To Lichas, he said, ignorant
of what he was to deliver, she all unwitting delivers with her own hands
the cause of her future woe.
of what he was to deliver, she all unwitting delivers with her own hands
the cause of her future woe.
Ovid - 1934 - Metamorphoses in European Culture - v2
Nessus offered to carry Deianira, leaving Hercules free
to cross by swimming. Greek authors appear to have imagined the
stream as broad, and Seneca afterwards declared that it was. Ovid
thought of it as narrow and deep, like many rivers of France. Hercules
was able to toss his club and his bow over to the other side. Then, wear-
ing his traditional equipment of a lion skin and a quiver of poison
arrows, he easily swam across. It is surprising that he would risk in-
juring his arrows in the water. As he picked up the bow, he was startled
by the screams of his bride and discovered that Nessus was making off
with her.
Ovid showed Hercules at first warning the centaur to stop. He cau-
tioned him that he could not hope to escape with impunity, reminding
him of the punishment of Ixion. Here Ovid alluded to the familiar tradi-
tion that Ixion had attempted to ravish Juno and had been punished in
Tartarus by fastening on a whirling wheel (cf. Athamas, Bk. 4). Pindar
had spoken of Ixion as grandfather of many of the centaurs. Later
authors usually spoke of him as their father, and Ovid showed Hercules
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? NESSUS AND THE DEATH OF HERCULES
alluding to this idea. Since the warning was addressed over a torrential
river to a centaur in rapid flight, Ovid made it improbably long and
rhetorical. Finding that words had no effect, Hercules shot an arrow.
It pierced Nessus between his equine shoulders and protruded from his
chest on the other side. As Nessus pulled it out, blood spurted both in
front and behind.
Ovid then departed radically from Nicander. He imagined that
Nessus wore a tunic over the human part of his body. Muttering, "I
shall not die unavenged," the centaur caught enough warm blood in his
hands to soak the tunic and then offered this garment as a love charm.
Presumably Deianira had failed to hear the threat. Ovid did not suggest
how she could take the tunic with her, unobserved by Hercules.
Passing over a number of years, Ovid declared that the great
achievements of Hercules filled the earth. The Iliad had spoken of Juno
as always hostile, observing that Hercules succumbed at length to fate
and the wrath of Juno. Euripides in his Hercules Furens had shown her
persecuting the hero after the completion of his famous labors. But
the Manual indicated that, when she had compelled him to perform
twelve of them, she was content. Ovid made a compromise between the
two ideas. With the Manual he supposed that Juno was appeased. With
the poets he agreed that Hercules believed her hostile to the last. He
showed the hero declaring later in the tale that Juno was weary of im-
posing tasks but still was afflicting him.
After noting a lapse of years, Ovid mentioned the destruction of a
city named Oechalia. Regarding its location Greek authors held various
opinions. The Iliad mentioned it first as lying southwest in Messenia,
near the home of Nestor, but later referred to it as lying northwards in
Thessaly. Both passages named Eurytus as the king. The Odyssey re-
peated the first idea, that it was in Messenia. Bacchylides implied that
it was neither there nor in Thessaly but on the island of Euboea.
Sophocles localized it in the middle of the island, and this afterwards
became the usual opinion.
The Odyssey had associated Hercules with Iphitus, eldest son of
King Eurytus. That prince went in search of a number of mares, which
had become lost, and eventually found them at Tiryns in the possession
of Hercules. Under a pretense of hospitality, the Odyssey continued,
Hercules received Iphitus into his house and then treacherously mur-
dered him. Greek authors afterwards tried in various ways to lessen the
heinous nature of the crime. Pherecydes declared that Hercules did not
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
kill the prince in his house but lured him out on the city walls and threw
him to the ground below. Sophocles observed that he did not lure him out
on the walls but met him there by chance. The Manual explained that
Hercules acted without ill intent while temporarily insane.
The Odyssey implied that Hercules had stolen the mares, and Dio-
dorus stated it as a fact. The Manual spoke of them as having been
stolen by the thief Autolycus. In any case the motive for killing Iphitus
was not primarily desire for the animals but resentment against King
Eurytus. This idea was not mentioned in the Odyssey but appeared more
and more clearly in the work of later authors. According to the Odyssey,
Eurytus died before his son went on the quest. But Sophocles and most
authors following him spoke of Eurytus as alive until some time after the
murder.
As a primitive community regarded homicide, the injured parties
were limited ordinarily to members of the victim's immediate family.
They were expected to exact a penalty from the person responsible for
the loss of their kinsman. But the penalty was not necessarily death.
If the killer was wealthy and powerful, he might atone by a payment of
money; or, if he enjoyed the favor of a powerful patron, the latter
might make this atonement for him. Such atonement was described as
occurring more than once in the Icelandic Nialsaga and as occurring
also in the Greek myth of Hercules. The hero arranged to have Apollo
conciliate the family of Iphitus. The god was to sell Hercules into
slavery and pay the money to the bereaved family. This incident was
mentioned by Aeschylus in his Agamemnon and was told in full by
Pherecydes. In earlier accounts, payment was made to the sons of
Iphitus; in later accounts, which assumed that Eurytus still was alive,
payment was made to him. Hercules became a slave of the Lydian queen
Omphale, but only for a limited period -- according to Sophocles, for
a year.
The early epic called Taking of Oechalia first mentioned Hercules
as waging war against the city. Bacchylides noted that he left it a prey
to fire. Sophocles recorded a number of the circumstances. Hercules
fell in love with Iole, daughter of Eurytus, and courted her despite the
fact that he was married to Deianira. Her father rejected him, not
because he was married but for some other reason. Angered at the re-
fusal, Hercules killed Iphitus and atoned for the crime by slavery in
Lydia. After his release he assembled an army in Trachin, attacked
and destroyed Oechalia, and took Iole captive. Sophocles implied that
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? NESSUS AND THE DEATH OF HERCULES
Eurytus perished with the fall of the town, an idea which later authors
often recorded explicitly. In the Hippolytus, Euripides declared that
amid fire and smoke and cries of terror Iole was rowed away to Hercules.
The Manual related the courtship of Iole more closely to other
events in the career of Hercules. It supposed the courtship to have be-
gun long before the time of his marriage to Deianira. After finishing
the twelve labors, Hercules learned that Eurytus had offered his daugh-
ter as prize to anyone who should vanquish him in archery. Being then
without a wife, he entered the contest and won. But Eurytus, alleging
that he might again go mad and kill his children, refused to give him the
prize and drove him out of the city. After the murder of Iphitus and
the atonement, Hercules married Deianira and undertook various enter-
prizes which occupied him for many years. Still unwilling to give up
Iole, he at last made his expedition against Oechalia. In the Epistle of
Deianira, Ovid already had told about Hercules as a slave of Omphale.
Having no interest in the war, he passed immediately to the ensuing
events.
After the capture of Oechalia, said Bacchylides, Hercules went to
the Cenaean Promontory and began preparing for a sacrifice in honor
of Jupiter, Neptune, and Pallas. This promontory formed the north-
western end of Euboea. Probably Bacchylides imagined the ceremony
as about to be performed high on the western side of the mountains, near
a town called Dium. Meanwhile Hercules planned that Iole should be
conveyed to his home, which was then at Trachin, on the mainland a
little north of Euboea. Deianira, receiving news of his intention, be-
came jealous and resorted to the love charm -- a fatal mistake.
Sophocles gave a clearer and more detailed account. Before Her-
cules undertook the war against Oechalia, he had promised that, if the
outcome should be favorable, he would offer a sacrifice on the Cenaean
Promontory. Sophocles imagined the offering as planned in honor of
Jupiter alone, an idea followed by most authors afterwards. Hyllus,
who now was old enough to go in search of his father, met Hercules near
the Promontory and decided to wait for the ceremony before returning
home. Meanwhile Hercules despatched a party in charge of the herald
Lichas for conveying Iole and other captives to Trachin.
Lichas, purposely arriving a little in advance of the others, endeav-
ored to forestall resentment on the part of Deianira. He informed her
that Hercules had made war in order to avenge humiliations occasioned
by Eurytus. When Iole arrived, Lichas pretended ignorance of her
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
identity. Deianira received her kindly and pitied her forlorn state.
Later someone acquainted with the facts told Deianira the real situation.
She questioned Lichas and got him to confess the deception, for which
he assumed entire responsibility. Sophocles imagined Deianira's atti-
tude as primitive and yet dignified and even noble. This was not the
first time, she said, that Hercules had loved some other woman. Regard-
ing the passion of love as irresistible, she always looked on such affairs
as his misfortune and not his fault. She did not blame Iole, and she
sympathized with her misfortunes. But in one respect this affair was
more grave than the others. Instead of letting it remain an incident of
some distant quest, Hercules was bringing Iole back to his permanent
residence. Deianira was willing to share the home with Iole, but she
feared that Hercules might think his new favorite so attractive that he
would lose all interest in Deianira. To prevent this extremity, she re-
sorted to the love charm.
Secretly smearing a tunic with the blood of Nessus, she put it in a
wooden box and delivered it to Lichas as a gift for Hercules to wear at
the ceremony. Apparently Sophocles thought the color of the tunic
would have prevented anyone from observing stains of blood. But it was
unlikely that after many years the blood of Nessus could be used in this
manner. Deianira gave instructions that until the hour of the ceremony
the tunic was to be kept in a cool, dark place. Lichas probably would
have supposed this to mean that he needed to protect the dye, which in
ancient times was apt to fade, if exposed to the sun (cf. Arachne,
Bk. 6). He departed without suspicion.
Deianira had applied the philter by soaking it up with a handful
of wool and then had thrown the wool on the ground. It fell in a sunny
place. She now observed with horror that the blood boiled, consumed
the wool to dust, and then foamed on the ground. Remembering how it
was mingled with venom of the hydra, she suspected that Nessus must
have plotted against her husband's life, and she resolved in that case to
die. This account Ovid appears to have recalled in his Tristia, for he
mentioned Iole and Deianira as examples of a love story that became
the theme of tragedy.
The Manual, retelling the story briefly, differed at several points.
Hercules, it said, kept Iole with him and sent Lichas to fetch clothing
appropriate for the ceremony. Apparently without hesitation, Lichas
told Deianira about Iole, and she smeared the tunic with blood of Nessus.
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? NESSUS AND THE DEATH OF HERCULES
The Manual said nothing about her observing any ominous effect on the
wool.
Ovid treated the subject first in his Epistle of Deianira to Hercules.
Although he took a number of particulars from Sophocles, he made
several important innovations. A rumor, spreading widely through the
Greek cities, informed Deianira that Hercules was in love with Iole.
Then the princess arrived, proud and in rich array. Ovid imagined
Deianira as acting the part of the ordinary jealous wife. She immedi-
ately sent the tunic and then began writing a letter to scold Hercules
at some length, not only for the present disloyalty but also for all the
others. Learning in some degree the fatal nature of her gift, she resolved
to be a sister worthy of the brave Meleager and to take her own life.
In the Metamorphoses, Ovid repeated his idea that Deianira heard
the news by rumor, but he made it more striking. Vergil in the Aeneid
had spoken of a personified Rumor (or Fame) as informing Iarbas
about the relations of Dido and Aeneas. Ovid declared that the same
character informed Deianira about the relations of Hercules and Iole.
The Iliad had spoken of Discord (Eris) as small at first but increasing
rapidly until she walks on the ground and conceals her head in the
clouds. Vergil associated this idea with Rumor and added that she re-
ports indiscriminately both false and true. He may have intended the
reader to suppose that her account of Aeneas was partly false. Ovid
repeated these details of Vergil's description, with more emphasis on the
idea of falsehood, but the message seemed to be wholly true.
Ovid recounted Deianira's behavior immediately after hearing the
news. Inventing his details, he again portrayed her as less dignified than
the heroine of Sophocles. In accord with the Manual, he assumed that
Iole had not arrived in Trachin. At first Deianira wept bitterly. Then,
like Medea (Bk. 7), she considered her problem in a soliloquy. Recall-
ing Sophocles, Ovid imagined her reflecting that Iole would come and
usurp her place. She mentioned various courses that lay open to her.
As one of these, she might remember that she was Meleager's sister and
do a dreadful deed, such as killing her rival. The allusion to Meleager
murdering his uncles was impressive, but Ovid forgot that in the pre-
vious tale he had spoken of the Calydonian Boar Hunt as occurring at
a later time, after the death of Hercules. Deianira resolved at last to
send the tunic. Ovid implied that it was the same tunic which formerly
had been worn by Nessus. That it still would retain the blood was
probable, as will be evident to those who have gazed at the light blue
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
sweater of Charles First of England and have observed after nearly
three hundred years the reddish stains of his execution. In this matter,
Ovid improved on his predecessors. But it was unlikely that a tunic
worn by Nessus and now soiled and blood-stained would be acceptable
to Hercules.
Although Ovid had said that Rumor brought the news, he agreed
with the Manual that Lichas was come for clothing and that Deianira
gave him the tunic. And, like Sophocles, he noted that she sent it with
a gracious message to her lord. Ovid pointed out that neither Deianira
nor Lichas realized the nature of the gift.
To Lichas, he said, ignorant
of what he was to deliver, she all unwitting delivers with her own hands
the cause of her future woe. And he added that Hercules was unaware
of what he was receiving. Although Ovid's phrasing was artificial, he
did well to show that all three acted in fatal ignorance.
Putting on the tunic, Hercules began the ceremony. Ovid may
have supposed that Hyllus was present, but he did not indicate it at
any point in the story. Already a flame was kindled on the altar. Her-
cules proceeded to offer wine and incense. As a matter of historical
fact, incense was unknown to the early Greeks. But Vergil had spoken
of Queen Amata and Lavinia as offering it on the morning of the cavalry
battle. Ovid followed Vergil's example, both here and elsewhere in his
poem. Afterwards Seneca followed Ovid in his Hercules on Mt. Oeta,
and Racine and Goethe revived the Roman practice in their own dramas
about ancient times.
Tradition had assumed that, as Hercules approached the altar
his tunic was exposed suddenly to light and heat both from the sun and
from the flames of the altar. The flames usually were thought to have
exerted the more potent effect. Soon the hydra venom became active,
with dire results. Hercules, believing that Lichas had plotted his death,
killed him. Aeschylus alluded to this incident in his Glaucus Pontius and
referred to the herald's grave as in Euboea.
Sophocles told the story in detail. After putting on the tunic,
Hercules at first proceeded with the sacrifice, proud and happy. All at
once a heavy sweat appeared on his face and limbs, and the tunic stuck
fast to his skin. The venom, working inwards, gave him racking pains.
He questioned Lichas, who disclaimed any ill intent. Then maddened
with the pain, Hercules seized Lichas by the ankle and hurled him from
the mountainside into the sea. As Lichas fell, his head struck a rock,
which lay among the waves. The blow dashed out his brains. Hercules
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? NESSUS AND THE DEATH OF HERCULES
in agony sometimes fell to the ground, at other times leaped high in
air, while the capes on both sides of the water echoed with his cries. He
cursed his wife, who had sent the fatal gift. As the heat of the poison
obscured him in a cloud of smoke, he bade Hyllus take him from the un-
hallowed place. Led aboard a ship, he lapsed into an exhausted sleep.
Hyllus proceeded with him to Trachin, and told the appalling news to
Deianira. She killed herself with a sword.
On Mt. Oeta, a little south of Trachin, there was an ancient shrine
where either human victims or puppets were burned as offerings. Tradi-
tion ascribed the origin of the practice to Hercules. This idea was re-
corded in an early poem called The Marriage of Ceyx. Sophocles showed
the hero ordering his son to convey him up the mountain and then con-
struct a pyre and burn his still living body. He permitted Hyllus to
leave for someone else the duty of lighting the pyre. In the Trachinian
Women, Sophocles did not tell who undertook this duty, but in the
Philoctetes he spoke of that hero as performing the task and obtaining
as his reward the bow of Hercules, which later proved essential for the
capture of Troy. Ovid alluded twice in his Ibis to the account of Soph-
ocles. He mentioned the torture which Hercules experienced from poison
of the hydra and the fate of Lichas, whose blood tinged the waters of
the sea.
The Manual retold the story briefly but with a number of changes.
Of Lichas it said only that Hercules threw him into the Euboic sea. It
gave new details about the effect of the poison. The venom corroded
the hero's skin. The tunic clung to him, and, as he pulled it off, his flesh
came with it. Merely implying that Hyllus conveyed his father to
Trachin, the Manual declared that Deianira hanged herself and that
Hercules ascended Oeta on his own feet and built the pyre. Not Philoc-
tetes, but the father of Philoctetes, kindled the flame and received the
bow.
Nicander gave a still different account. He imagined that almost
all events of the story occurred on Mt. Oeta. Near the crest of this
mountain, he said, Hercules began the sacrifice to Jupiter. The poisoned
blood, when exposed to heat, caused his tunic to break out in flames.
Lichas, hurled into the sea, became a small, rocky island of that name,
on which sailors afterwards feared to land. Hercules himself ran down
an eastern ridge of Mt. Oeta, leaped into the springs at its base, and was
drowned. The water has boiled ever since and has given to the neigh-
boring pass its name Thermopylae (Gates of Hot Springs). This ver-
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
sion afterwards was repeated in part by Nonnus. In the Epistle of
Deianira, Ovid spoke of Hercules as torn on Mt. Oeta.
In the Metamorphoses, Ovid treated the Cenaean Promontory as
if it were part of Mt. Oeta, on the opposite shore. For the incidents of
the story he recalled not only previous accounts of Hercules but also
other famous accounts of similar nature.
One of these was a remarkable passage in the Medea of Euripides,
inspired in large measure by the Sophoclean description of Hercules in
Euboea. Euripides recorded how by the gift of a magic robe and crown
Medea destroyed Creiisa and her father (cf. Bk. 7). After Creiisa had
put on the gifts, he said, she at first walked proudly along the corridor
of her palace. All at once she staggered and sank on a couch, with mute
evidences of distress. Then she screamed in agony, as fire spurted from
the crown and as the robe burned into her flesh. Madly she endeavored
to free herself, but robe and crown stuck fast. Blood mingled with the
fire round her head. The flesh melted off her bones. As her father em-
braced her, the robe clung to him also; and, as he tried to escape, it
pulled the flesh off his bones until at last he died.
With ideas from Euripides, Ovid combined recollections of a simi-
lar passage in his own tale of Meleager. That hero felt his vitals scorch-
ing with hidden flame. Although he bore the pain with fortitude, he at
length was compelled to utter groans. But he lamented chiefly the in-
glorious nature of his death.
Ovid noted that in the beginning Hercules proceeded, untroubled,
with the sacrifice. But the venom soon penetrated into his skin. Ovid
imagined that he did not observe Lichas until much later. So long as
possible, he bore the pain with fortitude. Then he overturned the altar
and filled Oeta with his cries. He struggled to remove the tunic, but it
either stuck fast or tore off both skin and flesh, exposing rent muscles
and huge bones. The fiery poison made his blood hiss, like red hot metal
plunged into a lake. Sweat appeared everywhere on his skin. Hidden
fire devoured his vitals and melted even his marrow. Ovid already had
made the story more sensational. He proceeded to make it less probable.
We should imagine that Hercules must have been on the point of dying.
Ovid imagined the situation quite otherwise.
Hercules, he said, complained bitterly of his cruel, unmerited fate.
This idea was suggested by passages both of Sophocles and of Euripides.
According to the Gospels of Matthew and Mark, the Savior cried out
that he was forsaken by God, whom he had served faithfully and from
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? NESSUS AND THE DEATH OF HERCULES
whom he might have expected protection. Sophocles imagined that a
similar idea introduced the complaints of Hercules. After arriving in
Trachin, he said, the hero discoursed with Hyllus, bewailing his wretched
state. Hercules complained that Jupiter had made an ill return for the
altar on the Cenaean Promontory. Then, passing to other matters, he
longed for death, even at the hands of his son, and prayed Jupiter to
grant it. Recalling his labors, he declared that none of them had cost
him such suffering. He mourned the fact that so many great achieve-
ments were to end with an inglorious death at the hands of a woman.
Although the present foe was invisible, he hoped at least to avenge
himself on Deianira -- until he learned of her death. Hyllus then com-
plained that Jupiter and the other gods appeared indifferent to the tor-
ture of their champion.
Euripides in the Hercules Furens imagined that Hercules made
similar complaints after the madness in which he killed Megara and her
children. Euripides, too, showed Hercules recalling his labors and
mourning his present ignominy. But he imagined his going further in
reproaching the gods. Hercules doubted even the existence of Jupiter
and bade Juno rejoice and triumph in his distress.
Ovid showed Hercules complaining in a monologue addressed to
Juno -- this form suggested probably by his own earlier passage on the
complaint of Narcissus (Bk. 3). He left out the idea of vengeance on
Deianira, because Mt. Oeta was so far from Trachin as to make it seem
impossible, and he mentioned her death only by an allusion in the story
which followed. In the complaint he took his initial idea from Euripides.
Hercules bade Juno look down from the skies and rejoice at his de-
struction. Ovid agreed with Sophocles that his hero prayed for death
but showed him asking it from Juno and combined with the request an
idea taken from his own tale of Niobe (Bk. 6). If, said Hercules, I am
worthy of pity even from a foe, end my life of suffering. And Hercules
declared that death would be a fitting boon for a stepmother to grant.
In accord with both Sophocles and Euripides, Ovid showed the hero re-
calling his exploits, but he included a greater number of them. Then,
following a hint of Sophocles, Ovid showed him lamenting his inglorious
death by an invisible enemy, against whom neither strength nor weapons
availed. Finally Ovid repeated and heightened an idea of Euripides.
Eurystheus still is alive and well, said Hercules, and yet there are people
who can believe in the existence of gods!
By making such frequent use of the Greek dramatists, Ovid invited
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
comparison with them. His treatment of the subject was far more melo-
dramatic. Sophocles had introduced the complaint as uttered after an
interval of sleep and had indicated pauses and incoherence, which would
be natural under great suffering. Ovid imagined it as uttered at the
height of torture and made it improbably long and orderly. Sophocles
had been content with pointing out the seeming indifference of the gods;
Euripides had thought it enough for Hercules to doubt the existence of
Jupiter, and in both dramas the circumstances made such ideas appro-
priate. Ovid showed Hercules doubting the existence of any gods. But
his idea was out of place, when the complaint itself was addressed to
Juno and was in large part a recital of her injustice.
Following the tragic poets, Ovid included in the complaint a recol-
lection of the hero's famous exploits. He did so the more willingly
because the exploits did not involve metamorphoses and so were difficult
to introduce elsewhere. In all, Ovid mentioned fifteen. They included
the usual twelve labors* and three of the supplementary labors. Ovid
enumerated them, not in their traditional order, but according to a
rhetorical association of ideas.
First Ovid mentioned the destruction of Busiris. According to the
Egyptian author Manetho, the people of Egypt through a long period
used to sacrifice foreigners. They did this, as Diodorus noted, at a
place called Bu Asiri (the grave of Osiris). The Greeks, misinterpreting
the term, imagined that it was the name of a local king, whom they
called Busiris. The Manual explained that he began the practice of
offering human beings in order to end nine years of famine. Tradition
declared that, while Hercules was visiting Egypt, he was seized and led
to the altar but, suddenly breaking loose, killed the king and many of
his followers. The story was challenged more than once. Herodotus
denied that Egyptians had indulged in human sacrifice and pronounced
it incredible that one man should overcome thousands. Isocrates, in an
oration which was supposed to exonerate Busiris, asserted that he lived
two centuries earlier than Hercules. Nevertheless Greek authors and
artists often treated the story. It became regularly a part of the tradi-
tion of Hercules, and Vergil observed in the Georgics that it was known
to all.
Next Ovid mentioned the destruction of a Libyan king, Antaeus.
Pindar had stated that this malefactor habitually killed travelers and
*Only in the opening tale of Book Fifteen did Ovid specify the labors as twelve
in number.
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? NESSUS AND THE DEATH OF HERCULES
hung their skulls on a certain temple of Neptune. He noted that Her-
cules wrestled with him and killed him. Plato observed in his Theatetus
that Antaeus compelled all travelers to wrestle with him. According to
early works of art, Hercules threw Antaeus violently to the ground. But
later the story changed. It was imagined that Antaeus, being a son of
Earth, got renewed strength from contact with the soil. Hercules, dis-
covering this fact, raised him high in air and held him up while he
weakened and died. This idea, which appeared in later Greek art and in
the Manual, was recalled in turn by Ovid.
As a third exploit of Hercules, Ovid mentioned his adventure with
Geryon. The Theogony had recorded the following circumstances.
Geryon, son of Chrysaor and Callirhoe, was a man with three heads.
He lived in an island called Erythia (Redland) and reared cattle, aided
by the herdsman Eurytion and the dog Orthus. Hercules, desiring the
cattle, slew Geryon and his herdsman and dog. Aeschylus noted in
the Agamemnon that Geryon had also three bodies. Later authors ex-
plained that his bodies were joined at the waist but separate above and
below.
Pisander and Herodotus gave a more definite account of Erythia.
It lay far to the west, in the ocean just beyond the Spanish city of
Gadira, now called Cadiz, and received its name because it continually
was reddened by the setting sun.
to cross by swimming. Greek authors appear to have imagined the
stream as broad, and Seneca afterwards declared that it was. Ovid
thought of it as narrow and deep, like many rivers of France. Hercules
was able to toss his club and his bow over to the other side. Then, wear-
ing his traditional equipment of a lion skin and a quiver of poison
arrows, he easily swam across. It is surprising that he would risk in-
juring his arrows in the water. As he picked up the bow, he was startled
by the screams of his bride and discovered that Nessus was making off
with her.
Ovid showed Hercules at first warning the centaur to stop. He cau-
tioned him that he could not hope to escape with impunity, reminding
him of the punishment of Ixion. Here Ovid alluded to the familiar tradi-
tion that Ixion had attempted to ravish Juno and had been punished in
Tartarus by fastening on a whirling wheel (cf. Athamas, Bk. 4). Pindar
had spoken of Ixion as grandfather of many of the centaurs. Later
authors usually spoke of him as their father, and Ovid showed Hercules
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? NESSUS AND THE DEATH OF HERCULES
alluding to this idea. Since the warning was addressed over a torrential
river to a centaur in rapid flight, Ovid made it improbably long and
rhetorical. Finding that words had no effect, Hercules shot an arrow.
It pierced Nessus between his equine shoulders and protruded from his
chest on the other side. As Nessus pulled it out, blood spurted both in
front and behind.
Ovid then departed radically from Nicander. He imagined that
Nessus wore a tunic over the human part of his body. Muttering, "I
shall not die unavenged," the centaur caught enough warm blood in his
hands to soak the tunic and then offered this garment as a love charm.
Presumably Deianira had failed to hear the threat. Ovid did not suggest
how she could take the tunic with her, unobserved by Hercules.
Passing over a number of years, Ovid declared that the great
achievements of Hercules filled the earth. The Iliad had spoken of Juno
as always hostile, observing that Hercules succumbed at length to fate
and the wrath of Juno. Euripides in his Hercules Furens had shown her
persecuting the hero after the completion of his famous labors. But
the Manual indicated that, when she had compelled him to perform
twelve of them, she was content. Ovid made a compromise between the
two ideas. With the Manual he supposed that Juno was appeased. With
the poets he agreed that Hercules believed her hostile to the last. He
showed the hero declaring later in the tale that Juno was weary of im-
posing tasks but still was afflicting him.
After noting a lapse of years, Ovid mentioned the destruction of a
city named Oechalia. Regarding its location Greek authors held various
opinions. The Iliad mentioned it first as lying southwest in Messenia,
near the home of Nestor, but later referred to it as lying northwards in
Thessaly. Both passages named Eurytus as the king. The Odyssey re-
peated the first idea, that it was in Messenia. Bacchylides implied that
it was neither there nor in Thessaly but on the island of Euboea.
Sophocles localized it in the middle of the island, and this afterwards
became the usual opinion.
The Odyssey had associated Hercules with Iphitus, eldest son of
King Eurytus. That prince went in search of a number of mares, which
had become lost, and eventually found them at Tiryns in the possession
of Hercules. Under a pretense of hospitality, the Odyssey continued,
Hercules received Iphitus into his house and then treacherously mur-
dered him. Greek authors afterwards tried in various ways to lessen the
heinous nature of the crime. Pherecydes declared that Hercules did not
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
kill the prince in his house but lured him out on the city walls and threw
him to the ground below. Sophocles observed that he did not lure him out
on the walls but met him there by chance. The Manual explained that
Hercules acted without ill intent while temporarily insane.
The Odyssey implied that Hercules had stolen the mares, and Dio-
dorus stated it as a fact. The Manual spoke of them as having been
stolen by the thief Autolycus. In any case the motive for killing Iphitus
was not primarily desire for the animals but resentment against King
Eurytus. This idea was not mentioned in the Odyssey but appeared more
and more clearly in the work of later authors. According to the Odyssey,
Eurytus died before his son went on the quest. But Sophocles and most
authors following him spoke of Eurytus as alive until some time after the
murder.
As a primitive community regarded homicide, the injured parties
were limited ordinarily to members of the victim's immediate family.
They were expected to exact a penalty from the person responsible for
the loss of their kinsman. But the penalty was not necessarily death.
If the killer was wealthy and powerful, he might atone by a payment of
money; or, if he enjoyed the favor of a powerful patron, the latter
might make this atonement for him. Such atonement was described as
occurring more than once in the Icelandic Nialsaga and as occurring
also in the Greek myth of Hercules. The hero arranged to have Apollo
conciliate the family of Iphitus. The god was to sell Hercules into
slavery and pay the money to the bereaved family. This incident was
mentioned by Aeschylus in his Agamemnon and was told in full by
Pherecydes. In earlier accounts, payment was made to the sons of
Iphitus; in later accounts, which assumed that Eurytus still was alive,
payment was made to him. Hercules became a slave of the Lydian queen
Omphale, but only for a limited period -- according to Sophocles, for
a year.
The early epic called Taking of Oechalia first mentioned Hercules
as waging war against the city. Bacchylides noted that he left it a prey
to fire. Sophocles recorded a number of the circumstances. Hercules
fell in love with Iole, daughter of Eurytus, and courted her despite the
fact that he was married to Deianira. Her father rejected him, not
because he was married but for some other reason. Angered at the re-
fusal, Hercules killed Iphitus and atoned for the crime by slavery in
Lydia. After his release he assembled an army in Trachin, attacked
and destroyed Oechalia, and took Iole captive. Sophocles implied that
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? NESSUS AND THE DEATH OF HERCULES
Eurytus perished with the fall of the town, an idea which later authors
often recorded explicitly. In the Hippolytus, Euripides declared that
amid fire and smoke and cries of terror Iole was rowed away to Hercules.
The Manual related the courtship of Iole more closely to other
events in the career of Hercules. It supposed the courtship to have be-
gun long before the time of his marriage to Deianira. After finishing
the twelve labors, Hercules learned that Eurytus had offered his daugh-
ter as prize to anyone who should vanquish him in archery. Being then
without a wife, he entered the contest and won. But Eurytus, alleging
that he might again go mad and kill his children, refused to give him the
prize and drove him out of the city. After the murder of Iphitus and
the atonement, Hercules married Deianira and undertook various enter-
prizes which occupied him for many years. Still unwilling to give up
Iole, he at last made his expedition against Oechalia. In the Epistle of
Deianira, Ovid already had told about Hercules as a slave of Omphale.
Having no interest in the war, he passed immediately to the ensuing
events.
After the capture of Oechalia, said Bacchylides, Hercules went to
the Cenaean Promontory and began preparing for a sacrifice in honor
of Jupiter, Neptune, and Pallas. This promontory formed the north-
western end of Euboea. Probably Bacchylides imagined the ceremony
as about to be performed high on the western side of the mountains, near
a town called Dium. Meanwhile Hercules planned that Iole should be
conveyed to his home, which was then at Trachin, on the mainland a
little north of Euboea. Deianira, receiving news of his intention, be-
came jealous and resorted to the love charm -- a fatal mistake.
Sophocles gave a clearer and more detailed account. Before Her-
cules undertook the war against Oechalia, he had promised that, if the
outcome should be favorable, he would offer a sacrifice on the Cenaean
Promontory. Sophocles imagined the offering as planned in honor of
Jupiter alone, an idea followed by most authors afterwards. Hyllus,
who now was old enough to go in search of his father, met Hercules near
the Promontory and decided to wait for the ceremony before returning
home. Meanwhile Hercules despatched a party in charge of the herald
Lichas for conveying Iole and other captives to Trachin.
Lichas, purposely arriving a little in advance of the others, endeav-
ored to forestall resentment on the part of Deianira. He informed her
that Hercules had made war in order to avenge humiliations occasioned
by Eurytus. When Iole arrived, Lichas pretended ignorance of her
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
identity. Deianira received her kindly and pitied her forlorn state.
Later someone acquainted with the facts told Deianira the real situation.
She questioned Lichas and got him to confess the deception, for which
he assumed entire responsibility. Sophocles imagined Deianira's atti-
tude as primitive and yet dignified and even noble. This was not the
first time, she said, that Hercules had loved some other woman. Regard-
ing the passion of love as irresistible, she always looked on such affairs
as his misfortune and not his fault. She did not blame Iole, and she
sympathized with her misfortunes. But in one respect this affair was
more grave than the others. Instead of letting it remain an incident of
some distant quest, Hercules was bringing Iole back to his permanent
residence. Deianira was willing to share the home with Iole, but she
feared that Hercules might think his new favorite so attractive that he
would lose all interest in Deianira. To prevent this extremity, she re-
sorted to the love charm.
Secretly smearing a tunic with the blood of Nessus, she put it in a
wooden box and delivered it to Lichas as a gift for Hercules to wear at
the ceremony. Apparently Sophocles thought the color of the tunic
would have prevented anyone from observing stains of blood. But it was
unlikely that after many years the blood of Nessus could be used in this
manner. Deianira gave instructions that until the hour of the ceremony
the tunic was to be kept in a cool, dark place. Lichas probably would
have supposed this to mean that he needed to protect the dye, which in
ancient times was apt to fade, if exposed to the sun (cf. Arachne,
Bk. 6). He departed without suspicion.
Deianira had applied the philter by soaking it up with a handful
of wool and then had thrown the wool on the ground. It fell in a sunny
place. She now observed with horror that the blood boiled, consumed
the wool to dust, and then foamed on the ground. Remembering how it
was mingled with venom of the hydra, she suspected that Nessus must
have plotted against her husband's life, and she resolved in that case to
die. This account Ovid appears to have recalled in his Tristia, for he
mentioned Iole and Deianira as examples of a love story that became
the theme of tragedy.
The Manual, retelling the story briefly, differed at several points.
Hercules, it said, kept Iole with him and sent Lichas to fetch clothing
appropriate for the ceremony. Apparently without hesitation, Lichas
told Deianira about Iole, and she smeared the tunic with blood of Nessus.
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? NESSUS AND THE DEATH OF HERCULES
The Manual said nothing about her observing any ominous effect on the
wool.
Ovid treated the subject first in his Epistle of Deianira to Hercules.
Although he took a number of particulars from Sophocles, he made
several important innovations. A rumor, spreading widely through the
Greek cities, informed Deianira that Hercules was in love with Iole.
Then the princess arrived, proud and in rich array. Ovid imagined
Deianira as acting the part of the ordinary jealous wife. She immedi-
ately sent the tunic and then began writing a letter to scold Hercules
at some length, not only for the present disloyalty but also for all the
others. Learning in some degree the fatal nature of her gift, she resolved
to be a sister worthy of the brave Meleager and to take her own life.
In the Metamorphoses, Ovid repeated his idea that Deianira heard
the news by rumor, but he made it more striking. Vergil in the Aeneid
had spoken of a personified Rumor (or Fame) as informing Iarbas
about the relations of Dido and Aeneas. Ovid declared that the same
character informed Deianira about the relations of Hercules and Iole.
The Iliad had spoken of Discord (Eris) as small at first but increasing
rapidly until she walks on the ground and conceals her head in the
clouds. Vergil associated this idea with Rumor and added that she re-
ports indiscriminately both false and true. He may have intended the
reader to suppose that her account of Aeneas was partly false. Ovid
repeated these details of Vergil's description, with more emphasis on the
idea of falsehood, but the message seemed to be wholly true.
Ovid recounted Deianira's behavior immediately after hearing the
news. Inventing his details, he again portrayed her as less dignified than
the heroine of Sophocles. In accord with the Manual, he assumed that
Iole had not arrived in Trachin. At first Deianira wept bitterly. Then,
like Medea (Bk. 7), she considered her problem in a soliloquy. Recall-
ing Sophocles, Ovid imagined her reflecting that Iole would come and
usurp her place. She mentioned various courses that lay open to her.
As one of these, she might remember that she was Meleager's sister and
do a dreadful deed, such as killing her rival. The allusion to Meleager
murdering his uncles was impressive, but Ovid forgot that in the pre-
vious tale he had spoken of the Calydonian Boar Hunt as occurring at
a later time, after the death of Hercules. Deianira resolved at last to
send the tunic. Ovid implied that it was the same tunic which formerly
had been worn by Nessus. That it still would retain the blood was
probable, as will be evident to those who have gazed at the light blue
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
sweater of Charles First of England and have observed after nearly
three hundred years the reddish stains of his execution. In this matter,
Ovid improved on his predecessors. But it was unlikely that a tunic
worn by Nessus and now soiled and blood-stained would be acceptable
to Hercules.
Although Ovid had said that Rumor brought the news, he agreed
with the Manual that Lichas was come for clothing and that Deianira
gave him the tunic. And, like Sophocles, he noted that she sent it with
a gracious message to her lord. Ovid pointed out that neither Deianira
nor Lichas realized the nature of the gift.
To Lichas, he said, ignorant
of what he was to deliver, she all unwitting delivers with her own hands
the cause of her future woe. And he added that Hercules was unaware
of what he was receiving. Although Ovid's phrasing was artificial, he
did well to show that all three acted in fatal ignorance.
Putting on the tunic, Hercules began the ceremony. Ovid may
have supposed that Hyllus was present, but he did not indicate it at
any point in the story. Already a flame was kindled on the altar. Her-
cules proceeded to offer wine and incense. As a matter of historical
fact, incense was unknown to the early Greeks. But Vergil had spoken
of Queen Amata and Lavinia as offering it on the morning of the cavalry
battle. Ovid followed Vergil's example, both here and elsewhere in his
poem. Afterwards Seneca followed Ovid in his Hercules on Mt. Oeta,
and Racine and Goethe revived the Roman practice in their own dramas
about ancient times.
Tradition had assumed that, as Hercules approached the altar
his tunic was exposed suddenly to light and heat both from the sun and
from the flames of the altar. The flames usually were thought to have
exerted the more potent effect. Soon the hydra venom became active,
with dire results. Hercules, believing that Lichas had plotted his death,
killed him. Aeschylus alluded to this incident in his Glaucus Pontius and
referred to the herald's grave as in Euboea.
Sophocles told the story in detail. After putting on the tunic,
Hercules at first proceeded with the sacrifice, proud and happy. All at
once a heavy sweat appeared on his face and limbs, and the tunic stuck
fast to his skin. The venom, working inwards, gave him racking pains.
He questioned Lichas, who disclaimed any ill intent. Then maddened
with the pain, Hercules seized Lichas by the ankle and hurled him from
the mountainside into the sea. As Lichas fell, his head struck a rock,
which lay among the waves. The blow dashed out his brains. Hercules
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? NESSUS AND THE DEATH OF HERCULES
in agony sometimes fell to the ground, at other times leaped high in
air, while the capes on both sides of the water echoed with his cries. He
cursed his wife, who had sent the fatal gift. As the heat of the poison
obscured him in a cloud of smoke, he bade Hyllus take him from the un-
hallowed place. Led aboard a ship, he lapsed into an exhausted sleep.
Hyllus proceeded with him to Trachin, and told the appalling news to
Deianira. She killed herself with a sword.
On Mt. Oeta, a little south of Trachin, there was an ancient shrine
where either human victims or puppets were burned as offerings. Tradi-
tion ascribed the origin of the practice to Hercules. This idea was re-
corded in an early poem called The Marriage of Ceyx. Sophocles showed
the hero ordering his son to convey him up the mountain and then con-
struct a pyre and burn his still living body. He permitted Hyllus to
leave for someone else the duty of lighting the pyre. In the Trachinian
Women, Sophocles did not tell who undertook this duty, but in the
Philoctetes he spoke of that hero as performing the task and obtaining
as his reward the bow of Hercules, which later proved essential for the
capture of Troy. Ovid alluded twice in his Ibis to the account of Soph-
ocles. He mentioned the torture which Hercules experienced from poison
of the hydra and the fate of Lichas, whose blood tinged the waters of
the sea.
The Manual retold the story briefly but with a number of changes.
Of Lichas it said only that Hercules threw him into the Euboic sea. It
gave new details about the effect of the poison. The venom corroded
the hero's skin. The tunic clung to him, and, as he pulled it off, his flesh
came with it. Merely implying that Hyllus conveyed his father to
Trachin, the Manual declared that Deianira hanged herself and that
Hercules ascended Oeta on his own feet and built the pyre. Not Philoc-
tetes, but the father of Philoctetes, kindled the flame and received the
bow.
Nicander gave a still different account. He imagined that almost
all events of the story occurred on Mt. Oeta. Near the crest of this
mountain, he said, Hercules began the sacrifice to Jupiter. The poisoned
blood, when exposed to heat, caused his tunic to break out in flames.
Lichas, hurled into the sea, became a small, rocky island of that name,
on which sailors afterwards feared to land. Hercules himself ran down
an eastern ridge of Mt. Oeta, leaped into the springs at its base, and was
drowned. The water has boiled ever since and has given to the neigh-
boring pass its name Thermopylae (Gates of Hot Springs). This ver-
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
sion afterwards was repeated in part by Nonnus. In the Epistle of
Deianira, Ovid spoke of Hercules as torn on Mt. Oeta.
In the Metamorphoses, Ovid treated the Cenaean Promontory as
if it were part of Mt. Oeta, on the opposite shore. For the incidents of
the story he recalled not only previous accounts of Hercules but also
other famous accounts of similar nature.
One of these was a remarkable passage in the Medea of Euripides,
inspired in large measure by the Sophoclean description of Hercules in
Euboea. Euripides recorded how by the gift of a magic robe and crown
Medea destroyed Creiisa and her father (cf. Bk. 7). After Creiisa had
put on the gifts, he said, she at first walked proudly along the corridor
of her palace. All at once she staggered and sank on a couch, with mute
evidences of distress. Then she screamed in agony, as fire spurted from
the crown and as the robe burned into her flesh. Madly she endeavored
to free herself, but robe and crown stuck fast. Blood mingled with the
fire round her head. The flesh melted off her bones. As her father em-
braced her, the robe clung to him also; and, as he tried to escape, it
pulled the flesh off his bones until at last he died.
With ideas from Euripides, Ovid combined recollections of a simi-
lar passage in his own tale of Meleager. That hero felt his vitals scorch-
ing with hidden flame. Although he bore the pain with fortitude, he at
length was compelled to utter groans. But he lamented chiefly the in-
glorious nature of his death.
Ovid noted that in the beginning Hercules proceeded, untroubled,
with the sacrifice. But the venom soon penetrated into his skin. Ovid
imagined that he did not observe Lichas until much later. So long as
possible, he bore the pain with fortitude. Then he overturned the altar
and filled Oeta with his cries. He struggled to remove the tunic, but it
either stuck fast or tore off both skin and flesh, exposing rent muscles
and huge bones. The fiery poison made his blood hiss, like red hot metal
plunged into a lake. Sweat appeared everywhere on his skin. Hidden
fire devoured his vitals and melted even his marrow. Ovid already had
made the story more sensational. He proceeded to make it less probable.
We should imagine that Hercules must have been on the point of dying.
Ovid imagined the situation quite otherwise.
Hercules, he said, complained bitterly of his cruel, unmerited fate.
This idea was suggested by passages both of Sophocles and of Euripides.
According to the Gospels of Matthew and Mark, the Savior cried out
that he was forsaken by God, whom he had served faithfully and from
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? NESSUS AND THE DEATH OF HERCULES
whom he might have expected protection. Sophocles imagined that a
similar idea introduced the complaints of Hercules. After arriving in
Trachin, he said, the hero discoursed with Hyllus, bewailing his wretched
state. Hercules complained that Jupiter had made an ill return for the
altar on the Cenaean Promontory. Then, passing to other matters, he
longed for death, even at the hands of his son, and prayed Jupiter to
grant it. Recalling his labors, he declared that none of them had cost
him such suffering. He mourned the fact that so many great achieve-
ments were to end with an inglorious death at the hands of a woman.
Although the present foe was invisible, he hoped at least to avenge
himself on Deianira -- until he learned of her death. Hyllus then com-
plained that Jupiter and the other gods appeared indifferent to the tor-
ture of their champion.
Euripides in the Hercules Furens imagined that Hercules made
similar complaints after the madness in which he killed Megara and her
children. Euripides, too, showed Hercules recalling his labors and
mourning his present ignominy. But he imagined his going further in
reproaching the gods. Hercules doubted even the existence of Jupiter
and bade Juno rejoice and triumph in his distress.
Ovid showed Hercules complaining in a monologue addressed to
Juno -- this form suggested probably by his own earlier passage on the
complaint of Narcissus (Bk. 3). He left out the idea of vengeance on
Deianira, because Mt. Oeta was so far from Trachin as to make it seem
impossible, and he mentioned her death only by an allusion in the story
which followed. In the complaint he took his initial idea from Euripides.
Hercules bade Juno look down from the skies and rejoice at his de-
struction. Ovid agreed with Sophocles that his hero prayed for death
but showed him asking it from Juno and combined with the request an
idea taken from his own tale of Niobe (Bk. 6). If, said Hercules, I am
worthy of pity even from a foe, end my life of suffering. And Hercules
declared that death would be a fitting boon for a stepmother to grant.
In accord with both Sophocles and Euripides, Ovid showed the hero re-
calling his exploits, but he included a greater number of them. Then,
following a hint of Sophocles, Ovid showed him lamenting his inglorious
death by an invisible enemy, against whom neither strength nor weapons
availed. Finally Ovid repeated and heightened an idea of Euripides.
Eurystheus still is alive and well, said Hercules, and yet there are people
who can believe in the existence of gods!
By making such frequent use of the Greek dramatists, Ovid invited
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
comparison with them. His treatment of the subject was far more melo-
dramatic. Sophocles had introduced the complaint as uttered after an
interval of sleep and had indicated pauses and incoherence, which would
be natural under great suffering. Ovid imagined it as uttered at the
height of torture and made it improbably long and orderly. Sophocles
had been content with pointing out the seeming indifference of the gods;
Euripides had thought it enough for Hercules to doubt the existence of
Jupiter, and in both dramas the circumstances made such ideas appro-
priate. Ovid showed Hercules doubting the existence of any gods. But
his idea was out of place, when the complaint itself was addressed to
Juno and was in large part a recital of her injustice.
Following the tragic poets, Ovid included in the complaint a recol-
lection of the hero's famous exploits. He did so the more willingly
because the exploits did not involve metamorphoses and so were difficult
to introduce elsewhere. In all, Ovid mentioned fifteen. They included
the usual twelve labors* and three of the supplementary labors. Ovid
enumerated them, not in their traditional order, but according to a
rhetorical association of ideas.
First Ovid mentioned the destruction of Busiris. According to the
Egyptian author Manetho, the people of Egypt through a long period
used to sacrifice foreigners. They did this, as Diodorus noted, at a
place called Bu Asiri (the grave of Osiris). The Greeks, misinterpreting
the term, imagined that it was the name of a local king, whom they
called Busiris. The Manual explained that he began the practice of
offering human beings in order to end nine years of famine. Tradition
declared that, while Hercules was visiting Egypt, he was seized and led
to the altar but, suddenly breaking loose, killed the king and many of
his followers. The story was challenged more than once. Herodotus
denied that Egyptians had indulged in human sacrifice and pronounced
it incredible that one man should overcome thousands. Isocrates, in an
oration which was supposed to exonerate Busiris, asserted that he lived
two centuries earlier than Hercules. Nevertheless Greek authors and
artists often treated the story. It became regularly a part of the tradi-
tion of Hercules, and Vergil observed in the Georgics that it was known
to all.
Next Ovid mentioned the destruction of a Libyan king, Antaeus.
Pindar had stated that this malefactor habitually killed travelers and
*Only in the opening tale of Book Fifteen did Ovid specify the labors as twelve
in number.
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? NESSUS AND THE DEATH OF HERCULES
hung their skulls on a certain temple of Neptune. He noted that Her-
cules wrestled with him and killed him. Plato observed in his Theatetus
that Antaeus compelled all travelers to wrestle with him. According to
early works of art, Hercules threw Antaeus violently to the ground. But
later the story changed. It was imagined that Antaeus, being a son of
Earth, got renewed strength from contact with the soil. Hercules, dis-
covering this fact, raised him high in air and held him up while he
weakened and died. This idea, which appeared in later Greek art and in
the Manual, was recalled in turn by Ovid.
As a third exploit of Hercules, Ovid mentioned his adventure with
Geryon. The Theogony had recorded the following circumstances.
Geryon, son of Chrysaor and Callirhoe, was a man with three heads.
He lived in an island called Erythia (Redland) and reared cattle, aided
by the herdsman Eurytion and the dog Orthus. Hercules, desiring the
cattle, slew Geryon and his herdsman and dog. Aeschylus noted in
the Agamemnon that Geryon had also three bodies. Later authors ex-
plained that his bodies were joined at the waist but separate above and
below.
Pisander and Herodotus gave a more definite account of Erythia.
It lay far to the west, in the ocean just beyond the Spanish city of
Gadira, now called Cadiz, and received its name because it continually
was reddened by the setting sun.
