2 In 1081 the Emperor Henry IV
promises
to appoint no fresh Marquess of
Tuscany without the assent of twelve Pisans to be elected in the commune colloquium.
Tuscany without the assent of twelve Pisans to be elected in the commune colloquium.
Cambridge Medieval History - v5 - Contest of Empire and the Papacy
214 (#260) ############################################
1
214
Growth of collective action
firmed their local customs and privileges; and when Count Nanno of
Verona, acting as imperial missus, tried the case of Ratherius, the saintly
and fractious Veronese Bishop, he appealed formally for their opinion to
the townsmen (urbani) gathered en masse before him. Their answer, if
expressed (so the bishop says) with “porcine clamour," was articulate
and resulted in Ratherius' deposition. In both these cases, however, the
breach between citizens and bishop remains personal, not constitutional,
in its nature, for neither at Verona nor at Milan did the prelate exercise
the powers of a count in his city. But a deliberate effort to replace the
bishop in some of his governmental rights appears at Cremona, where he
was endowed with comital authority over the city and a radius of five
miles round it. In 996 the Emperor Otto III granted to the free citizens,
“rich and poor," the absolute use of their common rights of pasture and
of the river-transit in the contado as well as the State rights annexed
thereto. The bishop, Ulric, when he heard of the grant, was up in arms,
for his were the profitable dues and tolls affected; and soon the unpre-
cedented diploma was quashed.
Thus we can sum up the results of the Ottonian peace on the cities.
More populous, more wealthy, more secure, their embryonic institutions
were allowing them to act collectively, however heterogeneous their
popu-
lation of nobles, great and small, and plebeians might be. As a rule,
doubtless, their bishop was still their protector, the nucleus round which
their rudimentary assemblies could cohere. At this very time, in the
transaction of the bishopric's secular affairs we find the bishop surrounded
by a council which included lay vassals of his and notables, and the steward
of his lands, the vicedominus, was in many cases becoming lay and heredi-
tary. But if such incidents as that of Cremona were exceptions which
chequered a usually good understanding, they nevertheless go to shew
the sense of an independent corporate existence among the citizens, that
they were not merely the prolongation of the bishop's shadow. Pisa,
early mature through her shipping, could wage a city-war with neigh-
bouring Lucca in 1004, and in the same year King Henry II was receiving
hostages and collective oaths of fealty from the Lombard towns! . Com-
munes and consuls there were none as yet, but notables and assemblies
could already act in concert, though all the powers of State-government,
strictly speaking, still belonged to imperial or feudal officials. The
slowness of the change may have been partly due to the fact that
some of these officials or vassals were the leading notables of the town.
In fact, the impulse to association and to the formation of local custom
was shewing itself even in the feudal countryside, especially in the little
towns (castelli) which grew out of the castles of refuge. These were co-
operative from the start, in spite of the extreme inequality in the rights
1 Adalbold, Vita Heinrici, 41, MGH, Script. iv, p. 693: “Civitates etiam, ad
quas rex nondum venerat, obsides ultro transmittunt fidemque debitam per sacra-
menta promittunt. "
1
## p. 215 (#261) ############################################
The castelli: the boni homines
215
and status of their denizens, ranging from few lords to many oppressed
serfs. The evidence for them, indeed, mostly dates from a later time, but
it still allows us to draw some conclusions as to their earlier existence,
and as to the economic necessities which compelled some collective action
within them. Like the tiny vicinanze they possessed common rights to
pastures and woods; there was watch to be kept on the walls, and neces-
sary repairs of their fabric; and a chief-watchman (portinarius) to be
appointed by common consent of the feudal lord and his subjects of all
degrees. In the rare cases when there was no lord or compossessing family
of signori, the denizens stepped into his place, as we can see in a unique
diploma of Otto II in 983 to the men of Lazise on Lake Garda. These
eighteen men, who seem to be merely the chief free men of the castello,
receive collectively the right to levy tolls and dues, as if they were feudal
magnates. They had outrun their city neighbours in this prophetic grant
because no feudal lord stood between them and the Emperor.
A variant of these primitive arrangements of the north Italian towns
may be seen in the contemporary institutions of Venice, where the con-
tinued connexion with the East Roman Empire led both to the earlier
foundation of a republican government and to its retention of a quasi-
monarchical administration. In Venice ultimate power resided in the
tumultuary mass-meeting of the citizens, the arengo, which elected the
Doge, and approved peace and war and the most important State decisions.
The Doge (Dux), as befitted the lineal successor of a Byzantine provincial
governor, with the aid of his nominees exercised the whole executive, but
around him in his solemn court for judgment and consultation gathered
the notables, clerical and lay, the maiores, mediocres, et minores citizens.
These boni homines, as they were often called, among whom naturally the
landowners (at Venice identical with the chief shippers) predominated,
formed a kind of representation of the community, and their presence
was practically necessary to an act of State.
In every circumscription in the Regnum Italicum, whether vicinantia,
plebs, or comitatus, the boni homines, or notables, appear. They were
assessors in the courts, witnesses of deeds, arbitrators in voluntary juris-
diction, advisers of the higher authorities, interpreters of local custom.
They were not a noble class, but in the city were normally free landholders,
preferably of some rank. Among them would be the iudices (the legal
experts, earlier called scabini), the holders of curtes (manors) within the
walls, and a selection of lesser nobles and freemen who had become well-
to-do in trade. It was the boni homines, a composite collection of notables
long-practised in local affairs, who were to be the animating nucleus of
the future commune.
The first movement towards city-autonomy, strictly speaking, seems
to have taken place in southern Italy. There, outside the limits of the
Regnum Italicum, among warring, fragmentary states and laxly-held
Byzantine territories, the notables, with the active or passive assent of
)
CH. V.
## p. 216 (#262) ############################################
216
Proto-communes in the south
the population, could form a more or less comprehensive league of towns-
men and extort, or take unheeded, from their sovereign part at least of
the functions of government. “Facta est communitas prima," we read in
the Annals of Benevento under 1015'. The pact of Sergius IV, Duke of
Naples, with his subjects c. 1030 recognises such a societas, though per-
haps of nobles only, and engages that peace or war shall not be declared,
nor customs changed, nor a noble tried, save with the consent of the
nobles. Still earlier, during the minority of their Duke Atenolf II, c. 1000,
the nobles and boni homines of Gaeta obtained a share in political power.
The participation of the wealthy shippers in the government of Amalfi
was at least as large. All these towns, however, were the capitals of
hereditary princes; and more real communal forms are to be dimly
discerned in the restless cities of Apulia under the weak Byzantine rule.
Thus at Bari the Fraternitas Sanctae Mariae, headed by the archbishop,
appears to have taken a leading part in the faction-fights, defence, and
effective government of the town. The city of Troia enjoyed practical
autonomy, at the price of a tribute, from its foundation by the catapan
Boioannes in 1018. Assembled in the bishop's court, the chief citizens
(seniores and boni homines) chose their judge and turmarch (commander-
in-chief) and directed affairs. In these Apulian proto-communes, the
scanty evidence gives the impression that they were more strictly oligarchic
in character than their congeners in the north. The bishop and the
nobiliores homines seem to act for their fellow-citizens with no appeal to
a city-assembly. It was a difference more in form than in substance,
which was due perhaps to Byzantine, anti-popular influences, and in any
case was obliterated by the appearance of an assembly when in the twelfth
century the Apulian cities take rank as full-fledged, but definitely subject,
universitates under the Norman dukes.
The fact, however, that the Apulian towns fell under Norman rule
before their institutions were fully developed, separates them sharply from
the city-states of North Italy, which in fact, if not in theory, were in
their maturity independent republics. In the eleventh century the northern
towns were only in process of attaining internal solidarity and self-
government. There it was only gradually, and so to say blindly, through
many tentative variations, that the sworn league (coniuratio), which
appears perhaps as early as the tenth century among sections of the
bourgeoisie, coalesces with the city-assembly in a commune. We may
assume, arguing from later custom, that it was probably the city-assembly,
the mass-meeting of inhabitants, which took the collective oath of fealty
to Henry II in 1004, and at Ivrea to Marquess Ulric-Manfred II of Turin
1 Annales Beneventani (S. Sophiae), BISI, 42, p. 131. The coniuratio secundo of
1041(2) (ibid. p. 135) gives a valuable light on the meaning of communitas and the
method of forming a commune.
2 For the term coniuratio for the league of the Milanese c. 980 against Arch-
bishop Landolf II is only used by the chronicler Arnulf (c. 1070).
## p. 217 (#263) ############################################
Classes in the northern cities
217
c. 1016 in terms which hint at the process by which the sworn association
long after became identical with the city-state? . But the special protection
which Henry II granted in 1014 to omnes maiores homines dwelling in
the castello (borough) of Savona, and to cunctos arimannos dwelling in
the city of Mantua, can only refer to definite classes of the population.
Leaving aside, however, such a special kind of landholder as the arimannus
of the eleventh century, we find the population of the north Italian cities
falling into three main divisions, the capitanei, the valvassores minores
or secundi milites, and the plebeians? , i. e. roughly speaking, the barons,
the knights and squires, and the non-nobles. The two first classes were
by no means composed solely of nobles who held manors or fiefs in the
city proper. A large number of the countryside nobles resided for a part
of the year within the walls. This was an immemorial custom in town-
loving Italy, and had been given a stronger hold by the barbarian ravages
of the tenth century. In consequence in the early class-warfare we cannot
precisely distinguish in their case between town and country, nor can we
indeed draw any hard and fast line of demarcation in later times. The
plebeians, however, when town-bred, are townsmen only. A further
characteristic of these nobles, and indeed of their times, is the rapid
multiplication when once devastation and anarchy had been removed by
the Ottonian peace. It was favoured by the room made by previous de-
population, and by the practice of compossession, or at the least of equal
subdivision of inheritances, which was all but universal in Italy. Thus
the families of capitanei already amounted to a respectable fighting force,
especially as they were at the head of numerous masnadieri (to use a later
term) or unfree retainers, while the lesser vavassors were naturally very
numerous. In the end, indeed, both classes in the countryside were
impoverished by their own numerousness. The twelfth-century cattani
(capitanei) of Tuscany were often little better than small country squires,
and there the term Lombardi occasionally comes to mean groups of freed
masnadieri as well as survivors of the older nobility.
The habit of sworn associations among classes of the population first
comes clearly to light in the war (1035-1037) between the capitanei of
the Milanese province, headed by Archbishop Aribert, and the lesser
vavassors, in which the vavassors, partly by the aid of the Emperor
Conrad II, finally gained the dayHenceforward the minor nobility
had the same security of tenure (i. e. practically the full property) of their
fiefs as their privileged suzerains. The opposition, however, remained
between the two orders, occasioned by difference of wealth and status,
1 “Communiter cives sibi iurare fecit. ” Bloch, Neu. Arch. xxii, 17. Cf. the
acceptance by the Lodese c. 1027 of a new bishop on the nomination of Archbishop
Aribert of Milan: “in commune deliberant suscipiendum episcopum. ” Arnulfus
Mediol. 11, 7.
2 Cf.
supra, Vol. 11, Chaps. VII, pp. 174–5, x, p. 221, xi, p. 265. The term val-
vassor became appropriated to the valvassores minores in common usage.
3 See supra, Vol. 111, Chap. xi, pp. 265-7.
CH, V.
## p. 218 (#264) ############################################
218
The coniuratio of Milan (1037): the carroccio
1
1
1
and even of profession, as commerce increased and some minor nobles
became traders; and to it was added the enmity between both and the
third class, the plebeians, or to use the later vernacular name, the popolani,
whose leaders were naturally the merchants, negotiatores. The rise of the
plebeians was indeed intimately connected with the increase of population
and trade. Italy produced more; her consumption of necessaries, such
as salt and cloth, and of luxuries, e. g. silk and spices, was greater. From
her seaport towns, along the natural arteries of the Lombard rivers, over
the chief Alpine passes, the transport of foreign and native wares grew
in volume. Her manufactures, such as they were, began to flourish with
the enlarged home and foreign demand, trivial indeed if we compare
present-day statistics, but highly wealth-bringing then. There was already
noticeable a drift of peasants to the cities where such gains and compara-
tive freedom were to be had. We may almost say that these plebeians
were recruited for two centuries from the enterprising and adventurous.
The life of the Italian cities, and later of their communes, was almost
inextricably intertwined with their church and its head, the bishop.
Civic patriotism, religious emotion, and the ordinary transactions of life,
the market and the festival, all clustered round the city-saints and their
fanes, and it is barely possible to define the relative shares of the religious,
the political, or the economic motive. When Aribert was imprisoned by
the Emperor Conrad during the war of the vavassors, a mixture of civic,
religious, and even national enthusiasm swept over the Milanese. The
citizens, with the exception we may assume of the vavassors then with-
drawn to the countryside, rushed to arms, were enraptured at their arch-
bishop's escape, and successfully withstood an imperial siege! Whether
the league? on this occasion strictly included more than capitanei may
be doubted, but the practical co-operation of the plebeians is none the
less clear. It only required the peace between capitanei and vavassors for
them to form a party of their own. Already Aribert had invented the
standard of the future commune, which became the emblem of civic liberty
all over North Italy. Round the carroccio, the ox-drawn waggon with
its pole and flag, the citizens henceforth rallied in battle.
Aribert had not long been reconciled with the Emperor Henry III,
when the new development took place at Milan. Whatever grudges
existed between capitanei and vavassors, they united in insolence to the
plebeians. The ancient authority of the Marquess-Count of Milan, an
Otbertine, had decayed, the Archbishop was himself the greatest of the
capitanei by blood, and the oppression of many noble tyrants became
intolerable. In 1042 the explosion came when a plebeian was slain by a
knight in a private quarrel. The ever-enduring feuds among the nobles
were to be a continual advantage to the popolani, and now the people
1 See supra, Vol. 111, Chap. xi, pp. 266-7.
2 Wipo, Gesta Chuonradi, xxxv, "tumultus. . . populi Mediolanensis quaerentis ab
imperatore si vellet favere coniurationi eorum. "
## p. 219 (#265) ############################################
Lanzo and Erlembald of Milan
219
found a leader in the capitaneus and jurist Lanzo, notary and iudex Sacri
Palatii. With slaughter and rapine the whole body of nobles was driven
out; Aribert himself, no longer a popular idol, decamped; and a new siege
was endured for three years with fierce heroism until weariness, the
threatened intervention of Henry III, and the statesmanship of Lanzo
led to an accommodation in 1044. The nobles returned under terms of
mutual oblivion of the past, but “the state of the city and its Church
had been changed. "1 Henceforward the plebeians form a separate power,
and the curious tripartite constitution of the later Milanese commune
had begun. Henry III, perhaps, thought to take a middle course when
he appointed a vavassor, Guido, to succeed Aribert as archbishop, but
neither the fissure between classes was to be healed, nor the instinct for
self-government to be conjured, by the fact that the archbishop was not
formidable either by birth or character.
None the less, we still find the archbishop taking the lead in the next
corporate act of his city, the war of Milan with Pavia in 1059; it needed
the convulsion of the religious struggle lasting over twenty years from
1056 to shatter finally the archiepiscopal authority, as that of the
marquess, last effectively exercised shortly after Guido's accession, had
long been made obsolete. The strife, however, not only ousted the arch-
bishop from power; it enabled a real commune to be formed by merging
class-distinctions in religious factions. If the conservatives, who upheld
the autonomy and ancient usages of the see of St Ambrose, included
most of the nobles, and the reformers had a majority among the plebeians,
especially among the poorest class, from which their derisive name of
Patarines,“ rag-pickers," was derived, yet the reforming leaders who led
the agitation for clerical celibacy and the abolition of simony belonged
to noble houses, and had many associates of their own rankThe greatest
of them, the capitaneus Erlembald, taught autonomy to his fellow-citizens.
The lean, red-bearded man, with his flashing eyes, could carry with him
any assembly, great or small, and dominated the people by his oratory.
A council (or was it an executive committee? ) of thirty surrounded him,
but in these times of revolution the arengo played a part it never did in
the settied constitution. When that was really established in Milan we
do not know, but in 1097 we find the first mention of the consuls of the
citys; and the existence of consuls implies that of the commune of which
they were the elected rulers.
Every commune had its peculiar features, due to its local charac-
teristics and local history, and Milan was especially marked by the share
the nobles of the countryside took in the commune from the start, and
1 Arnulfus Mediol. 11, 18, “adeo execrandum. . . ut. . . immutatus sit status urbis
et ecclesiae. ” That nobles and plebeians each formed sworn leagues is implied by
"partium fiunt iuramenta quam plurima. ”
2 See supra, Chap. 1, p. 40.
3 “Actum in ciuitate Mediolani in consulatu ciuium" in a Cremonese document
(P. Del Giudice, Di un recente opuscolo ecc. See Bibliography 111). Çf. Gli Atti del
comune di Milano, Introd. pp. xxviii-xxxi.
CH. V.
## p. 220 (#266) ############################################
220
Foundation of the communes
by the strict division of orders in the state. An unusual number of
nobles from at least three surrounding counties dwelt partially in the
greatest city of the plain; the plebeians rose early to wealth ; and the
rapid succession of class and religious wars crystallised distinctions of
rank at an early date into their final forms. Thus the consuls were care-
fully divided among the classes; in 1130 seven were capitanei, seven were
vavassors, and six plain citizens. It is another aspect of the same circum-
stances that Milan had little trouble with her dependent contadi, where
the feudal lords were her own chief citizens. Her early wars were only
with weaker cities such as Lodi and Como, or with rivals like the ancient
capital Pavia.
Most northern cities, either by their institutions or by their recorded
history, give evidence of class-warfare' as one cause of the emergence of
the commune, although this was by no means universal. The civil dis-
cord, which seems almost invariable, might be due to the dissensions of
the nobles among themselves, each faction with their abettors among the
plebeians. While at Lucca the people, aided here by the clergy and some
nobles, rose against their reforming bishop Anselm and Countess Matilda
and established consuls c. 1080, at Pisa we find the popular Archbishop
Daimbert, with five colleagues, publishing c. 1090 an award limiting the
height of the towers from which the nobles warred on one another. As
we might expect in this undeveloped time, the commune colloquium,
i. e. the arengo, is the chief constitutional instrument? , but something
like a council is indicated, and c. 1084 Pisa already had consuls. The
commune may have been established by the earlier securitas or award
of Bishop Gerard (1080–1085).
All over North Italy, however, at the commencement of the twelfth
century, consuls, the indubitable evidence of the full-fledged commune
emerging from the semi-autonomy of the eleventh century, were appearing,
here earlier, there later, according to the events of local history or the
chances of the preservation of the evidence to our days. Thus in
Lombardy, consuls are mentioned at Asti in 1093, at Pavia in 1105, at
Brescia in 1127, at Bologna in 1123; the first known consuls of Genoa
date from 1099; in Tuscany, Siena has consuls in 1125 and Florence in
1138, while in the documents of Arezzo they first appear in 1098. It
has become increasingly plain of late years' how they arose. During the
1 At Piacenza in 1090 (? 1091) circumstances were much like those in Milan in
1042: a miles fights a pedes. See Codagnelli, Ann. Placentini (SGUS), p. 1. The
milites abandoned the city, re-entered it during the absence of the army of the
pedites, and finally a concordia et pax was agreed to.
2 In 1081 the Emperor Henry IV promises to appoint no fresh Marquess of
Tuscany without the assent of twelve Pisans to be elected in the commune colloquium.
3 This view was put forward by R. Davidsohn, Entstehung des Consulats, in
Deutsch. Zeitschrift f. Geschichtswissenschaft, vi, p. 22, 1891, and still earlier by
Studi bergomensi, 1888, whose works did not attract attention for some
A.
## p. 221 (#267) ############################################
The oaths in the arengo
221
growth of civic freedom in the eleventh century, the city-notables, the
boni homines, like the more numerous notables of the several subordinate
viciniae among whom they were also counted, played an increasingly
important part. It was the boni homines—mostly greater or lesser nobles,
with jurists and a sprinkling of wealthy traders—who advised the bishop
in his curia, the count or marquess in his placitum, and took the lead in
the commune colloquium, the parlamento or arengo, of the whole city. As
the need for a more definite city-executive grew, a commission of boni
homines would be appointed, often ad hoc for some special business', but
soon permanently with the name of consuls. For instance twelve boni
homines represent Siena in business at Rome in 1124, but next year
consuls are in office. Occasionally we find the documents allow for the
possibility that not consuls but boni homines may be in power in some
future year? , there being yet no absolute permanency of the office. In
Genoa, till late in the twelfth century, the compagna of the citizens,
which established consuls and a common government, was renewable every
few years.
This very conservative habit of Genoa emphasises another aspect in
the rise of the commune. It was intended to include the whole city; it
was established by the commune colloquium; but it was in origin a private
sworn association for the maintenance of peace and the common advantage
of those who swore to it. It started from the coniurationes we have
marked among classes or persons. When the arengo was called upon to
swear collectively to such a league, we may say it became a commune“.
We still find in 1162 at Pisa, in 1143 at Genoa, a kind of boycott and
denial of aid and justice contemplated for such notables as refused to
join the league". With the establishment of consuls two oaths were
taken in the arengo, the one by each consul binding him to certain duties
for his term of office, the other by a representative in the name of the
assembled people, which must have included from the first a promise to
1 See the instance of Pisa, supra, p. 220, n. 2.
2 E. g. at Lucca in 1147, and at Colle and S. Gimignano in 1199; see Davidsohn,
Origine del Consolato, ASI, Ser. v, Vol. ix (1892), pp. 240-1.
3 Cafarus, Annales Ianuenses, ad annos. Cf. the Statuta Consulatus in MHP, 11,
Leges munic. I, c. 241 sqq. , and the Breve compagne, MHP, xviii, Leges Genuen.
c. 5 sqq. : “iuro compagnam usque ad annos quatuor. ”
4 More stress is here laid on the importance of the collective oath of the arengo
as establishing the commune than is usual. Cf. supra, p. 216, n. 1.
6 For Genoa see the Statuta Consulatus Ianuensis of 1143, MHP, 11, Leges munic.
1, c. 243: “Si quis lanuensis ab aliquo ex nobis specialiter et nominatim vocatus vel
a pluribus publice vocatus. . . fuerit intrare in nostram compangnam, et infra xl dies
nou introierit, non illi debiti erimus et personam eius et lamentationes eius per hos
iii annos non recipiemus. . . neque aliquod officium de communi illi dabimus. . . et
laudabimus populo ut personam eius. . . et pecuniam suam per mare non portet. '
For Pisa see the Breve consulum of 1162, Bonaini, Statuti inediti di Pisa, 1, 9:
“Eorum autem reclamationes qui sacramentum consulatui non fecerint inquisiti,
nisi a. . . consulibus remissum fuerit, mea sint voluntate. ”
CH. v.
## p. 222 (#268) ############################################
222
Cultural and political influences
.
obey the consuls'. These oaths which gave definite authority to an elected
magistracy could scarcely have been exchanged until such a magistracy
was established in the consulate, with which therefore we may date the
beginning of the commune proper? .
There has been debate on the origin of the new title. It was known,
we saw, in North Italy at Ravenna and Rome as a title of dignity, and
in eleventh-century Rome the consules Romanorum exercise functions in
the city government. These, and the style consul et dux borne by the
rulers of Naples and Gaeta, may have suggested or kept alive the title,
but it was probably a conscious return to Roman tradition, kept up in
so many cities by the schools of grammar, which led men to choose with
striking unanimity the classic term for a collegiate republican magistracy.
The influence of education is, indeed, not to be disregarded in the forma-
tion of Italian communes. Proud of their civic traditions and their
Roman past, the city-nobles received a more learned education than the
illiterate Transalpines. Besides schools of grammar there existed schools
of law, where nobles obtained the legal knowledge necessary for the
function of iudices, or jurists, and notaries, to which many of them were
addicted almost by hereditary succession. The Pavese jurist, Archbishop
Lanfranc of Canterbury, was no exceptional portent, and the increased
study of Justinian's Code towards the close of the eleventh century
synchronises with the emergence of the commune. Thus the adoption of
the term consuls for the chief magistracy is more than a choice of words;
it symbolises the classic learning, the legal training, the heritage from
the ancient world, which made the city-state, so to say, natural in Italy.
If religious, economic, and cultural phenomena all played parts in the
birth of the commune, the purely political circumstances of the Holy
Roman Empire also had most important effects. The Saxon and Salian
Emperors inherited a monarchy already debilitated, and were of necessity
absentees. Although Otto the Great might shrewdly balance bishop
against marquess, yet in the end his successors could never favour any
local magnate in the subject Regnum Italicum without reserve. An arch-
bishop of Milan might be as dangerous to his distant foreign suzerain as
I a marquess of Tuscany. A feudal monarch was not unnaturally but half
a friend to his great vassals. Like Conrad II he might deliberately
weaken them at a critical time, and, unlike more lasting kingdoms, in
Italy the monarch was seldom present to take their place in government.
Hence throughout the eleventh century it is not only the functions of
the king that are exercised at spasmodic intervals and wither, but those
1 The sacramentum consulatui, which became later the sacramentum sequimenti
potestatis. The words at Genoa in 1157 were (MHP, xviii, Leges Genuen. c. 5):
“quodcumque ipsi electi consules laudaverint aut statuerint secundum quod in
eorum brevibus determinatum est. . . observabo et operabor. ”
? Evidence for the contemporaneous institution of consuls and compagna may be
seen in the townships subject to Genoa, e. g. "faciemus compagnam et consulatum
in plebeio Lavanie” (1157). Caro, Die Verfassung Genuas, p. 73, n. 123.
## p. 223 (#269) ############################################
Supersession of feudal and state authorities
223
of the great vassals too, episcopal or lay. The citizens, favoured like the
Savonese by Henry II or the Lucchese and Pisans by Henry IV, were quick
to take advantage of the weakness of their rulers, whether it was due to
revolts, invasions, religious wars, feuds, or the mere break-up of the great
fiefs by the practice of compossession, which subdivided for instance the
great Otbertine house into five or six numerous branches. In Tuscany,
which retained primogeniture, the power of the marquess, although even
there endangered, outlasted in the person of Countess Matilda that of
all its unwiser compossessing competitors. And the strength and the
practical efficiency of the citizens were mounting steadily as those of the
official holders of the public power declined. The functions, legal and
executive, of these became formal, and the groups of citizens, themselves
largely composed of secondary nobles, could by co-operative action and
voluntary jurisdiction leave little room for the count, and in the end
usurped the undoubted powers of the State. The same decadence of the
official government had aided in the establishment of proto-communes in
Byzantine Apulia. It was not unanalogous to the genesis of feudalism it-
self, and an age of feudal lords, of private wars, and of local custom, saw
little strange in cities making wars and internal leagues save their odd
capacity of acting in concert and enforcing their common regulations.
The usurpation of public functions and attributes by the communes
was also rendered easier by the status of some of their members. The
branches of the vicecomital house remained the leading members of the
compagna of Genoa; the Viscounts (Visconti) of Pisa and Milan, and the
Vicedomini (Visdomini) of Florence, were chief clans in their respective
communes. Above all the bishops, who even when they had been elbowed
out of their comital rights were usually reconciled to the new state of
affairs in the first half of the twelfth century, were invaluable allies to
their fellow-citizens. They at least held a position of unqnestioned legality
in the feudal chain; they could, even when not invested with comital
powers, yet at least for their episcopal fiefs (episcopium) receive homage
and conclude recognised feudal contracts. Thus the Archbishop of Pisa
and the Bishop of Siena are all-important for the enlargement and
formation of their communes' dominion over the contadi (counties) sur-
rounding them. The lords of the countryside, new allies or vanquished
enemies, surrendered their lands to the bishop and his city or to the
bishop alone, and, by contracts which no feudal lawyer could impugn,
became subjects to a private power as yet non-existent or incapable
of such action in the eyes of feudal jurisprudence.
The enlargement of the rule of the city-commune over the county
(contado) and diocese of which it was the centre was the most natural of
developments, an aggression which was barely distinguishable from defence.
From the beginning, the city-notables headed by the bishop, and the city
itself, had lands in the contado; and these links were rendered more
numerous by a process in the countryside too which was in full activity
CH. V.
## p. 224 (#270) ############################################
224
Conquest of the contado
early in the twelfth century. With their multiplication, the nobility did
not grow less oppressive to their serfs; in fact, poorer by reason of their
numbers, they were the more inclined to heap abuse on abuse (new ex-
action, uncustomary, ab usu)' on their serfs. But these, too, were more
numerous and restive, more inclined and able to resist, if their lords were
not too great dignitaries. Hence, there is a double stream of immigration
to the cities : one of lesser nobles, seeking a new way of livelihood, such
as the historic Buondelmonti who thus joined the original city-nobility,
the Uberti and others, at Florence; the other of peasants, contadini,
lured by the comparative freedom of the town. For some cities this
voluntary adhesion of the countryside nobles continued to be the chief
means of gaining control of the contado. The greatest lords round
Pisa, the Gherardesca and the Upezzinghi, along with a crowd of lesser
feudatories, were glad to be enrolled, whether as vassals of the arch-
bishop or without an intermediary, as Pisan citizens.
But there were motives which urged the communes to forcible ex-
pansion as well. There was the city food-supply to be assured; there
was the security of the citizens, new and old, and their lands outside the
walls; there were inherited feuds and claims, ecclesiastical and secular;
there were the freedom and safety of roads, the abolition of tolls and
blackmail, and the exit and entrance of the commerce, which took an
ever larger share in the city's thoughts; there was the independence of
the city itself to be preserved from ancient or invented feudal claims. If
lesser nobles could be both troublesome neighbours and a tempting prey,
it was the surviving greater houses, strong in fiefs and vassals, who were
most dangerous. For many years Florence waged war with her neigh-
bours, the Counts Guidi, heirs in some degree of Matilda, and the
Alberti of Prato, thus gaining by slow progresses, and the capture of
castle after castle, the control of her immediate surroundings. Siena
slowly mastered the powerful counts around her in the same twelfth
century. One usual condition of peace enforced by the victorious commune
was the compulsory citizenship and partial residence within the walls, say
for three months a year, of her vanquished enemies. This was only doing
by compulsion what so many nobles had done and were doing of their
free will, but while it gave the commune a stronger hold on the country-
side, it also, as we shall see, intensified the native disorder prevalent
among the half-feudal clans of the city.
Thus, as the twelfth century wore on, the great communes were
securing control of the greater part of their diocese or contado. It was
the commune which superintended in the last resort justice and peace,
and levied its vassals for war. There did not thence follow any difference
in the status of the serf, who remained subject to his immediate lord, or
the city which succeeded him. Nevertheless, a very considerable change
1 An ab-usus was a regular new exaction, a supra-usus, a capricious one.
1
## p. 225 (#271) ############################################
The rural communes
225
was taking place over tracts of the countryside in North Italy. The in-
habitants of the castelli or fortified townships, and even of lesser places,
were forming communes of their own, arising out of the necessary co-
operation between compossessing lords and vicini. As early
As early as 1093 the
Counts of Biandrate in Lombardy shared the jurisdiction over their town
of Biandrate with twelve consuls of the habitatores, appointed seemingly
from the ranks of the rustici, the peasants. They made a separate grant
to vassal nobles, milites, but these submitted to the consuls' jurisdiction.
All through the twelfth century we find petty communes arising and de-
veloping in Tuscany. They might begin from groups of lesser vassals or
freeholders or of freed masnadieri, organised in a community known as
Lombards—in this fashion we find the commune of the men of San Ger-
vasio in Val d'Era assenting to the sale of their castello and curtis by the
count whose fief it was to the Bishop of Lucca. They might be similar
associations of the villani or serfs of a vicinia or of a whole pieve. The two
communities often subsisted together in the same district, but they end
in being united as a communis et populus. With an infinite variety of
constituents and history, they were approaching throughout the twelfth
century a common type, the rural commune of landholders of different
status, governed by its elected consuls. It was rather local administration,
land-rights, and cultivation, than politics proper which formed the subject
of these township-communities. What was in process was the decease of
feudalism as an economic and administrative system, and its replacement
by co-operative arrangements which drew their origin eventually from
immemorial methods of using and sharing the land, all quickened to new
growth by a new prosperity.
To sum up this aspect of the theme: towards the close of the twelfth
century North Italy was subdivided into a considerable number of city-
states, the great communes, for the most part, though not all, ancient
episcopal sees. They were rapidly growing in wealth and population,
how rapidly may be gathered from the new and wider circuits of walls
they were constrained to build. Pisa already had her new walls by 1081,
Piacenza before 1158; Florence was building her Second Circle in
1172-4, Modena in 1188, and Padua in 1195; and the fact implies the
existence of important suburbs outside the old walls for some time pre-
viously. These vigorous towns were in perpetual strife with one another
and with the surviving great feudal lords, who like the Pelavicini, the
Estensi, the Marquesses of Montferrat in Lombardy, the Malaspina in
Lunigiana, or the Aldobrandeschi in Tuscany, held out amid the
mountains and the marshes. With these exceptions, they were ruling in
various ways and degrees their contado, the county and diocese sur-
rounding them, ruling from one point of view over a strange medley of
feudal vassals, freemen, and serfs of all degrees, from another over an
assemblage of petty communities, all illustrations of that method of self-
management by association and league, which was necessary for safety,
C. MED. H. VOL. V. CH. V.
15
## p. 226 (#272) ############################################
226
Inter-city wars. Development of commerce
which was dictated by tradition and material circumstances, and which
was provoked by the decadence and abuses of outworn feudalism.
The energies of the communes were far from being wholly absorbed
in self-government, in internal production, and in the annexation of their
contadi. The inter-city wars went on with unceasing fury from year to
year, it might be said from century to century. Not till Siena was an-
nexed by Cosimo of Florence in 1557, was their series over. In some
degree these conflicts had their rise in sheer antipathy and jealousy. The
strongly-marked character of each commune, its intense local patriotisin,
made its neighbours its enemies. Old disputes over diocesan boundaries,
as between Pisa and Lucca, Siena and Arezzo, or over feudal claims of
superiority, as between Milan and Lodi, furnished grounds for dispute
where sentiment had free play. The moral shortcomings of each Italian
town are enshrined in civic proverbs and in Dante. But far more im-
portant were the causes of strife which arose from the mutual relations
of towns depending on commerce for their prosperity and independence.
Geography and trade in combination were the most explosive compound
of nature and art. Seaports were rivals in a narrow but profitable
market, when piracy and trading went hand in hand. By land there was
the outlet to the sea, or a toll-free road by land, as well as rivalry in
manufacture, to create discord. Commercial competition for the pro-
tection of home-industry or the possession of the carrying-trade was the
staple of these city-wars.
Effective though the Crusades were in making the Italian seaports
European powers, in increasing their wealth and the scope of their enter-
prise, and in enlarging the mental horizon of all Europe, they did not
begin the career of the maritime republics. The trade of these was of
natural growth, and it was rather in the pre-crusading wars with the
western Saracens, in the abolition of Muslim piracy, and in the opening
of sea-routes to the Ponent (the West) and the Levant (the East), that
they secured their pre-eminence. Venice, by taming the Slav pirates of
Dalmatia and defeating the Sicilian Muslims at Bari in 1002, was in a
way to become queen of the Adriatic. Pisa, sacked by Saracens in 1004
and 1011, could yet defeat them near Reggio in 1005 and, in concert
with Genoa, rescue Sardinia from Mujāhid of Denia in 1016. This
victory began the long wars of Pisa and Genoa, fought for the trade of
the Mediterranean and more especially for the exploitation of Sardinia
and Corsica. They were still allies against their common enemy, the
Saracens, but their joint capture (1087) of Mahdiyah in Barbary from
Tamim the Zairid, and the famous temporary conquest (1113-15) of the
Balearic Isles by the Pisans and Christian allies from the neighbouring
coasts (with the exception of Genoa), together with the Norman conquest
of Sicily (1061-1091), established Christian supremacy in the Ponent.
Thereafter, Pisans and Genoese fought one another with little relaxation
in East and West. Amalfi, once first in the Levantine trade, faded under
## p. 227 (#273) ############################################
The Tuscan communes
227
its Norman masters, and its sack in 1135 by the Pisans, in the service of
Pope and Emperor, hastened its decline. But the bull (1133) of
Innocent II which assigned Sardinia and half Corsica to the Pisan sphere
of ecclesiastical influence, and the rest of Corsica to the new Genoese
archbishopric, only resulted in a truce. The two cities fought for influence
in Sardinia, for trade with Sicily and the Ponent, and in the East there
was a three-cornered struggle between them and Venice. The strife of
Pope and Emperor, the Crusades, were incidents in and opportunities for
this civic rivalry. If Pisa at first took the lead and was predominant in
Sardinia at the close of the twelfth century, she was, nevertheless, fatally
hampered by her open contado and strong Tuscan neighbours. Genoa,
once she had subdued her Riviera, was secured by the Apennines from
inland rivalry; and during the thirteenth century Pisa slowly lost ground.
The geography of Tuscany was largely responsible for the inland
rivalries of the province. Across the encircling Apennines came all-
important roads from the north. By the Monte Bardone (now the
Pontremoli) Pass came the Via Francigena from Parma (joined by the
land-route from Genoa) to Lucca. Then it crossed the River Arno near
Fucecchio and struck south to Siena and Rome. From Bologna, the chief
junction-city on the Emilian Way, came two roads, one through Pistoia,
the other straight across the Apennines to Florence. From Florence
again two roads led to Rome, one westerly to Poggibonsi, where it joined
the Via Francigena and also a direct route from Pisa, through Volterra,
to Siena, and the other, the ancient Via Cassia, easterly, past Arezzo,
down the valley of the Chiana, under Montepulciano, to Orvieto and
Rome. From Florence, too, flowed the natural artery to the sea, the
River Arno, with its port at Pisa. To these trade-route factors should be
added finally the lure of fertile stretches of countryside for food, for
produce, and for men. Each commune was anxious for trade-outlets
under its own control, the power of controlling the outlets of its neigh-
bours, and for a wide subject-territory. Nowhere was the theory of
territorial corridors better understood than in medieval Tuscany.
As a result Pisa and Lucca were early mortal enemies. There were
disputed tracts of fertile contado. Lucca held both the northern outlet
of the Via Francigena and its crossing at the Arno. Pisa held its gate,
and that of most Tuscany, to the sea. Pisa fought to gain a footing on
the Via Francigena before it reached Lucca, to control the mouth of the
Lucchese river, the Serchio, and to remove Lucca's grip on the middle
Arno at Fucecchio. The Lucchese sought to compel all trade from the
north to halt in their city and pay dues there, and to prevent a Pisan
wedge intervening between them and Siena. Already in 1003 the two
cities, not yet communes, were fighting.
1
214
Growth of collective action
firmed their local customs and privileges; and when Count Nanno of
Verona, acting as imperial missus, tried the case of Ratherius, the saintly
and fractious Veronese Bishop, he appealed formally for their opinion to
the townsmen (urbani) gathered en masse before him. Their answer, if
expressed (so the bishop says) with “porcine clamour," was articulate
and resulted in Ratherius' deposition. In both these cases, however, the
breach between citizens and bishop remains personal, not constitutional,
in its nature, for neither at Verona nor at Milan did the prelate exercise
the powers of a count in his city. But a deliberate effort to replace the
bishop in some of his governmental rights appears at Cremona, where he
was endowed with comital authority over the city and a radius of five
miles round it. In 996 the Emperor Otto III granted to the free citizens,
“rich and poor," the absolute use of their common rights of pasture and
of the river-transit in the contado as well as the State rights annexed
thereto. The bishop, Ulric, when he heard of the grant, was up in arms,
for his were the profitable dues and tolls affected; and soon the unpre-
cedented diploma was quashed.
Thus we can sum up the results of the Ottonian peace on the cities.
More populous, more wealthy, more secure, their embryonic institutions
were allowing them to act collectively, however heterogeneous their
popu-
lation of nobles, great and small, and plebeians might be. As a rule,
doubtless, their bishop was still their protector, the nucleus round which
their rudimentary assemblies could cohere. At this very time, in the
transaction of the bishopric's secular affairs we find the bishop surrounded
by a council which included lay vassals of his and notables, and the steward
of his lands, the vicedominus, was in many cases becoming lay and heredi-
tary. But if such incidents as that of Cremona were exceptions which
chequered a usually good understanding, they nevertheless go to shew
the sense of an independent corporate existence among the citizens, that
they were not merely the prolongation of the bishop's shadow. Pisa,
early mature through her shipping, could wage a city-war with neigh-
bouring Lucca in 1004, and in the same year King Henry II was receiving
hostages and collective oaths of fealty from the Lombard towns! . Com-
munes and consuls there were none as yet, but notables and assemblies
could already act in concert, though all the powers of State-government,
strictly speaking, still belonged to imperial or feudal officials. The
slowness of the change may have been partly due to the fact that
some of these officials or vassals were the leading notables of the town.
In fact, the impulse to association and to the formation of local custom
was shewing itself even in the feudal countryside, especially in the little
towns (castelli) which grew out of the castles of refuge. These were co-
operative from the start, in spite of the extreme inequality in the rights
1 Adalbold, Vita Heinrici, 41, MGH, Script. iv, p. 693: “Civitates etiam, ad
quas rex nondum venerat, obsides ultro transmittunt fidemque debitam per sacra-
menta promittunt. "
1
## p. 215 (#261) ############################################
The castelli: the boni homines
215
and status of their denizens, ranging from few lords to many oppressed
serfs. The evidence for them, indeed, mostly dates from a later time, but
it still allows us to draw some conclusions as to their earlier existence,
and as to the economic necessities which compelled some collective action
within them. Like the tiny vicinanze they possessed common rights to
pastures and woods; there was watch to be kept on the walls, and neces-
sary repairs of their fabric; and a chief-watchman (portinarius) to be
appointed by common consent of the feudal lord and his subjects of all
degrees. In the rare cases when there was no lord or compossessing family
of signori, the denizens stepped into his place, as we can see in a unique
diploma of Otto II in 983 to the men of Lazise on Lake Garda. These
eighteen men, who seem to be merely the chief free men of the castello,
receive collectively the right to levy tolls and dues, as if they were feudal
magnates. They had outrun their city neighbours in this prophetic grant
because no feudal lord stood between them and the Emperor.
A variant of these primitive arrangements of the north Italian towns
may be seen in the contemporary institutions of Venice, where the con-
tinued connexion with the East Roman Empire led both to the earlier
foundation of a republican government and to its retention of a quasi-
monarchical administration. In Venice ultimate power resided in the
tumultuary mass-meeting of the citizens, the arengo, which elected the
Doge, and approved peace and war and the most important State decisions.
The Doge (Dux), as befitted the lineal successor of a Byzantine provincial
governor, with the aid of his nominees exercised the whole executive, but
around him in his solemn court for judgment and consultation gathered
the notables, clerical and lay, the maiores, mediocres, et minores citizens.
These boni homines, as they were often called, among whom naturally the
landowners (at Venice identical with the chief shippers) predominated,
formed a kind of representation of the community, and their presence
was practically necessary to an act of State.
In every circumscription in the Regnum Italicum, whether vicinantia,
plebs, or comitatus, the boni homines, or notables, appear. They were
assessors in the courts, witnesses of deeds, arbitrators in voluntary juris-
diction, advisers of the higher authorities, interpreters of local custom.
They were not a noble class, but in the city were normally free landholders,
preferably of some rank. Among them would be the iudices (the legal
experts, earlier called scabini), the holders of curtes (manors) within the
walls, and a selection of lesser nobles and freemen who had become well-
to-do in trade. It was the boni homines, a composite collection of notables
long-practised in local affairs, who were to be the animating nucleus of
the future commune.
The first movement towards city-autonomy, strictly speaking, seems
to have taken place in southern Italy. There, outside the limits of the
Regnum Italicum, among warring, fragmentary states and laxly-held
Byzantine territories, the notables, with the active or passive assent of
)
CH. V.
## p. 216 (#262) ############################################
216
Proto-communes in the south
the population, could form a more or less comprehensive league of towns-
men and extort, or take unheeded, from their sovereign part at least of
the functions of government. “Facta est communitas prima," we read in
the Annals of Benevento under 1015'. The pact of Sergius IV, Duke of
Naples, with his subjects c. 1030 recognises such a societas, though per-
haps of nobles only, and engages that peace or war shall not be declared,
nor customs changed, nor a noble tried, save with the consent of the
nobles. Still earlier, during the minority of their Duke Atenolf II, c. 1000,
the nobles and boni homines of Gaeta obtained a share in political power.
The participation of the wealthy shippers in the government of Amalfi
was at least as large. All these towns, however, were the capitals of
hereditary princes; and more real communal forms are to be dimly
discerned in the restless cities of Apulia under the weak Byzantine rule.
Thus at Bari the Fraternitas Sanctae Mariae, headed by the archbishop,
appears to have taken a leading part in the faction-fights, defence, and
effective government of the town. The city of Troia enjoyed practical
autonomy, at the price of a tribute, from its foundation by the catapan
Boioannes in 1018. Assembled in the bishop's court, the chief citizens
(seniores and boni homines) chose their judge and turmarch (commander-
in-chief) and directed affairs. In these Apulian proto-communes, the
scanty evidence gives the impression that they were more strictly oligarchic
in character than their congeners in the north. The bishop and the
nobiliores homines seem to act for their fellow-citizens with no appeal to
a city-assembly. It was a difference more in form than in substance,
which was due perhaps to Byzantine, anti-popular influences, and in any
case was obliterated by the appearance of an assembly when in the twelfth
century the Apulian cities take rank as full-fledged, but definitely subject,
universitates under the Norman dukes.
The fact, however, that the Apulian towns fell under Norman rule
before their institutions were fully developed, separates them sharply from
the city-states of North Italy, which in fact, if not in theory, were in
their maturity independent republics. In the eleventh century the northern
towns were only in process of attaining internal solidarity and self-
government. There it was only gradually, and so to say blindly, through
many tentative variations, that the sworn league (coniuratio), which
appears perhaps as early as the tenth century among sections of the
bourgeoisie, coalesces with the city-assembly in a commune. We may
assume, arguing from later custom, that it was probably the city-assembly,
the mass-meeting of inhabitants, which took the collective oath of fealty
to Henry II in 1004, and at Ivrea to Marquess Ulric-Manfred II of Turin
1 Annales Beneventani (S. Sophiae), BISI, 42, p. 131. The coniuratio secundo of
1041(2) (ibid. p. 135) gives a valuable light on the meaning of communitas and the
method of forming a commune.
2 For the term coniuratio for the league of the Milanese c. 980 against Arch-
bishop Landolf II is only used by the chronicler Arnulf (c. 1070).
## p. 217 (#263) ############################################
Classes in the northern cities
217
c. 1016 in terms which hint at the process by which the sworn association
long after became identical with the city-state? . But the special protection
which Henry II granted in 1014 to omnes maiores homines dwelling in
the castello (borough) of Savona, and to cunctos arimannos dwelling in
the city of Mantua, can only refer to definite classes of the population.
Leaving aside, however, such a special kind of landholder as the arimannus
of the eleventh century, we find the population of the north Italian cities
falling into three main divisions, the capitanei, the valvassores minores
or secundi milites, and the plebeians? , i. e. roughly speaking, the barons,
the knights and squires, and the non-nobles. The two first classes were
by no means composed solely of nobles who held manors or fiefs in the
city proper. A large number of the countryside nobles resided for a part
of the year within the walls. This was an immemorial custom in town-
loving Italy, and had been given a stronger hold by the barbarian ravages
of the tenth century. In consequence in the early class-warfare we cannot
precisely distinguish in their case between town and country, nor can we
indeed draw any hard and fast line of demarcation in later times. The
plebeians, however, when town-bred, are townsmen only. A further
characteristic of these nobles, and indeed of their times, is the rapid
multiplication when once devastation and anarchy had been removed by
the Ottonian peace. It was favoured by the room made by previous de-
population, and by the practice of compossession, or at the least of equal
subdivision of inheritances, which was all but universal in Italy. Thus
the families of capitanei already amounted to a respectable fighting force,
especially as they were at the head of numerous masnadieri (to use a later
term) or unfree retainers, while the lesser vavassors were naturally very
numerous. In the end, indeed, both classes in the countryside were
impoverished by their own numerousness. The twelfth-century cattani
(capitanei) of Tuscany were often little better than small country squires,
and there the term Lombardi occasionally comes to mean groups of freed
masnadieri as well as survivors of the older nobility.
The habit of sworn associations among classes of the population first
comes clearly to light in the war (1035-1037) between the capitanei of
the Milanese province, headed by Archbishop Aribert, and the lesser
vavassors, in which the vavassors, partly by the aid of the Emperor
Conrad II, finally gained the dayHenceforward the minor nobility
had the same security of tenure (i. e. practically the full property) of their
fiefs as their privileged suzerains. The opposition, however, remained
between the two orders, occasioned by difference of wealth and status,
1 “Communiter cives sibi iurare fecit. ” Bloch, Neu. Arch. xxii, 17. Cf. the
acceptance by the Lodese c. 1027 of a new bishop on the nomination of Archbishop
Aribert of Milan: “in commune deliberant suscipiendum episcopum. ” Arnulfus
Mediol. 11, 7.
2 Cf.
supra, Vol. 11, Chaps. VII, pp. 174–5, x, p. 221, xi, p. 265. The term val-
vassor became appropriated to the valvassores minores in common usage.
3 See supra, Vol. 111, Chap. xi, pp. 265-7.
CH, V.
## p. 218 (#264) ############################################
218
The coniuratio of Milan (1037): the carroccio
1
1
1
and even of profession, as commerce increased and some minor nobles
became traders; and to it was added the enmity between both and the
third class, the plebeians, or to use the later vernacular name, the popolani,
whose leaders were naturally the merchants, negotiatores. The rise of the
plebeians was indeed intimately connected with the increase of population
and trade. Italy produced more; her consumption of necessaries, such
as salt and cloth, and of luxuries, e. g. silk and spices, was greater. From
her seaport towns, along the natural arteries of the Lombard rivers, over
the chief Alpine passes, the transport of foreign and native wares grew
in volume. Her manufactures, such as they were, began to flourish with
the enlarged home and foreign demand, trivial indeed if we compare
present-day statistics, but highly wealth-bringing then. There was already
noticeable a drift of peasants to the cities where such gains and compara-
tive freedom were to be had. We may almost say that these plebeians
were recruited for two centuries from the enterprising and adventurous.
The life of the Italian cities, and later of their communes, was almost
inextricably intertwined with their church and its head, the bishop.
Civic patriotism, religious emotion, and the ordinary transactions of life,
the market and the festival, all clustered round the city-saints and their
fanes, and it is barely possible to define the relative shares of the religious,
the political, or the economic motive. When Aribert was imprisoned by
the Emperor Conrad during the war of the vavassors, a mixture of civic,
religious, and even national enthusiasm swept over the Milanese. The
citizens, with the exception we may assume of the vavassors then with-
drawn to the countryside, rushed to arms, were enraptured at their arch-
bishop's escape, and successfully withstood an imperial siege! Whether
the league? on this occasion strictly included more than capitanei may
be doubted, but the practical co-operation of the plebeians is none the
less clear. It only required the peace between capitanei and vavassors for
them to form a party of their own. Already Aribert had invented the
standard of the future commune, which became the emblem of civic liberty
all over North Italy. Round the carroccio, the ox-drawn waggon with
its pole and flag, the citizens henceforth rallied in battle.
Aribert had not long been reconciled with the Emperor Henry III,
when the new development took place at Milan. Whatever grudges
existed between capitanei and vavassors, they united in insolence to the
plebeians. The ancient authority of the Marquess-Count of Milan, an
Otbertine, had decayed, the Archbishop was himself the greatest of the
capitanei by blood, and the oppression of many noble tyrants became
intolerable. In 1042 the explosion came when a plebeian was slain by a
knight in a private quarrel. The ever-enduring feuds among the nobles
were to be a continual advantage to the popolani, and now the people
1 See supra, Vol. 111, Chap. xi, pp. 266-7.
2 Wipo, Gesta Chuonradi, xxxv, "tumultus. . . populi Mediolanensis quaerentis ab
imperatore si vellet favere coniurationi eorum. "
## p. 219 (#265) ############################################
Lanzo and Erlembald of Milan
219
found a leader in the capitaneus and jurist Lanzo, notary and iudex Sacri
Palatii. With slaughter and rapine the whole body of nobles was driven
out; Aribert himself, no longer a popular idol, decamped; and a new siege
was endured for three years with fierce heroism until weariness, the
threatened intervention of Henry III, and the statesmanship of Lanzo
led to an accommodation in 1044. The nobles returned under terms of
mutual oblivion of the past, but “the state of the city and its Church
had been changed. "1 Henceforward the plebeians form a separate power,
and the curious tripartite constitution of the later Milanese commune
had begun. Henry III, perhaps, thought to take a middle course when
he appointed a vavassor, Guido, to succeed Aribert as archbishop, but
neither the fissure between classes was to be healed, nor the instinct for
self-government to be conjured, by the fact that the archbishop was not
formidable either by birth or character.
None the less, we still find the archbishop taking the lead in the next
corporate act of his city, the war of Milan with Pavia in 1059; it needed
the convulsion of the religious struggle lasting over twenty years from
1056 to shatter finally the archiepiscopal authority, as that of the
marquess, last effectively exercised shortly after Guido's accession, had
long been made obsolete. The strife, however, not only ousted the arch-
bishop from power; it enabled a real commune to be formed by merging
class-distinctions in religious factions. If the conservatives, who upheld
the autonomy and ancient usages of the see of St Ambrose, included
most of the nobles, and the reformers had a majority among the plebeians,
especially among the poorest class, from which their derisive name of
Patarines,“ rag-pickers," was derived, yet the reforming leaders who led
the agitation for clerical celibacy and the abolition of simony belonged
to noble houses, and had many associates of their own rankThe greatest
of them, the capitaneus Erlembald, taught autonomy to his fellow-citizens.
The lean, red-bearded man, with his flashing eyes, could carry with him
any assembly, great or small, and dominated the people by his oratory.
A council (or was it an executive committee? ) of thirty surrounded him,
but in these times of revolution the arengo played a part it never did in
the settied constitution. When that was really established in Milan we
do not know, but in 1097 we find the first mention of the consuls of the
citys; and the existence of consuls implies that of the commune of which
they were the elected rulers.
Every commune had its peculiar features, due to its local charac-
teristics and local history, and Milan was especially marked by the share
the nobles of the countryside took in the commune from the start, and
1 Arnulfus Mediol. 11, 18, “adeo execrandum. . . ut. . . immutatus sit status urbis
et ecclesiae. ” That nobles and plebeians each formed sworn leagues is implied by
"partium fiunt iuramenta quam plurima. ”
2 See supra, Chap. 1, p. 40.
3 “Actum in ciuitate Mediolani in consulatu ciuium" in a Cremonese document
(P. Del Giudice, Di un recente opuscolo ecc. See Bibliography 111). Çf. Gli Atti del
comune di Milano, Introd. pp. xxviii-xxxi.
CH. V.
## p. 220 (#266) ############################################
220
Foundation of the communes
by the strict division of orders in the state. An unusual number of
nobles from at least three surrounding counties dwelt partially in the
greatest city of the plain; the plebeians rose early to wealth ; and the
rapid succession of class and religious wars crystallised distinctions of
rank at an early date into their final forms. Thus the consuls were care-
fully divided among the classes; in 1130 seven were capitanei, seven were
vavassors, and six plain citizens. It is another aspect of the same circum-
stances that Milan had little trouble with her dependent contadi, where
the feudal lords were her own chief citizens. Her early wars were only
with weaker cities such as Lodi and Como, or with rivals like the ancient
capital Pavia.
Most northern cities, either by their institutions or by their recorded
history, give evidence of class-warfare' as one cause of the emergence of
the commune, although this was by no means universal. The civil dis-
cord, which seems almost invariable, might be due to the dissensions of
the nobles among themselves, each faction with their abettors among the
plebeians. While at Lucca the people, aided here by the clergy and some
nobles, rose against their reforming bishop Anselm and Countess Matilda
and established consuls c. 1080, at Pisa we find the popular Archbishop
Daimbert, with five colleagues, publishing c. 1090 an award limiting the
height of the towers from which the nobles warred on one another. As
we might expect in this undeveloped time, the commune colloquium,
i. e. the arengo, is the chief constitutional instrument? , but something
like a council is indicated, and c. 1084 Pisa already had consuls. The
commune may have been established by the earlier securitas or award
of Bishop Gerard (1080–1085).
All over North Italy, however, at the commencement of the twelfth
century, consuls, the indubitable evidence of the full-fledged commune
emerging from the semi-autonomy of the eleventh century, were appearing,
here earlier, there later, according to the events of local history or the
chances of the preservation of the evidence to our days. Thus in
Lombardy, consuls are mentioned at Asti in 1093, at Pavia in 1105, at
Brescia in 1127, at Bologna in 1123; the first known consuls of Genoa
date from 1099; in Tuscany, Siena has consuls in 1125 and Florence in
1138, while in the documents of Arezzo they first appear in 1098. It
has become increasingly plain of late years' how they arose. During the
1 At Piacenza in 1090 (? 1091) circumstances were much like those in Milan in
1042: a miles fights a pedes. See Codagnelli, Ann. Placentini (SGUS), p. 1. The
milites abandoned the city, re-entered it during the absence of the army of the
pedites, and finally a concordia et pax was agreed to.
2 In 1081 the Emperor Henry IV promises to appoint no fresh Marquess of
Tuscany without the assent of twelve Pisans to be elected in the commune colloquium.
3 This view was put forward by R. Davidsohn, Entstehung des Consulats, in
Deutsch. Zeitschrift f. Geschichtswissenschaft, vi, p. 22, 1891, and still earlier by
Studi bergomensi, 1888, whose works did not attract attention for some
A.
## p. 221 (#267) ############################################
The oaths in the arengo
221
growth of civic freedom in the eleventh century, the city-notables, the
boni homines, like the more numerous notables of the several subordinate
viciniae among whom they were also counted, played an increasingly
important part. It was the boni homines—mostly greater or lesser nobles,
with jurists and a sprinkling of wealthy traders—who advised the bishop
in his curia, the count or marquess in his placitum, and took the lead in
the commune colloquium, the parlamento or arengo, of the whole city. As
the need for a more definite city-executive grew, a commission of boni
homines would be appointed, often ad hoc for some special business', but
soon permanently with the name of consuls. For instance twelve boni
homines represent Siena in business at Rome in 1124, but next year
consuls are in office. Occasionally we find the documents allow for the
possibility that not consuls but boni homines may be in power in some
future year? , there being yet no absolute permanency of the office. In
Genoa, till late in the twelfth century, the compagna of the citizens,
which established consuls and a common government, was renewable every
few years.
This very conservative habit of Genoa emphasises another aspect in
the rise of the commune. It was intended to include the whole city; it
was established by the commune colloquium; but it was in origin a private
sworn association for the maintenance of peace and the common advantage
of those who swore to it. It started from the coniurationes we have
marked among classes or persons. When the arengo was called upon to
swear collectively to such a league, we may say it became a commune“.
We still find in 1162 at Pisa, in 1143 at Genoa, a kind of boycott and
denial of aid and justice contemplated for such notables as refused to
join the league". With the establishment of consuls two oaths were
taken in the arengo, the one by each consul binding him to certain duties
for his term of office, the other by a representative in the name of the
assembled people, which must have included from the first a promise to
1 See the instance of Pisa, supra, p. 220, n. 2.
2 E. g. at Lucca in 1147, and at Colle and S. Gimignano in 1199; see Davidsohn,
Origine del Consolato, ASI, Ser. v, Vol. ix (1892), pp. 240-1.
3 Cafarus, Annales Ianuenses, ad annos. Cf. the Statuta Consulatus in MHP, 11,
Leges munic. I, c. 241 sqq. , and the Breve compagne, MHP, xviii, Leges Genuen.
c. 5 sqq. : “iuro compagnam usque ad annos quatuor. ”
4 More stress is here laid on the importance of the collective oath of the arengo
as establishing the commune than is usual. Cf. supra, p. 216, n. 1.
6 For Genoa see the Statuta Consulatus Ianuensis of 1143, MHP, 11, Leges munic.
1, c. 243: “Si quis lanuensis ab aliquo ex nobis specialiter et nominatim vocatus vel
a pluribus publice vocatus. . . fuerit intrare in nostram compangnam, et infra xl dies
nou introierit, non illi debiti erimus et personam eius et lamentationes eius per hos
iii annos non recipiemus. . . neque aliquod officium de communi illi dabimus. . . et
laudabimus populo ut personam eius. . . et pecuniam suam per mare non portet. '
For Pisa see the Breve consulum of 1162, Bonaini, Statuti inediti di Pisa, 1, 9:
“Eorum autem reclamationes qui sacramentum consulatui non fecerint inquisiti,
nisi a. . . consulibus remissum fuerit, mea sint voluntate. ”
CH. v.
## p. 222 (#268) ############################################
222
Cultural and political influences
.
obey the consuls'. These oaths which gave definite authority to an elected
magistracy could scarcely have been exchanged until such a magistracy
was established in the consulate, with which therefore we may date the
beginning of the commune proper? .
There has been debate on the origin of the new title. It was known,
we saw, in North Italy at Ravenna and Rome as a title of dignity, and
in eleventh-century Rome the consules Romanorum exercise functions in
the city government. These, and the style consul et dux borne by the
rulers of Naples and Gaeta, may have suggested or kept alive the title,
but it was probably a conscious return to Roman tradition, kept up in
so many cities by the schools of grammar, which led men to choose with
striking unanimity the classic term for a collegiate republican magistracy.
The influence of education is, indeed, not to be disregarded in the forma-
tion of Italian communes. Proud of their civic traditions and their
Roman past, the city-nobles received a more learned education than the
illiterate Transalpines. Besides schools of grammar there existed schools
of law, where nobles obtained the legal knowledge necessary for the
function of iudices, or jurists, and notaries, to which many of them were
addicted almost by hereditary succession. The Pavese jurist, Archbishop
Lanfranc of Canterbury, was no exceptional portent, and the increased
study of Justinian's Code towards the close of the eleventh century
synchronises with the emergence of the commune. Thus the adoption of
the term consuls for the chief magistracy is more than a choice of words;
it symbolises the classic learning, the legal training, the heritage from
the ancient world, which made the city-state, so to say, natural in Italy.
If religious, economic, and cultural phenomena all played parts in the
birth of the commune, the purely political circumstances of the Holy
Roman Empire also had most important effects. The Saxon and Salian
Emperors inherited a monarchy already debilitated, and were of necessity
absentees. Although Otto the Great might shrewdly balance bishop
against marquess, yet in the end his successors could never favour any
local magnate in the subject Regnum Italicum without reserve. An arch-
bishop of Milan might be as dangerous to his distant foreign suzerain as
I a marquess of Tuscany. A feudal monarch was not unnaturally but half
a friend to his great vassals. Like Conrad II he might deliberately
weaken them at a critical time, and, unlike more lasting kingdoms, in
Italy the monarch was seldom present to take their place in government.
Hence throughout the eleventh century it is not only the functions of
the king that are exercised at spasmodic intervals and wither, but those
1 The sacramentum consulatui, which became later the sacramentum sequimenti
potestatis. The words at Genoa in 1157 were (MHP, xviii, Leges Genuen. c. 5):
“quodcumque ipsi electi consules laudaverint aut statuerint secundum quod in
eorum brevibus determinatum est. . . observabo et operabor. ”
? Evidence for the contemporaneous institution of consuls and compagna may be
seen in the townships subject to Genoa, e. g. "faciemus compagnam et consulatum
in plebeio Lavanie” (1157). Caro, Die Verfassung Genuas, p. 73, n. 123.
## p. 223 (#269) ############################################
Supersession of feudal and state authorities
223
of the great vassals too, episcopal or lay. The citizens, favoured like the
Savonese by Henry II or the Lucchese and Pisans by Henry IV, were quick
to take advantage of the weakness of their rulers, whether it was due to
revolts, invasions, religious wars, feuds, or the mere break-up of the great
fiefs by the practice of compossession, which subdivided for instance the
great Otbertine house into five or six numerous branches. In Tuscany,
which retained primogeniture, the power of the marquess, although even
there endangered, outlasted in the person of Countess Matilda that of
all its unwiser compossessing competitors. And the strength and the
practical efficiency of the citizens were mounting steadily as those of the
official holders of the public power declined. The functions, legal and
executive, of these became formal, and the groups of citizens, themselves
largely composed of secondary nobles, could by co-operative action and
voluntary jurisdiction leave little room for the count, and in the end
usurped the undoubted powers of the State. The same decadence of the
official government had aided in the establishment of proto-communes in
Byzantine Apulia. It was not unanalogous to the genesis of feudalism it-
self, and an age of feudal lords, of private wars, and of local custom, saw
little strange in cities making wars and internal leagues save their odd
capacity of acting in concert and enforcing their common regulations.
The usurpation of public functions and attributes by the communes
was also rendered easier by the status of some of their members. The
branches of the vicecomital house remained the leading members of the
compagna of Genoa; the Viscounts (Visconti) of Pisa and Milan, and the
Vicedomini (Visdomini) of Florence, were chief clans in their respective
communes. Above all the bishops, who even when they had been elbowed
out of their comital rights were usually reconciled to the new state of
affairs in the first half of the twelfth century, were invaluable allies to
their fellow-citizens. They at least held a position of unqnestioned legality
in the feudal chain; they could, even when not invested with comital
powers, yet at least for their episcopal fiefs (episcopium) receive homage
and conclude recognised feudal contracts. Thus the Archbishop of Pisa
and the Bishop of Siena are all-important for the enlargement and
formation of their communes' dominion over the contadi (counties) sur-
rounding them. The lords of the countryside, new allies or vanquished
enemies, surrendered their lands to the bishop and his city or to the
bishop alone, and, by contracts which no feudal lawyer could impugn,
became subjects to a private power as yet non-existent or incapable
of such action in the eyes of feudal jurisprudence.
The enlargement of the rule of the city-commune over the county
(contado) and diocese of which it was the centre was the most natural of
developments, an aggression which was barely distinguishable from defence.
From the beginning, the city-notables headed by the bishop, and the city
itself, had lands in the contado; and these links were rendered more
numerous by a process in the countryside too which was in full activity
CH. V.
## p. 224 (#270) ############################################
224
Conquest of the contado
early in the twelfth century. With their multiplication, the nobility did
not grow less oppressive to their serfs; in fact, poorer by reason of their
numbers, they were the more inclined to heap abuse on abuse (new ex-
action, uncustomary, ab usu)' on their serfs. But these, too, were more
numerous and restive, more inclined and able to resist, if their lords were
not too great dignitaries. Hence, there is a double stream of immigration
to the cities : one of lesser nobles, seeking a new way of livelihood, such
as the historic Buondelmonti who thus joined the original city-nobility,
the Uberti and others, at Florence; the other of peasants, contadini,
lured by the comparative freedom of the town. For some cities this
voluntary adhesion of the countryside nobles continued to be the chief
means of gaining control of the contado. The greatest lords round
Pisa, the Gherardesca and the Upezzinghi, along with a crowd of lesser
feudatories, were glad to be enrolled, whether as vassals of the arch-
bishop or without an intermediary, as Pisan citizens.
But there were motives which urged the communes to forcible ex-
pansion as well. There was the city food-supply to be assured; there
was the security of the citizens, new and old, and their lands outside the
walls; there were inherited feuds and claims, ecclesiastical and secular;
there were the freedom and safety of roads, the abolition of tolls and
blackmail, and the exit and entrance of the commerce, which took an
ever larger share in the city's thoughts; there was the independence of
the city itself to be preserved from ancient or invented feudal claims. If
lesser nobles could be both troublesome neighbours and a tempting prey,
it was the surviving greater houses, strong in fiefs and vassals, who were
most dangerous. For many years Florence waged war with her neigh-
bours, the Counts Guidi, heirs in some degree of Matilda, and the
Alberti of Prato, thus gaining by slow progresses, and the capture of
castle after castle, the control of her immediate surroundings. Siena
slowly mastered the powerful counts around her in the same twelfth
century. One usual condition of peace enforced by the victorious commune
was the compulsory citizenship and partial residence within the walls, say
for three months a year, of her vanquished enemies. This was only doing
by compulsion what so many nobles had done and were doing of their
free will, but while it gave the commune a stronger hold on the country-
side, it also, as we shall see, intensified the native disorder prevalent
among the half-feudal clans of the city.
Thus, as the twelfth century wore on, the great communes were
securing control of the greater part of their diocese or contado. It was
the commune which superintended in the last resort justice and peace,
and levied its vassals for war. There did not thence follow any difference
in the status of the serf, who remained subject to his immediate lord, or
the city which succeeded him. Nevertheless, a very considerable change
1 An ab-usus was a regular new exaction, a supra-usus, a capricious one.
1
## p. 225 (#271) ############################################
The rural communes
225
was taking place over tracts of the countryside in North Italy. The in-
habitants of the castelli or fortified townships, and even of lesser places,
were forming communes of their own, arising out of the necessary co-
operation between compossessing lords and vicini. As early
As early as 1093 the
Counts of Biandrate in Lombardy shared the jurisdiction over their town
of Biandrate with twelve consuls of the habitatores, appointed seemingly
from the ranks of the rustici, the peasants. They made a separate grant
to vassal nobles, milites, but these submitted to the consuls' jurisdiction.
All through the twelfth century we find petty communes arising and de-
veloping in Tuscany. They might begin from groups of lesser vassals or
freeholders or of freed masnadieri, organised in a community known as
Lombards—in this fashion we find the commune of the men of San Ger-
vasio in Val d'Era assenting to the sale of their castello and curtis by the
count whose fief it was to the Bishop of Lucca. They might be similar
associations of the villani or serfs of a vicinia or of a whole pieve. The two
communities often subsisted together in the same district, but they end
in being united as a communis et populus. With an infinite variety of
constituents and history, they were approaching throughout the twelfth
century a common type, the rural commune of landholders of different
status, governed by its elected consuls. It was rather local administration,
land-rights, and cultivation, than politics proper which formed the subject
of these township-communities. What was in process was the decease of
feudalism as an economic and administrative system, and its replacement
by co-operative arrangements which drew their origin eventually from
immemorial methods of using and sharing the land, all quickened to new
growth by a new prosperity.
To sum up this aspect of the theme: towards the close of the twelfth
century North Italy was subdivided into a considerable number of city-
states, the great communes, for the most part, though not all, ancient
episcopal sees. They were rapidly growing in wealth and population,
how rapidly may be gathered from the new and wider circuits of walls
they were constrained to build. Pisa already had her new walls by 1081,
Piacenza before 1158; Florence was building her Second Circle in
1172-4, Modena in 1188, and Padua in 1195; and the fact implies the
existence of important suburbs outside the old walls for some time pre-
viously. These vigorous towns were in perpetual strife with one another
and with the surviving great feudal lords, who like the Pelavicini, the
Estensi, the Marquesses of Montferrat in Lombardy, the Malaspina in
Lunigiana, or the Aldobrandeschi in Tuscany, held out amid the
mountains and the marshes. With these exceptions, they were ruling in
various ways and degrees their contado, the county and diocese sur-
rounding them, ruling from one point of view over a strange medley of
feudal vassals, freemen, and serfs of all degrees, from another over an
assemblage of petty communities, all illustrations of that method of self-
management by association and league, which was necessary for safety,
C. MED. H. VOL. V. CH. V.
15
## p. 226 (#272) ############################################
226
Inter-city wars. Development of commerce
which was dictated by tradition and material circumstances, and which
was provoked by the decadence and abuses of outworn feudalism.
The energies of the communes were far from being wholly absorbed
in self-government, in internal production, and in the annexation of their
contadi. The inter-city wars went on with unceasing fury from year to
year, it might be said from century to century. Not till Siena was an-
nexed by Cosimo of Florence in 1557, was their series over. In some
degree these conflicts had their rise in sheer antipathy and jealousy. The
strongly-marked character of each commune, its intense local patriotisin,
made its neighbours its enemies. Old disputes over diocesan boundaries,
as between Pisa and Lucca, Siena and Arezzo, or over feudal claims of
superiority, as between Milan and Lodi, furnished grounds for dispute
where sentiment had free play. The moral shortcomings of each Italian
town are enshrined in civic proverbs and in Dante. But far more im-
portant were the causes of strife which arose from the mutual relations
of towns depending on commerce for their prosperity and independence.
Geography and trade in combination were the most explosive compound
of nature and art. Seaports were rivals in a narrow but profitable
market, when piracy and trading went hand in hand. By land there was
the outlet to the sea, or a toll-free road by land, as well as rivalry in
manufacture, to create discord. Commercial competition for the pro-
tection of home-industry or the possession of the carrying-trade was the
staple of these city-wars.
Effective though the Crusades were in making the Italian seaports
European powers, in increasing their wealth and the scope of their enter-
prise, and in enlarging the mental horizon of all Europe, they did not
begin the career of the maritime republics. The trade of these was of
natural growth, and it was rather in the pre-crusading wars with the
western Saracens, in the abolition of Muslim piracy, and in the opening
of sea-routes to the Ponent (the West) and the Levant (the East), that
they secured their pre-eminence. Venice, by taming the Slav pirates of
Dalmatia and defeating the Sicilian Muslims at Bari in 1002, was in a
way to become queen of the Adriatic. Pisa, sacked by Saracens in 1004
and 1011, could yet defeat them near Reggio in 1005 and, in concert
with Genoa, rescue Sardinia from Mujāhid of Denia in 1016. This
victory began the long wars of Pisa and Genoa, fought for the trade of
the Mediterranean and more especially for the exploitation of Sardinia
and Corsica. They were still allies against their common enemy, the
Saracens, but their joint capture (1087) of Mahdiyah in Barbary from
Tamim the Zairid, and the famous temporary conquest (1113-15) of the
Balearic Isles by the Pisans and Christian allies from the neighbouring
coasts (with the exception of Genoa), together with the Norman conquest
of Sicily (1061-1091), established Christian supremacy in the Ponent.
Thereafter, Pisans and Genoese fought one another with little relaxation
in East and West. Amalfi, once first in the Levantine trade, faded under
## p. 227 (#273) ############################################
The Tuscan communes
227
its Norman masters, and its sack in 1135 by the Pisans, in the service of
Pope and Emperor, hastened its decline. But the bull (1133) of
Innocent II which assigned Sardinia and half Corsica to the Pisan sphere
of ecclesiastical influence, and the rest of Corsica to the new Genoese
archbishopric, only resulted in a truce. The two cities fought for influence
in Sardinia, for trade with Sicily and the Ponent, and in the East there
was a three-cornered struggle between them and Venice. The strife of
Pope and Emperor, the Crusades, were incidents in and opportunities for
this civic rivalry. If Pisa at first took the lead and was predominant in
Sardinia at the close of the twelfth century, she was, nevertheless, fatally
hampered by her open contado and strong Tuscan neighbours. Genoa,
once she had subdued her Riviera, was secured by the Apennines from
inland rivalry; and during the thirteenth century Pisa slowly lost ground.
The geography of Tuscany was largely responsible for the inland
rivalries of the province. Across the encircling Apennines came all-
important roads from the north. By the Monte Bardone (now the
Pontremoli) Pass came the Via Francigena from Parma (joined by the
land-route from Genoa) to Lucca. Then it crossed the River Arno near
Fucecchio and struck south to Siena and Rome. From Bologna, the chief
junction-city on the Emilian Way, came two roads, one through Pistoia,
the other straight across the Apennines to Florence. From Florence
again two roads led to Rome, one westerly to Poggibonsi, where it joined
the Via Francigena and also a direct route from Pisa, through Volterra,
to Siena, and the other, the ancient Via Cassia, easterly, past Arezzo,
down the valley of the Chiana, under Montepulciano, to Orvieto and
Rome. From Florence, too, flowed the natural artery to the sea, the
River Arno, with its port at Pisa. To these trade-route factors should be
added finally the lure of fertile stretches of countryside for food, for
produce, and for men. Each commune was anxious for trade-outlets
under its own control, the power of controlling the outlets of its neigh-
bours, and for a wide subject-territory. Nowhere was the theory of
territorial corridors better understood than in medieval Tuscany.
As a result Pisa and Lucca were early mortal enemies. There were
disputed tracts of fertile contado. Lucca held both the northern outlet
of the Via Francigena and its crossing at the Arno. Pisa held its gate,
and that of most Tuscany, to the sea. Pisa fought to gain a footing on
the Via Francigena before it reached Lucca, to control the mouth of the
Lucchese river, the Serchio, and to remove Lucca's grip on the middle
Arno at Fucecchio. The Lucchese sought to compel all trade from the
north to halt in their city and pay dues there, and to prevent a Pisan
wedge intervening between them and Siena. Already in 1003 the two
cities, not yet communes, were fighting.
