No More Learning

" The result
to be followed as the established system. But by fully justified this noble confidence. The heavy-
thus interposing to check the exactions of the armed horsemen of Tigranes, on whom the king
knights who were the farmers of the revenue, he placed his chief reliance, and who had been regarded
brought upon himself the enmity of that powerful with the greatest apprehension by the Romans,
body, who were loud in their complaints against filed without striking a blow ; and the whole army
him at Rome, and by their continued clamours of the enemy was dispersed and put to flight with the
undoubtedly prepared the way for his ultimate re- loss of only five men on the side of the Romans. Ti-
call. (Plut. Lucull. 20, 23 ; Appian. Mithr. 83 ; granes himself had a narrow escape, and in the con-
Cic. Acad. pr. ii. 1. )
fusion of the flight, his royal diadem fell into the
Meanwhile* Appius Claudius, who had been hands of the enemy, and afterwards served to grace
the triumph of Lucullus. (Plut. Lucull. 23, 24-
• The chronology of these events is very con- 28 ; Appian, Mithr, 84, 85; Memnon. 46, 56, 57 ;
fused and perplexing. It seems certain that the Eutrop. vi. 9 ; Liv. Epit. xcviii. )
siege of Cyzicus took place in the winter of 74– The fall of Tigranocerta was now inevitable,
73, and that of Amisus in the following winter, and it was hastened by dissensions between the
73—72 (Plut. Lucull. 33): hence it is probable Greeks and the barbarians within the city, in
that the fight of Mithridates into Armenia must consequence of which the former opened the gates
have taken place before the end of 72 ; but as it is to Lucullus. The city was given up to plunder,
also certain (Dion Cass. xxxv. ) that the first cam- but the inhabitants were spared, and the Greeks,
paign of Lucullus against Tigranes did not take who had been forcibly transplanted thither from
place till 69, the interval appears inexplicably long. Cilicia and Cappadocia, were all suffered to return
Drumann, in consequence, refers the flight of to their respective cities. (Plut. Lucull. 29; Dion
Mithridates to the year 71, but it is difficult to Cass. xxxv. 2 ; Strab. xi. p. 532. ) Lucullus now
reconcile this with the details of the campaigns as took up his winter-quarters in Gordyene, where he
given by Appian and Plutarch.
received the submission of several of the petty
:


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LUCULLUS.
835
LUCULLUS.
princes who had been subject to the yoke of Ti- joined in the outcry. It was, therefore, in vain
granes. Antiochus Asiaticus also, the last king of that he endeavoured to prevail upon his mutinous
Syria, who had been dethroned by the Armenian army to resume operations in the spring of the year
king, but had taken advantage of the advance of 67; and while he remained motionless at Nisibis,
the Romans to establish himself once more on the Mithridates, who had already taken advantage of
throne of his ancestors, now obtained from Lucullus his absence to invade Pontus and attempt the re-
the confirmation of his power (Appian, Syr. 49). covery of his own dominions, was able to overthrow
But by far the most important of the neighbouring the Roman lieutenants Fabius and Triarius in
monarchs was Arsaces, king of Parthin, to whom several successive actions. (MITURIDATES. ] The
Lucullus, knowing that his friendship and alliance news of these disasters compelled Lucullus to re-
had been carnestly courted by Mithridates and turn in ali haste to Pontus, a movement doubtless
Tigrancs, despatched Sextilius as ambassador. The in accordance with the wishes of his arnıy, who
Parthian monarch gave a friendly reception to the appear to have followed him on this occasion with-
Roman envoy, and dismissed him with fair pro- out reluctance. On his approach Mithridates
mises, but his real object was only to temporise, withdrew into the Lesser Armenia, and thither
and, so doubtful was his conduct, that Lucullus is Lucullus prepared to pursue and attack him, when
said to have designed to leave both Mithridates and his moveinents were again paralysed by the open
Tigrancs for a time, and march at once against mutiny of his soldiers. All that he could obtain
Arsaces. But his projects were now cut short by from them by the most abject entrenties, was the
the inutinous spirit of his own army. It was late promise that they would not abandon his standard
in the season before it was possible to renew mili- during the remainder of that summer, and lie was
tary operations in the mountainous and elevated compelled to establish himself in a camp, where he
regions where he now found himself, and mean-spent all the rest of the season in inactivity, while
while he sent orders to Sornatius to bring to his Mithridates and Tigranes were able to overrun
support the troops which he had left in Pontus, but without opposition the greater part both of Pontus
the soldiers absolutely refused to follow him, and and Cappadocia. Such was the state of things,
the lieutenant was unable to enforce his authority. when ten legates (among whom was Marcus, the
Even those who were under the command of Lu- brother of Lucullus) arrived in Asia, to settle the
cullus himself in Gordyene, took alarm at the idea affairs of Pontus, and reduce it to the form of a
of marching against the Parthians, and not only Roman province ; and they bad, in consequence, to
was their general compelled to abandon this design, report to the senate that the country supposed to
but it was with some difficulty that he could pre- have been completely conquered was again in the
vail upon them to follow him once more against hands of the enemy. The adversaries of Lucullus
Mithridates and Tigranes. These two monarchs naturally availed themselves of so favourable an
had again assembled a considerable army, with occasion, and a decree was passed to transfer to
which they occupied the high table lands of the Acilius Glabrio, one of the consuls for the year,
centre of Armenia, and when Lucullus at length the province of Bithynia and the command against
(in the summer of 68) moved forward to attack Mithridates. But Glabrio was wholly incompetent
them, they met him on the banks of the river for the task assigned him: on arriving in Bithynia,
Arsanias. The victory of the Romans was again and learning the posture of affairs, he made no
as decisive and as easily won as at Tigranocerta : attempt to assume the command or take the field
the two kings fled ignominiously from the field, against Mithridates, but remained quiet within the
and numbers of their officers fell in the battle. confines of the Roman province, while he still far-
But when Lucullus pushed forward with the in-ther embarrassed the position of Lucullus, by
tention of making himself master of Artaxata, the issuing proclamations to his soldiers, announcing to
capital of Armenia, his soldiers again refused to fol- them that their general was superseded, and re-
low him, and he was compelled to return into a less leasing them from their obedience. Mithridates
inclement region ; and turning his arms southwards, meanwhile ably availed himself of this position of
he laid siege to the city of Nisibis, in Mygdonia. affairs, and Lucullus had the mortification of seeing
It was defended by the same Callimachus who had Pontus and Cappadocia occupied by the enemy
80 long defied the Roman arms at Amisus, and was before his eyes, and the results of all his previous
considered to be altogether impregnable ; but Lu- campaigns apparently annihilated, without being
cullus surprised it during a dark and stormy win- able to stir a step in their defence. But it was still
ter's night, and afterwards took up his quarters more galling to his feelings when, in the spring of
there, until the season should admit of a renewal B. c. 66, he was called upon to resign the command
of military operations. (Plut. Lucull. 30-32 ; to his old rival Pompey, who had been appointed
Appian, Mithr. 87 ; Dion Cass. xxxv. 4-7. ) by the Manilian law to supersede both him and
But the discontents among his troops which had Glabrio. (Plut. Lucull. 33–35 ; Appian, Mithr.
already given Lucullus so much trouble, broke out 88-91 ; Dion Cass. xxxv. 8—10, 12–17; Cic.
with renewed violence in the camp at Nisibis. p. Leg. Manil. 2, 5, 9, Ep. ad Att. xiii. 6 ; Eutrop.
They were fostered by P. Clodius, whose turbu- vi. 11. ) The friends of the two generals succeeded
lent and restless spirit already showed itself in its in bringing about an interview between them be-
full force, and encouraged by reports from Rome, fore Lucullus quitted his government ; but though
where the demagogues, who were favourable to the meeting was at first friendly, it ended in bick.
Pompey, or had been gained over by the equestrian erings and disputes, which only aggravated the
party (whose bitter hostility against Lucullus had enmity already existing between them. Pompey
never relaxed), were loud in their clamours against still further increased the irritation of his rival by
that general. They accused him of protracting the proceeding to rescind many of the regulations which
war for his own personal objects either of ambition the latter had introduced, even before he had quitted
or avarice ; and the soldiery, whose appetite for the province. (Plut. Lucull. 36, Pomp. 31 ; Dion
plunder had been often checked by Lucullus, readily Cass. xxxvi. 29. )
;
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836
LUCULLUS.
LUCULLUS.
Deeply mortified at this termination to his populace insisted that he should buried, as Sulla
glorious career, Lucullus returned to Rome to claim had been, in the Campus Martius, and it was with
the well-merited honour of a triumph. But even difficulty that his brother prevailed on them to allow
this was opposed by the machinations of his adver- his ashes to be deposited, as previously arranged,
baries. C. Memmius, one of the tribunes, brought in his Tusculan villa (Plut. Ibid. ).
against him various charges for maladministration, The name of Lucullus is almost as celebrated
and it was not till an interval of nearly three years for the luxury of his latter years as for his victories
had clapsed, that this opposition was overcome, and over Mithridates. He appears to have inherited
Lucullus at length celebrated his triumph with the the love of money inherent in liis family, while the
greatest magnificence, at the commencement of the circumstances in which he was placed gave him the
year 63. (Plut. Lucull. 37, Cut. Min. 29 ; Cic. opportunity of gratifying it without having recourse
Acad. pr. i. 1 ; Vell. Pat. ii. 34. ) In these dis- to the illegal means which had disgraced his father
putes the cause of Lucullus was warmly supported and grandfather. As quaestor under Sulla, and
by Cato, whose sister Servilia hc had married, as well, afterwards during his residence in Asia, it is pro-
as by the whole aristocratical party at Rome, who bable that he had already accumulated much
werc alarmed at the increasing power of Pompey, wealth : and during the long period of his govern-
and sought in Lucullus a rival and antagonist to ment as proconsul, and his wars against Mithri-
the object of their fears. But his character was dates and Tigranes, he appears to have amassed
ill adapted for the turbulent times in which he vast treasures. These supplied him the means,
lived ; and, instead of putting himself prominently after his return to Rome, of gratifying his naturul
forward as the leader of a party he soon began to taste for luxury, and enabled him to combine an
withdraw gradually from public affairs, and devote ostentatious magnificence of display with all the
himself more and more to a life of indolence and resources of the most refined sensual indulgence.
luxury. After the return of Pompey, however, in His gardens in the immediate suburbs of the city
B. C. 62, he took a leading part, together with Me were laid out in a style of splendour exceeding all
tellus Creticus, Cato, and others of the aristocratic | that had been previously known, and continued to
party; in opposing the indiscriminate ratification of be an object of admiration even under the em-
the acts of Pompey in Asia. By their combined perors: but still more remarkable were his villas
efforts they succeeded in delaying the proposed mea- at Tusculum, and in the neighbourhood of Nea-
sure for more than two years, but at the same time polis. In the construction of the latter, with its
produced the effect, which they had doubtless not various appurtenances, its parks, fish-ponds, &c. ,
anticipated, of forcing Pompey into the arms of the he had laid out vast sums in cutting through hills
opposite faction, and thus bringing about the coali- and rocks, and throwing out advanced works into
tion known as the First Triumvirate. (Plut. Lucull. the sea So gigantic indeed was the scale of these
38, 42, Pomp. 46 ; Vell. Pat. ii. 40 ; Dion Cags. labours for objects apparently so insignificant, that
xxxvii. 49; Suet. Cues. 19. ) After that event | Pompey called him, in derision, the Roman
Lucullus took little part in political affairs. He Xerxes. His feasts at Rome itself were celebrated
had previously come forward at the trial of P. on a scale of inordinate magnificence: a single
Clodius (B. C. 61), to give his testimony to the supper in the hall, called that of Apollo, was said
profligate and vicious character of the accused (Cic. to cost the sum of 50,000 denarii. Even during
pro Milon. 27), and by this means, as well as by his campaigns it appears that the pleasures of the
the general course of his policy, had incurred the table had not been forgotten ; and it is well known
enmity both of Crassus and Caesar, so that he that he was the first to introduce cherries into
found himself on hostile terms with all the three Italy, which he had brought with him from Cerasus
individuals who had now the chief direction of in Pontus. (Plut. Lucull. 39–41; Cic. de Leg.
affairs at Rome. Caesar even threatened him with iii. 13, de Off. i. 39; Plin. H. N. viii. 52, ix. 54,
a prosecution for his proceedings in Asia ; a danger xiv. 14, xv. 25; Varr. de R. R. ii. 4, 17; Vell.
which so much alarmed him that he had recourse Pat. ii. 33 ; Athen. ii. p. 50, vi. p. 274, xii. p. 543.
to the most humiliating entreaties in order to avert For further details see Drumann's Geschichte Roms,
it (Suet. Caes. 20). In the following year (B. C. vol. iv. pp. 169, 170, where all the ancient autho-
59) he was among the leaders of the aristocratic rities are referred to. ) In the midst of these
party, charged by L. Vettius, at the instigation of sensual indulgences, however, there were not want-
Vatinius, tvith an imaginary plot against the life ing pleasures of a more refined and elevated cha-
of Pompey (Cic. in Vatin. 10, Ep. ad Att. ii. 24); racter.
Lucullus had from his earliest years
and in the same year he is mentioned among the devoted much attention to literary pursuits, and
judges at the trial of L. Flaccus (Cic. pro Flacc. had displayed an enlightened patronage towards
34). But these two are the last occasions on which men of letters: he had also applied part of his
his name appears in history. The precise period wealth to the acquisition of a valuable library,
of his death is not mentioned, but he cannot long which was now opened to the free use of the
hare survived the return of Cicero from exile, as literary public; and here he himself used to asso-
the great orator refers to him as no longer living, ciate with the Greek philosophers and literati who
in his oration concerning the consular provinces, at this time swarmed at Rome, and would enter
delivered the following year, B. c. 56 (Cic. de Prov. warmly into their metaphysical and philosopliical
Cons. 9). We are told that for some time previous discussions. Hence the picture drawn by Cicero
to his death he had fallen into a state of complete at the commencement of the Academics was pro-
dotage, so that the management of his affairs was bably to a certain extent taken from the reality.
confided to his brother Marcus (Plut. Lucull. 43; His constant companion from the time of his
Aui. Vict. de Vir. Illustr. 74). But his death, as quaestorship had been Antiochus of Ascalon, from
often happens, revived in its full force the memory whom he imbibed the precepts of the Academic
of his great exploits ; and when the funeral oration school of philosophy, to which he continued through
was pronounced in the forum over his remains, the life to be attached. (Cic. Acad. pr. ii. 2, de Fin.


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LUCULLUS.
837
LUCULLUS.
iii. 2; Plut. Lucull. 42. ) His patronage of the | however, tells us (Lucull. 1) that he composed a
poet Archias is too well known to require farther history of the Marsic war in Greek; and the same
mention (Cic. pr. Arch. 3--5); and the sculptor work is alluded to by Cicero. (Ep. ad Att. i. 19. )
Arcesilaus is also said to have been one of his con- It has been already mentioned that Sulla left him
stant associates. (Plin. H. N. xxxv. 12. ( 45. ) his literary executor, a sufficient eridence of the
The character of Lucullus is one not difficult to reputation he then enjoyed in this respect. Je
comprehend. He had no pretension to the name was noted for the excellence of his memory, which,
of a great man, and was evidently unable to cope Cicero tells us, was nearly, if not quite, equal to
with the circumstances in which he found himself that of Ilortensius. (Acad. pr. ii. 1, 2. )
placed, and the sterner but more energetic spirits Lucullus was twice married : first to Clodia,
by whom he was surrounded. Yet he was cer- daughter of App. Claudius Pulcher, whom he
tainly a man of no common ability, and gifted in divorced on his return from the Mithridatic war,
particular with a natural genius for war. We on account of her licentious and profligate conduct
cannot indeed receive in its full extent the asser- (Plut. Lucull. 38): and secondly, to Servilia,
tion of Cicero ( Acad. pr. ii. 1), that he had received daughter of Q. Servilius Caepio, and half-sister of
no previous military training, and came out at once M. Cato. By the latter he had one son, the sub-
a consummate general on his arrival in Pontus, ject of the following article. (The fullest account
merely from the study of historical and military of the life of Lucullus, and a very just estimate of
writings ; for we know that he had served in his his character, will be found in Drumann's Geschichte
youth with distinction in the Marsic war ; and as Roms, vol. iv. )
quaestor under Sulla he must have had many op- 5. L. (? ) LICINIUS L. f. L. N. LUCULLUS, son
portunities of acquiring a practical knowledge of of the preceding. His praenomen, according to
military affairs. But the talent that he displayed Valerius Maximus, was Marcus; but this is
as a commander is not the less remarkable. Plu: considered by Drumann (Gesch. Roms. vol. iv. p.
tarch has justly called attention to the skill with | 175) as so contrary to analogy, that he does not
which he secured the victory at one time by the hesitate to regard it as a mistake. (See also Orelli,
celerity of his movements, at another time by Onom. Tull. vol. ii. p. 352. ) As he was the
ciution and delay: and though the far greater son of Servilia, he could not have been born before
fame of his successor has tended to cast the mili- B. C. 65; and was a mere child at the time of his
tary exploits of Lucullus into the shade, there can father's death. Lucullus had entrusted him to the
be no doubt that the real merit of the Mithridatic guardianship of his maternal uncle, Cato ; but at
war is principally due to the latter. In one quality, the same time recommended him, by his testament,
however, of a great conimauder he was altogether to the friendly care of Cicero, who appeare to have
wanting—in the power of attaching to him his joined with Cato in superintending the education
soldiers; and to this deficiency, as we have seen, of the boy. (Cic. de Fin. iii. 2, ad Alt. xiii. 6. )
may be ascribed in great measure the ill fortune His relationship with Cato and Brutus naturally
which clouded the latter part of his career. We threw the young Lucullus into the republican
are told indeed that some of the legions placed party, whom he zealously joined after the death of
under his command were of a very turbulent and Caesar : so that he accompanied Brutus to Greece,
factious character ; but these very troops after- was present at the battle of Philippi, and was
wards followed Pompey without a murmur, even killed in the pursuit after that action, B c. 42.
after the legal period of their service was expired. (Cic. Phil. x. 4 ; Vell. Pat. ii. 71; Val. Max. iv.
This unpopularity of Lucullus is attributed to a 7. $ 4. ) Cicero tells us that he was a youth of
severity and harshness in the exaction of duties rising talents, and of much promise. (De fin. iii.
and punishment of offences, which seems strangely 2, Phil
. x. 4. ) While yet under age he had dedi-
at variance with all else that we know of his cha- cated, by command of the senate, a statue of Her-
racter: it is more probable that it was owing to a cules near the Rostra, in pursuance of a vow of his
selfish indifference, which prevented him from father. (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 8. (19), ad fin. )
sympathising or associating with the men and 6. M. LICINIUS L. F. L. N. LUCULLUS, son of
officers under his command. (Comp. Plut. Lucull. No. 3, and own brother of No. 4, though Eutropius
33; Dion Cass. xxxv. 16. ) In his treatment of (vi. 7) erroneously calls him his cousin ( consobrinus).
his vanquished enemies, on the contrary, as well as He was adopted by M. Terentius Varro, and con-
of the cities and provinces subjected to his perma- sequently bore the names of M. TERENTIUS M. F.
nent rule, the conduct of Lucullus stands out in VARRO LUCULLUS*, by which he appears in the
bright contrast to that of almost all his contempo- Fasti. (Fast. Capit. ap. Gruter, p. 294. See also
raries ; and it must be remembered, in justice to Orelli, Onom. Tull, rol. ii. p. 352, and Inscr. Lat.
his character, that the ill will of his own troops, as No. 570. ) Hence Cicero, though he designates his
well as that of the unprincipled farmers of the re- consulship as that of M. Terentius and C. Cassius
venue, was incurred in great part by acts of bene (in Verr. i. 23), elsewhere always calls him M.
volence or of equity towards these classes. In his Lucullus. He was younger than L. Lucullus,
natural love of justice and kindness of disposition, though apparently not by much, as we find both
his character more resembles that of Cicero than brothers, who were united through life by the
any other of his contemporaries. (See particularly bonds of the most affectionate friendship, joining in
Plut. Lucull. 19. )
the prosecution against the augur Servilius, with a
Though early withdrawn from the occupations view to avenge their father's memory, at which
and pursuits of the forum, which prevented his be-time Lucius was still very young. (Plut. Lucull.
coming a finished orator, Lucullus was far from a
contemptible speaker (Cic. Acad. ii. l; Brut. 62); * Drumann says that he was called M. Teren-
the same causes probably operated against his tius M. f. Licinianus Varro ; but this, though it
attaining to that literary distinction which his would be strictly according to analogy, is contrary
earliest years appeared to promise. Plutarch, to all the evidence we possess.
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838
LUCULLUS.
LUCULLUS.
1 ; Cic. Acad. pr. ii. 1, de Prov. Cons. 9). The find him in B.