No More Learning

Fierce Cerberas swallow'd all. "

The last charge is the favour shown the Roman Catholics:

"Nero, without the least disguise,
The Papists at all times
Still favour'd, and their robberies
Look'd on as trivial crimes.

"The Protestants whom they did rob
During his government,
Were forced with patience, like good Job,
To rest themselves content.

"For he did basely them refuse
All legal remedy;
The Romans still he well did use,
Still screen'd their roguery. "]

[Footnote 402: An Account of the Sessions of Parliament in Ireland,
1692, London, 1693. ]

[Footnote 403: The Poynings Act is 10 H. 7. c. 4. It was explained by
another Act, 3&4P. and M. c. [4]. ]

[Footnote 404: The history of this session I have taken from the
journals of the Irish Lords and Commons, from the narratives laid
in writing before the English Lords and Commons by members of the
Parliament of Ireland and from a pamphlet entitled a Short Account of
the Sessions of Parliament in Ireland, 1692, London, 1693. Burnet seems
to me to have taken a correct view of the dispute, ii. 118. "The English
in Ireland thought the government favoured the Irish too much; some said
this was the effect of bribery, whereas others thought it was necessary
to keep them safe from the prosecutions of the English, who hated
them, and were much sharpened against them. . . . There were also great
complaints of an ill administration, chiefly in the revenue, in the pay
of the army, and in the embezzling of stores. "]

[Footnote 405: As to Swift's extraction and early life, see the
Anecdotes written by himself. ]

[Footnote 406: Journal to Stella, Letter liii. ]

[Footnote 407: See Swift's Letter to Temple of Oct. 6. 1694. ]

[Footnote 408: Journal to Stella, Letter xix. ;]

[Footnote 409: Swift's Anecdotes. ]

[Footnote 410: London Gazette, March 27. 1693. ]

[Footnote 411: Burnet, ii. 108, and Speaker Onslow's Note; Sprat's True
Account of the Horrid Conspiracy; Letter to Trenchard, 1694. ]

[Footnote 412: Burnett, ii. 107. ]

[Footnote 413: These rumours are more than once mentioned in Narcissus
Luttrell's Diary. ]

[Footnote 414: London Gazette, March 27. 1693; Narcissus Luttrell's
Diary:]

[Footnote 415: Burnett, ii, 123. ; Carstairs Papers. ]

[Footnote 416: Register of the Actings or Proceedings of the General
Assembly of the Church of Scotland held at Edinburgh, Jan. 15. 1692,
collected and extracted from the Records by the Clerk thereof. This
interesting record was printed for the first time in 1852. ]

[Footnote 417: Act. Parl. Scot. , June 12. 1693. ]

[Footnote 418: Ibid. June 15. 1693. ]

[Footnote 419: The editor of the Carstairs Papers was evidently very
desirous, from whatever motive, to disguise this most certain and
obvious truth. He has therefore prefixed to some of Johnstone's letters
descriptions which may possibly impose on careless readers. For example
Johnstone wrote to Carstairs on the 18th of April, before it was known
that the session would be a quiet one, "All arts have been used and will
be used to embroil matters. " The editor's account of the contents of
this letter is as follows:

"Arts used to embroil matters with reference to the affair of Glencoe. "
Again, Johnstone, in a letter written some weeks later, complained
that the liberality and obsequiousness of the Estates had not been
duly appreciated. "Nothing," he says, "is to be done to gratify the
Parliament, I mean that they would have reckoned a gratification. "
The editor's account of the contents of this letter is as follows:
"Complains that the Parliament is not to be gratified by an inquiry into
the massacre of Glencoe. "]

[Footnote 420: Life of James, ii. 479. ]

[Footnote 421: Hamilton's Zeneyde. ]

[Footnote 422: A View of the Court of St. Germains from the Year 1690
to 1695, 1696; Ratio Ultima, 1697. In the Nairne Papers is a letter in
which the nonjuring bishops are ordered to send a Protestant divine
to Saint Germains. This letter was speedily followed by another
letter revoking the order. Both letters will be found in Macpherson's
collection. They both bear date Oct. 16. 1693. I suppose that the first
letter was dated according to the New Style and the letter of revocation
according to the Old Style. ]

[Footnote 423: Ratio Ultima, 1697; History of the late Parliament,
1699. ]

[Footnote 424: View of the Court of Saint Germains from 1690 to 1695.
That Dunfermline was grossly ill used is plain even from the Memoirs of
Dundee, 1714. ]

[Footnote 425: So early as the year 1690, that conclave of the
leading Jacobites which gave Preston his instructions made a strong
representation to James on this subject. "He must overrule the bigotry
of Saint Germains; and dispose their minds to think of those methods
that are more likely to gain the nation. For there is one silly thing or
another daily done there, that comes to our notice here which prolongs
what they so passionately desire. " See also A Short and True Relation
of Intrigues transacted both at Home and Abroad to restore the late King
James, 1694. ]

[Footnote 426: View of the Court of Saint Germains. The account given in
this View is confirmed by a remarkable paper, which is among the
Nairne MSS. Some of the heads of the Jacobite party in England made a
representation to James, one article of which is as follows: "They beg
that Your Majesty would be pleased to admit of the Chancellor of England
into your Council; your enemies take advantage of his not being in it. "
James's answer is evasive. "The King will be, on all occasions, ready to
express the just value and esteem he has for his Lord Chancellor. "]

[Footnote 427: A short and true Relation of Intrigues, 1694. ]

[Footnote 428: See the paper headed "For my Son the Prince of Wales,
1692. " It is printed at the end of the Life of James. ]

[Footnote 429: Burnet, i. 683. ]

[Footnote 430: As to this change of ministry at Saint Germains see
the very curious but very confused narrative in the Life of James, ii.
498-575. ; Burnet, ii. 219. ; Memoires de Saint Simon; A French Conquest
neither desirable nor practicable, 1693; and the Letters from the Nairne
MSS. printed by Macpherson. ]

[Footnote 431: Life of James, ii. 509. Bossuet's opinion will be found
in the Appendix to M. Mazure's history. The Bishop sums up his arguments
thus "Je dirai done volontiers aux Catholiques, s'il y en a qui
n'approuvent point la declaration dont il s'agit; Noli esse justus
multum; neque plus sapias quam necesse est, ne obstupescas. " In the Life
of James it is asserted that the French Doctors changed their opinion,
and that Bossuet, though he held out longer than the rest, saw at last
that he had been in error, but did not choose formally to retract. I
think much too highly of Bossuet's understanding to believe this. ]

[Footnote 432: Life of James, ii. 505. ]

[Footnote 433: "En fin celle cy--j'entends la declaration--n'est que
pour rentrer: et l'on peut beaucoup mieux disputer des affaires des
Catholiques a Whythall qu'a Saint Germain. "--Mazure, Appendix. ]

[Footnote 434: Baden to the States General, June 2/12 1693. Four
thousand copies, wet from the press, were found in this house. ]

[Footnote 435: Baden's Letters to the States General of May and June
1693; An Answer to the Late King James's Declaration published at Saint
Germains, 1693. ]

[Footnote 436: James, ii. 514. I am unwilling to believe that Ken was
among those who blamed the Declaration of 1693 as too merciful. ]

[Footnote 437: Among the Nairne Papers is a letter sent on this occasion
by Middleton to Macarthy, who was then serving in Germany. Middleton
tries to soothe Macarthy and to induce Macarthy to soothe others.
Nothing more disingenuous was ever written by a Minister of State. "The
King," says the Secretary, "promises in the foresaid Declaration to
restore the Settlement, but at the same time, declares that he will
recompense all those who may suffer by it by giving them equivalents. "
Now James did not declare that he would recompense any body, but merely
that he would advise with his Parliament on the subject. He did not
declare that he would even advise with his Parliament about recompensing
all who might suffer, but merely about recompensing such as had followed
him to the last. Finally he said nothing about equivalents. Indeed the
notion of giving an equivalent to every body who suffered by the Act of
Settlement, in other words, of giving an equivalent for the fee simple
of half the soil of Ireland, was obviously absurd. Middleton's letter
will be found in Macpherson's collection. I will give a sample of the
language held by the Whigs on this occasion. "The Roman Catholics of
Ireland," says one writer, "although in point of interest and profession
different from us yet, to do them right, have deserved well from the
late King, though ill from us; and for the late King to leave them
and exclude them in such an instance of uncommon ingratitude that
Protestants have no reason to stand by a Prince that deserts his own
party, and a people that have been faithful to him and his interest to
the very last. "--A short and true Relation of the Intrigues, &c. , 1694. ]

[Footnote 438: The edict of creation was registered by the Parliament of
Paris on the 10th of April 1693. ]

[Footnote 439: The letter is dated the 19th of April 1693. It is among
the Nairne MSS. , and was printed by Macpherson. ]

[Footnote 440: "Il ne me plait nullement que M. Middleton est alle en
France. Ce n'est pas un homme qui voudroit faire un tel pas sans quelque
chose d'importance, et de bien concerte, sur quoy j'ay fait beaucoup
de reflections que je reserve a vous dire avostre heureuse
arrivee. "--William to Portland from Loo. April 18/28 1693. ]

[Footnote 441: The best account of William's labours and anxieties at
this time is contained in his letters to Heinsius--particularly the
letters of May 1. 9. and 30. 1693. ]

[Footnote 442: He speaks very despondingly in his letter to Heinsius
of the 30th of May, Saint Simon says: "On a su depuis que le Prince
d'Orange ecrivit plusieurs fois au prince de Vaudmont son ami intime,
qu'il etait perdu et qu'il n'y avait que par un miracle qu'il pût
echapper. "]

[Footnote 443: Saint Simon; Monthly Mercury, June 1693; Burnet, ii.
111. ]

[Footnote 444: Memoires de Saint Simon; Burnet, i. 404. ]

[Footnote 445: William to Heinsius, July. 1693. ]

[Footnote 446: Saint Simon's words are remarkable. "Leur cavalerie," he
says, "y fit d'abord plier des troupes d'elite jusqu'alors invincibles. "
He adds, "Les gardes du Prince d'Orange, ceux de M. de Vaudemont, et
deux regimens Anglais en eurent l'honneur. "]

[Footnote 447: Berwick; Saint Simon; Burnet, i. 112, 113. ; Feuquieres;
London Gazette, July 27. 31. Aug. 3. 1693; French Official Relation;
Relation sent by the King of Great Britain to their High Mightinesses,
Aug. 2. 1693; Extract of a Letter from the Adjutant of the King of
England's Dragoon Guards, Aug. 1. ; Dykvelt's Letter to the States
General dated July 30. at noon. The last four papers will be found in
the Monthly Mercuries of July and August 1693. See also the History
of the Last Campaign in the Spanish Netherlands by Edward D'Auvergne,
dedicated to the Duke of Ormond, 1693. The French did justice to
William. "Le Prince d'Orange," Racine wrote to Boileau, "pensa etre
pris, apres avoir fait des merveilles. " See also the glowing description
of Sterne, who, no doubt, had many times heard the battle fought over
by old soldiers. It was on this occasion that Corporal Trim was left
wounded on the field, and was nursed by the Beguine. ]

[Footnote 448: Letter from Lord Perth to his sister, June 17. 1694. ]

[Footnote 449: Saint Simon mentions the reflections thrown on the
Marshal. Feuquieres, a very good judge, tells us that Luxemburg was
unjustly blamed, and that the French army was really too much crippled
by its losses to improve the victory. ]

[Footnote 450: This account of what would have taken place, if Luxemburg
had been able and willing to improve his victory, I have taken from what
seems to have been a very manly and sensible speech made by Talmash
in the House of Commons on the 11th of December following. See Grey's
Debates. ]

[Footnote 451: William to Heinsius, July 20/30. 1693. ]

[Footnote 452: William to Portland, July 21/31. 1693. ]

[Footnote 453: London Gazette, April 24. , May 15. 1693. ]

[Footnote 454: Burchett's Memoirs of Transactions at Sea; Burnet, ii.
114, 115, 116. ; the London Gazette, July 17. 1693; Monthly Mercury of
July; Letter from Cadiz, dated July 4. ]

[Footnote 455: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Baden to the States General,
Jul 14/24, July 25/Aug 4. Among the Tanner MSS. in the Bodleian Library
are letters describing the agitation in the City. "I wish," says one of
Sancroft's Jacobite correspondents, "it may open our eyes and change our
minds. But by the accounts I have seen, the Turkey Company went from the
Queen and Council full of satisfaction and good humour. "]

[Footnote 456: London Gazette, August 21 1693; L'Hermitage to the States
General, July 28/Aug 7 As I shall, in this and the following chapters,
make large use of the despatches of L'Hermitage, it may be proper to say
something about him. He was a French refugee, and resided in London
as agent for the Waldenses. One of his employments had been to
send newsletters to Heinsius. Some interesting extracts from those
newsletters will be found in the work of the Baron Sirtema de
Grovestins. It was probably in consequence of the Pensionary's
recommendation that the States General, by a resolution dated July
24/Aug 3 1693, desired L'Hermitage to collect and transmit to them
intelligence of what was passing in England. His letters abound with
curious and valuable information which is nowhere else to be found. His
accounts of parliamentary proceedings are of peculiar value, and seem to
have been so considered by his employers.

Copies of the despatches of L'Hermitage, and, indeed of the despatches
of all the ministers and agents employed by the States General in
England from the time of Elizabeth downward, now are or will soon be
in the library of the British Museum. For this valuable addition to the
great national storehouse of knowledge, the country is chiefly
indebted to Lord Palmerston. But it would be unjust not to add that his
instructions were most zealously carried into effect by the late Sir
Edward Disbrowe, with the cordial cooperation of the enlightened men who
have charge of the noble collection of Archives at the Hague. ]

[Footnote 457: It is strange that the indictment should not have been
printed in Howell's State Trials. The copy which is before me was made
for Sir James Mackintosh. ]

[Footnote 458: Most of the information which has come down to us about
Anderton's case will be found in Howell's State Trials. ]

[Footnote 459: The Remarks are extant, and deserve to be read.
]

[Footnote 460: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary. ]

[Footnote 461: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary. ]

[Footnote 462: There are still extant a handbill addressed to All
Gentlemen Seamen that are weary of their Lives; and a ballad accusing
the King and Queen of cruelty to the sailors.

"To robbers, thieves, and felons, they
Freely grant pardons every day.
Only poor seamen, who alone
Do keep them in their father's throne,
Must have at all no mercy shown. "]

Narcissus Luttrell gives an account of the scene at Whitehall. ]

[Footnote 463: L'Hermitage, Sept. 5/15. 1693; Narcissus Luttrell's
Diary. ]

[Footnote 464: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary. ]

[Footnote 465: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary. In a pamphlet published
at this time, and entitled A Dialogue between Whig and Tory, the Whig
alludes to "the public insolences at the Bath upon the late defeat in
Flanders. " The Tory answers, "I know not what some hotheaded drunken
men may have said and done at the Bath or elsewhere. " In the folio
Collection of State Tracts, this Dialogue is erroneously said to have
been printed about November 1692. ]

[Footnote 466: The Paper to which I refer is among the Nairne MSS. ,
and will be found in Macpherson's collection. That excellent writer Mr.
Hallam has, on this subject, fallen into an error of a kind very rare
with him. He says that the name of Caermarthen is perpetually mentioned
among those whom James reckoned as his friends. I believe that the
evidence against Caermarthen will be found to begin and to end with the
letter of Melfort which I have mentioned. There is indeed, among the
Nairne MSS, which Macpherson printed, an undated and anonymous letter
in which Caermarthen is reckoned among the friends of James. But this
letter is altogether undeserving of consideration. The writer was
evidently a silly hotheaded Jacobite, who knew nothing about the
situation or character of any of the public men whom he mentioned. He
blunders grossly about Marlborough, Godolphin, Russell, Shrewsbury
and the Beaufort family. Indeed the whole composition is a tissue of
absurdities. ]

It ought to be remarked that, in the Life of James compiled from his own
Papers, the assurances of support which he received from Marlborough,
Russell, Godolphin Shrewsbury, and other men of note are mentioned with
very copious details. But there is not a word indicating that any such
assurances were ever received from Caermarthen. ]

[Footnote 467: A Journal of several Remarkable Passages relating to the
East India Trade, 1693. ]

[Footnote 468: See the Monthly Mercuries and London Gazettes of
September, October, November and December 1693; Dangeau, Sept. 5. 27. ,
Oct. 21. , Nov. 21. ; the Price of the Abdication, 1693. ]

[Footnote 469: Correspondence of William and Heinsius; Danish Note,
dated Dec 11/21 1693. The note delivered by Avaux to the Swedish
government at this time will be found in Lamberty's Collection and in
the Memoires et Negotiations de la Paix de Ryswick. ]

[Footnote 470: "Sir John Lowther says, nobody can know one day what a
House of Commons would do the next; in which all agreed with him. " These
remarkable words were written by Caermarthen on the margin of a paper
drawn up by Rochester in August 1692. Dalrymple, Appendix to part ii.
chap. 7. ]

[Footnote 471: See Sunderland's celebrated Narrative which has often
been printed, and his wife's letters, which are among the Sidney papers,
published by the late Serjeant Blencowe. ]

[Footnote 472: Van Citters, May 6/16. 1690. ]

[Footnote 473: Evelyn, April 24. 1691. ]

[Footnote 474: Lords' Journals, April 28. 1693. ]

[Footnote 475: L'Hermitage, Sept. 19/29, Oct 2/12 1693. ]

[Footnote 476: It is amusing to see how Johnson's Toryism breaks out
where we should hardly expect to find it. Hastings says, in the Third
Part of Henry the Sixth,

"Let us be back'd with God and with the seas Which He hath given for
fence impregnable, And with their helps alone defend ourselves. "

"This," says Johnson in a note, "has been the advice of every man who,
in any age, understood and favoured the interest of England. "]

[Footnote 477: Swift, in his Inquiry into the Behaviour of the Queen's
last Ministry, mentions Somers as a person of great abilities, who used
to talk in so frank a manner that he seemed to discover the bottom
of his heart. In the Memoirs relating to the Change in the Queen's
Ministry, Swift says that Somers had one and only one unconversable
fault, formality. It is not very easy to understand how the same man
can be the most unreserved of companions and yet err on the side of
formality. Yet there may be truth in both the descriptions. It is well
known that Swift loved to take rude liberties with men of high rank and
fancied that, by doing so, he asserted his own independence. He has been
justly blamed for this fault by his two illustrious biographers, both
of them men of spirit at least as independent as his, Samuel Johnson
and Walter Scott. I suspect that he showed a disposition to behave with
offensive familiarity to Somers, and that Somers, not choosing to submit
to impertinence, and not wishing to be forced to resent it, resorted,
in selfdefence, to a ceremonious politeness which he never would have
practised towards Locke or Addison. ]

[Footnote 478: The eulogies on Somers and the invectives against him are
innumerable. Perhaps the best way to come to a just judgment would be to
collect all that has been said about him by Swift and by Addison. They
were the two keenest observers of their time; and they both knew him
well. But it ought to be remarked that, till Swift turned Tory, he
always extolled Somers not only as the most accomplished, but as the
most virtuous of men. In the dedication of the Tale of a Tub are these
words, "There is no virtue, either of a public or private life, which
some circumstances of your own have not often produced upon the stage of
the world;" and again, "I should be very loth the bright example of your
Lordship's virtues should be lost to other eyes, both for their sake and
your own. " In the Discourse of the Contests and Dissensions at Athens
and Rome, Somers is the just Aristides. After Swift had ratted he
described Somers as a man who "possessed all excellent qualifications
except virtue. "]

[Footnote 479: See Whiston's Autobiography. ]

[Footnote 480: Swift's note on Mackay's Character of Wharton. ]

[Footnote 481: This account of Montague and Wharton I have collected
from innumerable sources. I ought, however, to mention particularly the
very curious Life of Wharton published immediately after his death. ]

[Footnote 482: Much of my information about the Harleys I have derived
from unpublished memoirs written by Edward Harley, younger brother of
Robert. A copy of these memoirs is among the Mackintosh MSS. ]

[Footnote 483: The only writer who has praised Harley's oratory, as far
as I remember, is Mackay, who calls him eloquent. Swift scribbled in the
margin, "A great lie. " And certainly Swift was inclined to do more than
justice to Harley. "That lord," said Pope, "talked of business in so
confused a manner that you did not know what he was about; and every
thing he went to tell you was in the epic way; for he always began in
the middle. "--Spence's Anecdotes. ]

[Footnote 484: "He used," said Pope, "to send trifling verses from Court
to the Scriblerus Club almost every day, and would come and talk idly
with them almost every night even when his all was at stake. " Some
specimens of Harley's poetry are in print. The best, I think, is a
stanza which he made on his own fall in 1714; and bad is the best.

"To serve with love,
And shed your blood,
Approved is above;
But here below
The examples show
'Tis fatal to be good. "]

[Footnote 485: The character of Harley is to be collected from
innumerable panegyrics and lampoons; from the works and the private
correspondence of Swift, Pope, Arbuthnot, Prior and Bolingbroke, and
from multitudes of such works as Ox and Bull, the High German Doctor,
and The History of Robert Powell the Puppet Showman. ]

[Footnote 486: In a letter dated Sept. 12. 1709 a short time before he
was brought into power on the shoulders of the High Church mob, he says:
"My soul has been among Lyons, even the sons of men, whose teeth are
spears and arrows, and their tongues sharp swords. But I learn how good
it is to wait on the Lord, and to possess one's soul in peace. " The
letter was to Carstairs. I doubt whether Harley would have canted thus
if he had been writing to Atterbury. ]

[Footnote 487: The anomalous position which Harley and Foley at this
time occupied is noticed in the Dialogue between a Whig and a Tory,
1693. "Your great P. Fo-y," says the Tory, "turns cadet and carries arms
under the General of the West Saxons. The two Har-ys, father and son,
are engineers under the late Lieutenant of the Ordnance, and bomb any
bill which he hath once resolv'd to reduce to ashes. " Seymour is the
General of the West Saxons. Musgrave had been Lieutenant of the Ordnance
in the reign of Charles the Second. ]

[Footnote 488: Lords' and Commons' Journals, Nov. 7. 1693. ]

[Footnote 489: Commons' Journals, Nov. 13. 1693; Grey's Debates. ]

[Footnote 490: Commons' Journals, Nov. 17. 1693. ]

[Footnote 491: Ibid. Nov. 22. 27. 1693; Grey's Debates. ]

[Footnote 492: Commons' Journals, Nov. 29. Dec. 6. 1693; L'Hermitage,
Dec. 1/11 1693. ]

[Footnote 493: L'Hermitage, Sept. 1/11. Nov. 7/17 1693. ]

[Footnote 494: See the Journal to Stella, lii. liii. lix. lxi. ; and Lady
Orkney's Letters to Swift. ]

[Footnote 495: See the letters written at this time by Elizabeth
Villiers, Wharton, Russell and Shrewsbury, in the Shrewsbury
Correspondence. ]

[Footnote 496: Commons' Journals, Jan. 6. 8. 1693/4. ]

[Footnote 497: Ibid. Jan. 19. 1693/4]

[Footnote 498: Hamilton's New Account. ]

[Footnote 499: The bill I found in the Archives of the Lords. Its
history I learned from the journals of the two Houses, from a passage
in the Diary of Narcissus Luttrell, and from two letters to the States
General, both dated on Feb 27/March 9 1694 the day after the debate in
the Lords. One of these letters is from Van Citters; the other, which
contains fuller information, is from L'Hermitage. ]

[Footnote 500: Commons' Journals, Nov. 28. 1693; Grey's Debates.
L'Hermitage expected that the bill would pas;, and that the royal assent
would not be withheld. On November. he wrote to the States General,
"Il paroist dans toute la chambre beaucoup de passion a faire passer ce
bil. " On Nov 28/Dec 8 he says that the division on the passing "n'a pas
cause une petite surprise. Il est difficile d'avoir un point fixe sur
les idees qu'on peut se former des emotions du parlement, car il paroist
quelquefois de grander chaleurs qui semblent devoir tout enflammer, et
qui, peu de tems apres, s'evaporent. " That Seymour was the chief manager
of the opposition to the bill is asserted in the once celebrated Hush
Money pamphlet of that year. ]

[Footnote 501: Commons' Journals; Grey's Debates. The engrossed copy of
this Bill went down to the House of Commons and is lost. The original
draught on paper is among the Archives of the Lords. That Monmouth
brought in the bill I learned from a letter of L'Hermitage to the
States General Dec. 13. 1693. As to the numbers on the division, I have
followed the journals. But in Grey's Debates and in the letters of Van
Citters and L'Hermitage, the minority is said to have been 172. ]

[Footnote 502: The bill is in the Archives of the Lords. Its history I have
collected from the journals, from Grey's Debates, and from the highly
interesting letters of Van Citters and L'Hermitage. I think it clear
from Grey's Debates that a speech which L'Hermitage attributes to a
nameless "quelq'un" was made by Sir Thomas Littleton. ]

[Footnote 503: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, September 1691. ]

[Footnote 504: Commons' Journals, Jan. 4. 1693/4. ]

[Footnote 505: Of the Naturalisation Bill no copy, I believe exists. The
history of that bill will be found in the Journals. From Van Citters
and L'Hermitage we learn less than might have been expected on a subject
which must have been interesting to Dutch statesmen. Knight's speech
will be found among the Somers Papers. He is described by his brother
Jacobite, Roger North, as "a gentleman of as eminent integrity and
loyalty as ever the city of Bristol was honoured with. "]

[Footnote 506: Commons' Journals, Dec 5. 1694. ]

[Footnote 507: Commons' Journals, Dec. 20. and 22. 1693/4. The journals
did not then contain any notice of the divisions which took place when
the House was in committee. There was only one division on the army
estimates of this year, when the mace was on the table. That division
was on the question whether 60,000L. or 147,000L. should be
granted for hospitals and contingencies. The Whigs carried the larger
sum by 184 votes to 120. Wharton was a teller for the majority, Foley
for the minority. ]

[Footnote 508: Commons' Journals, Nov. 25. 1694. ]

[Footnote 509: Stat. 5 W. & M. c. I. ]

[Footnote 510: Stat. 5 & 6 W. & M. c. 14. ]

[Footnote 511: Stat. 5 & 6 W. & M. c. 21. ; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary. ]

[Footnote 512: Stat. 5 & 6 W.