
Olympius, that the executed minister had aspired to the imperial throne.
And still more injudicious was the edict by which all those who had
attained high office under Stilicho's administration forfeited their
property to the State. But most
But most incomprehensible of all was the fact
that the Roman soldiers were allowed to wander about murdering and
robbing the families of the Teuton troops in Italy. The consequence
was that thousands of these soldiers deserted, and went over to Alaric.
Thermantia was sent back to her mother Serena by Honorius, who also
sentenced Eucherius to death. But as the latter had escaped to Rome
and taken refuge in a church, he was left unmolested for a time.
Shortly afterwards, however, he was murdered by two eunuchs who were
rewarded by high offices in the State.
Alaric's opportunity had arrived, now that the Empire had of its
own free will lost the services of its great leader. At first the Gothic
chief tried to maintain the peace. He sent ambassadors to the Emperor
with the message that he would adhere to the treaties made with Stilicho,
if he received a moderate payment of money, and that if an exchange of
hostages were effected, he would withdraw his troops from Noricum to
Pannonia. Although Honorius rejected Alaric's proposals for a peaceful
arrangement, he did not take any active steps to ensure success in the
campaign which had now become inevitable. Instead of entrusting to
Sarus the command of the troops against Alaric, Olympius bestowed it
on two men who were faithfully devoted to him but absolutely devoid of
merit. This time Alaric did not tarry long. However, as the campaign
promised to assume greater dimensions, he sent for reinforcements from
his brother-in-law Ataulf, who was stationed in Upper Pannonia with
Hunnic and Gothic troops. Without waiting for Ataulf's arrival, Alaric
marched to Aquileia and thence westward to Cremona, where he crossed
the Po, without meeting with the slightest resistance. Then the Goths
proceeded south-east from Placentia to Ariminum, leaving Ravenna
unmolested, and through Picenum, until they arrived before Rome
without opposition. When Alaric surrounded the city the Senate
believed Serena, Stilicho's widow, to be in connivance with him, and as
Placidia, the sister of Honorius, was of the same opinion, Serena was put
to death. This act of violence had, of course, no influence upon Alaric's
## p. 271 (#301) ############################################
408–409]
Alaric's negotiations with Honorius
271
policy; on the contrary the investment of the city was carried on with
greater vigour than before. As the Goths also blockaded the Tiber, the
city was cut off from all supplies, and soon famine broke out. No help
came from Ravenna, and when the distress in the city was at its highest
ambassadors were sent to the hostile camp to ask for moderate terms.
At first Alaric demanded the surrender of all the gold and silver in the
city, inclusive of all precious movable goods, and the emancipation of all
Teuton slaves, but in the end he lowered his demand to an imposition,
which, however, was still so heavy that it necessitated the confiscation of
the sacred treasures stored in the temples. After this he withdrew his
troops from Rome and went into the neighbouring province of Tuscany
where he collected around his standard a great number of slaves, who had
escaped from Rome. But even in this situation Honorius declined the
negotiations for peace which were now urged by Alaric and the Senate
alike.
This temporising policy could not but bring ruin upon Italy, the
more so, as at the beginning of 409 ambassadors came to treat with
Honorius about the recognition of Constantine. The usurper had
raised his son Constans, who had returned from Spain to Gaul, to the
dignity of a co-emperor, and had had the two cousins of Honorius put
to death. The Emperor, who entertained hopes that they were still
alive and counted upon assistance from Constantine against Alaric, no
longer withheld his recognition, and even sent him an imperial robe.
During this time Olympius did not shew himself in any way equal to the
situation, but continued to persecute those whom he believed to be
Stilicho's adherents. Honorius now ordered a body of picked troops
from Dalmatia to come to the protection of Rome. These six thousand
men, however, under their leader Valens were on their way surprised by
Alaric, and all of them but one hundred were cut down. A second
Roman embassy, in which the Roman bishop Innocent took part, and
which was escorted by troops furnished by Alaric, was now sent to the
Emperor. In the meantime Ataulf had at last made his way from
Pannonia across the Alps, and although an army sent by the Emperor
caused him some loss, probably near Ravenna, his junction with Alaric
could not be prevented. Now at last a general outcry against Olympius,
who had shewn himself so utterly incompetent, arose at the imperial
Court. The Emperor was forced to give in and depose his favourite,
and after this he at length inclined his ear to more peaceful proposals.
When, however, the Gothic chief in an interview with the Praefectus
Praetorio Jovius at Ariminum demanded not only an annual subsidy of
money and corn, but also the cession of Venetia, Noricum and Dalmatia,
and when moreover the same Jovius in a letter to the Emperor proposed
that Alaric should be raised to the rank of a magister utriusque militiae,
because it was hoped that this would induce him to lower his
terms, Honorius refused everything and was determined to go to war.
а
H. .
## p. 272 (#302) ############################################
272
Attalus Emperor
[410
Apparently this bellicose mood continued, for shortly afterwards a fresh
embassy from Constantine appeared at the Court, promising Honorius
speedy support from British, Gaulish, and Spanish soldiers.
Even
Jovius had allowed himself to be persuaded by the Emperor and together
with other high officials had taken an oath on pain of death never to
make peace with Alaric.
At first all seemed to go well ; Honorius levied 10,000 Huns for his
army, and to his great satisfaction found that Alaric himself was inclined
to peace and was sending some Italian bishops as ambassadors to him.
Of his former conditions he only maintained the cession of Noricum and
a subsidy of corn, the amount of which was to be left to the Emperor's
decision. He requested Honorius not to allow the city of Rome, which
had ruled the world for more than thousand years, to be sacked and
burnt by the Teutons. There can be no doubt that the Goths were
forced by the pressure of circumstances to offer these conditions. But
Honorius was prevented from complying with them by Jovius, who is
said to have pleaded the sanctity of the oath which he and others had
taken. Alaric now had recourse to a simple device in order to attain
the object of his desires. As he could not out of consideration for the
Goths aspire to the imperial crown himself, he caused an emperor to be
proclaimed. In order to put this proclamation into effect he marched to
Rome, seized the harbour of Portus and told the Senate of his intention
to divide among his troops all the corn which he found stored there,
should the city refuse to obey his orders. The Senate gave in, and in
.
compliance with Alaric's wish Attalus was raised to the throne.
a Roman of noble descent, who had been given a high government post
by Olympius and shortly afterwards made praefect of the city by
Honorius. Attalus thereupon raised Alaric to the rank of magister
militum praesentalis, and Ataulf to that of comes domesticorum; but he
gave them each a Roman colleague in their office, and Valens was made
magister militum, while Lampadius, an enemy of Alaric, became praefect
of the city. On the next day Attalus delivered a high-flown oration in
the Senate, boasting that it would be a small matter for him and the
Romans to subjugate the whole world. Soon, however, his relations with
Alaric became strained. Formerly he had been a heathen, but though
he now accepted the Arian faith and was baptised by the Gothic bishop
Sigesar, he not only openly slighted the Goths but also, disregarding
Alaric's advice to send a Gothic army under Druma to Africa, despatched
the Roman Constans with troops ill-prepared for war to that country.
Africa was at that time held by Heraclian, one of Honorius' generals, the
murderer of Stilicho, and the province required the Emperor's whole
attention, as the entire corn supply of Rome depended upon its
possession.
Attalus himself now marched against Honorius at Ravenna. The
latter, who had already contemplated an escape to the East, sent Attalus
He was
## p. 273 (#303) ############################################
410]
Sack of Rome
273
a message to the effect that he would consent to acknowledge him as
co-emperor. Attalus replied, through Jovius, that he would order
Honorius to be mutilated and banish him to some remote island, besides
depriving him of his imperial dignity. At this critical moment, however,
Honorius was saved by four thousand soldiers of the Eastern Empire,
who disembarked at Ravenna and came to his assistance. When the
news arrived that the expedition against Heraclian in Africa had proved
a complete failure and that Rome was again exposed to a great famine,
owing to this victory of Honorius' arms, Attalus and Alaric abandoned
the siege of Ravenna. Alaric turned against Aemilia where he took
possession of all the cities except Bologna, and then advanced in a north-
westerly direction towards Liguria. Attalus on the other hand hastened
to Rome to take counsel with the Senate about the pressing African
question. The majority of the assembly decided to send an army of
Gothic and Roman troops to Africa under the command of the Goth
Druma, but Attalus opposed the plan. This brought about his fall;
for when Alaric heard of it he returned, stripped Attalus of the diadem
and purple at Ariminum and sent both to Honorius. He did not,
however, leave the deposed Emperor to his fate, but kept him and his
son Ampelius under his protection till peace had been concluded with
Honorius. Placidia, Honorius' sister, was also in Alaric's keeping. If
we may believe Zosimus, she was brought from Rome as a kind of hostage
by Alaric, who, however, granted her imperial honours.
The deposition of Attalus in May or June 410 was the starting-point
for renewed negotiations for peace between Alaric and the Emperor, in
the course of which the former perhaps claimed a part of Italy for himself.
But the peaceful propositions were nipped in the bud by the Goth Sarus.
He was hostile to Alaric and Ataulf; at that time he lay encamped in
Picenum. Under pretence of being menaced by Ataulf's strong body of
troops, he went over to the Emperor and violated the truce by an attack
on the Gothic camp.
Alaric now marched for the third time against
Rome, doubtless firmly resolved to punish the Emperor for his duplicity
by thoroughly chastising the city, and to establish at last a kingdom of
The investment by the Goths caused another terrible famine
in the city, and at last, during the night preceding 24 August 410, the
Salarian gate was treacherously opened. Then followed a complete sack
of the city, which did not, however, degenerate into mere wanton
destruction, especially as it only lasted three days. The deeds of
violence and cruelty which are mentioned more particularly in the writings
of contemporary Christians were probably for the greater part committed
by the slaves, who, as we know, had flocked to the Goths in great
numbers. As early as 27 August the Goths left Rome laden with
enormous spoil, and marched by Capua and Nola into southern Italy.
For Alaric, who had probably borne the title of king already for a con-
siderable time, had resolved to go to Africa by way of Sicily, and gain
his own.
C. BD. H. v0L. I. GH, Ix.
18
## p. 274 (#304) ############################################
274
Barbarian Conquest in Spain
[ 409-412
the dominion of Italy by the possession of that rich province. But when
part of the army had embarked at Rhegium, his ships were scattered and
destroyed by a storm. Alaric, therefore, turned back ; but on the way
north was seized by an illness which proved fatal before the end of the
year 410. He was laid to rest in the river Basentus (Busento) near
Cosentia. A large number of slaves were employed in first diverting the
course of the river and then bringing it back into its former channel after
the dead king and his treasures had been buried. In order that nobody
might ever know the burial place, all the slaves who had been employed
in the labour were killed. Ataulf was now elected king. He seems at
first to have thought of carrying out the plans of his brother-in-law,
Alaric; but on further consideration of the great power of Heraclian in
Africa, he abandoned them and resolved rather to lead the Goths against
Gaul. It is possible that on his march northward he again sacked Rome,
and he certainly married Placidia before he withdrew from Italy. He
invaded Gaul in 412, and in that year commenced the war which was
waged so long by the Teutons against the Roman supremacy in that
country.
A little earlier a similar struggle had begun in Spain, which
resulted in the victory of the barbarians. In the autumn of 409 the
Vandals, Alani, and Suevi had penetrated into Spain, tempted thither
no doubt by the treasures of that rich country and by the greater
security of a future settlement there. The course followed by those
tribes was towards the west of the peninsula, first of all passing through
Galicia and Lusitania. Constans, on leaving Spain, had certainly made
an unfortunate choice in appointing Gerontius praefect; for not only
did this official allow the Teutons to enter the country but he tried at the
same time to put an end to Constantine's rule, by deserting him and
causing one of his own followers, Maximus, to be proclaimed emperor.
Circumstances even forced Gerontius into an alliance with the barbarians.
For when Constans returned to Spain, the usurper could only drive him
out of the country by making common cause with the Teutons.
Gerontius followed Constans to Gaul, invested him at Vienne, and put
him to death at the beginning of 411. He then turned his attention to
Constantine, who concentrated his forces at Arles. But Honorius had
by now recovered sufficiently to make war against Constantine. For
that purpose he sent the Roman Constantius and a Goth named Wulfila
with an army to Gaul. When Gerontius advanced to meet them, his
soldiers deserted him and joined the imperial troops. He himself met
his death shortly afterwards in a burning house, whilst Maximus
succeeded in escaping. This sealed the fate of Constantine; for
Constantius and Wulfila defeated the army of the Frank Edobic,
who came to render him assistance. Constantius then proceeded to
besiege Arles, which for a considerable time withstood his efforts, but
eventually surrendered on conditions to the general of Honorius. The
## p. 275 (#305) ############################################
411]
Constantius
275
reason for this was that Constantius had heard that Guntiarius, king of
the Burgundians, and Goar, king of the Alani, had raised the Gaulish
noble Jovinus to the imperial throne at Mainz, and in these circum-
stances he deemed it necessary to offer easy terms of capitulation to
Constantine. The usurper submitted; but on the way to Ravenna he
and his youngest son were killed by Honorius' command. His head was
brought to Ravenna (18 Sept. 411). Meanwhile Jovinus with an army
consisting of Burgundians, Franks, and Alemanni had marched south-
ward, apparently in the belief that the critical situation of the Empire,
which was at war with both Goths and Vandals, would facilitate a rapid
extension of his power.
In these circumstances it was an easy matter for the Teutons who
had invaded Spain to spread over a large part of the peninsula.
