No More Learning



## p. xxx (#35) #############################################

LIST OF PLATES
XXXÍ
XXXII. 63. Interior of the Hindolā Mahall at Māndū.
64. The Jāmi: Masjid at Māndū, from the North-East.
65. Interior of the JāmiMasjid at Māndū.
XXXIII. 66. The tomb of Hūshang.
67. Interior of mosque of Malik Mughis (Mughis-ud-
Dunyā) (typical of Māndū style).
XXXIV. 68. The ruined College and tomb of Mahmūd, with Tower
of Victory on the left.
69. The Jahāz Mahall at Māndū.
70. The palace of the Bāz Bahādur, with Rūpmati's
pavilion crowning the hill in the distance.
XXXV. 71. The Ukha Mandir at Bayāna.
72. The Ukha Masjid at Bayāna.
XXXVI. 73. The Shams Masjid at Nāgaur (Jodhpur).
74. The Topkhāna mosque at Jālor (Jodhpur).
XXXVII. 75. Kushk Mahall at Fathābād near Chanderi.
76. Jāmi' Masjid at Chanderī.
XXXVIII. 77. Jami' Masjid at Budaun.
78. Bādal Mahall gate at Chanderi.
79. The Lāt at Hissār.
XXXIX. 80. Chaurasi Gumbad at Kālpī, from South East.
81. Atāla mosque at Jaunpur.
82. Atāla mosque at Jaunpur.
XL. 83. Jāmi: Masjid at Jaunpur.
84. Jāmi: Masjid at Jaunpur. Exterior colonnades on
south side.
XLI. 85. The citadel at Daulatābād, with Chānd Minār to the
right.
86. The entrance to the tunnel in the citadel at Daulatābād.
XLII. 87. Rock-hewn moat around the citadel at Daulatābād.
XLIII. 88. The Gumbad gate of Bidar Fort.
89. The Fort at Parenda.
XLIV, 90. The Fath Drawāza, Golconda Fort.
91. Mahakali Gateway of Narnāla.
XLV. 92. Tomb of Bahman Shāh at Gulbarga, from North East.
93. Tomb of Firūz Shāh Bahmani at Gulbarga, from
North-West.
XLVI. 94. The Jāmi Masjid at Gulbarga, from North-East.
95. Arcade in the Jami' Masjid at Gulbarga.
XLVII. 96. Arch over entrance to Banda Nawāz, Gulbarga.
97. Tombs of the later Bahmani kings at Bidar.
XLVIII. 98. The Chānd Minār at Daulatābād.
XLIX. 99. Madrasa of Mahmūd Gāwān at Bidar.
100. Tombs of the Fārūqi kings at Thālner, Form North-
East.
L. 101. Tomb of the mother of Zain-ul-Abidin.
102. Mosque of Madani.
LI. 103. Jāmi' Masjid, Srīnagar ; interior of cloisters.
104. Mosque of Shāh Hamadān.


## p. xxx (#36) #############################################

LIST OF BIBLIOGRAPHIES
PAGE
: :
. . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
i i
. . . . . .
. . . . . . . . .
Chapter I
Chapter II
Chapter III
Chapter IV
Chapter V
Chapter VI
Chapter VII
Chapters VIII, IX and X
Chapter XI
Chapter XII
Chapters XIII, XIV
Chapters XV, XVI and XVII
Chapter XVIII
Chapter XIX
Chapter XX
Chapter XXI
Chapter XXII
Chapter XXIII
641
642
613
644
615
646
617
648
619
650
651
652
. . .
. . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . .
653
654
655
. . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . .
656
658
659
CORRIGENDA
>
p. 21, ll. 9, 11, 28, 33, 35, 40, For Ninda reid Ganda.
p. 22, 11, 23, 30, 37, 41. For Nanda read Ganda.
p. 127, 1. 17. Delete pure. Delete notel, and substitute the following :
1 Tughluq was the personal name of Ghiyās-ud-din, but has been applied,
both by Eastern and Western historians, to the dynasty founded by him, as though
it were a patronymic.
It is usually transliterated Tughlaq, but I follow Ibn
Batūtah, who is explicit on the point, and who, though not always a safe guide in
the matter of proper names, must have known how the name was pronounced at
Delhi in his time.
p. 238, 1. 12.
After provisions inserl to pursue his advantage.
p. 244, I. 5.
For in read to.
p. 316, I. 35. For 1510 read 1511.
p. 441, Il. 10, 18. For Sadāshivarāya read Rāma Rāya.
p. 442, 11. 7, 24. For Sadāshivarāya read Rāma Rāya.
p. 443, l. 2. For Salāshivarāya read Rāma Rāya.
p. 444, 11. 2; 26, 29. For Sadāshivarāya read Rāma Rāya.
p. 445, 11. 11, 27. For Sadāshivarāya read Rāma Rāya.
p. 448, 11. 10, 24, 30, 36. For Sadāshivarāya read Rāma Rāya.
p. 449, 11. 4, 15, 24. For Sadāshivarāya read Rāma Rāya.


## p. 1 (#37) ###############################################

CHAPTER I
THE ARAB CONQUEST OF SIND
The rise of Islam is one of the marvels of history. In the
summer of A. D. 622 a prophet, without honour in his own country,
fled from his native city to seek an asylum in the town of Yathrib,
since known as Madinat-un-Nabl 'the Prophet's City,' rather more
than two hundred miles north of Mecca, the town which had cast
him out. Little more than a century later the successors and fol.
lowers of the fugitive were ruling an empire which extended from
the Atlantic to the Indus and from the Caspian to the cataracts of
the Nile, and included Spain and Portugal, some of the most fertile
regions of southern France, the whole of the northern coast of
Africa, Upper and Lower Egypt, their own native Arabia, Syria,
Mesopotamia, Armenia Persia, Afghanistan, Baluchistan and Tran-
soxiana. They threatened Christendom almost simultaneously from
the east and the west, besieging Constantinople three times and
advancing into the heart of France, and but for the decisive victory
of Theodosius III before the imperial city in 716 and the curshing
defeat inflicted on them near Tours in 732 by Charles the Hammer,
the whole of Europe would have passed under their sway. The
battle of Poitiers decided whether the Christians' bell or the muez-
zin's cry should sound over Rome, Paris and London, whether the
subtleties of the schoolmen and later, the philosophy of Greece, or
the theology and jurisprudence of the Koran and the Traditions
should be studied at Bologna, Paris, Oxford and Cambridge.
By the beginning of the eighth century of the Christian era the
Arabs had carried their arms as far as the western confines of India
and bore sway in Mekrān, the ancient Gedrosia, that torrid region
extending inland from the northern shore of the Sea of 'Omān.
Immediately to the east of this province lay the kingdom of Sind,
ruled by Dāhir, son of the usurping Brāhman Chāch.
An act of piracy or brigandage, the circumstances of which are
variously related, brought Dāhir into conflict with his formidable
neighbours. The King of Ceylon was sending to Hajjāj, viceroy of
the eastern provinces of the caliphate, the orphan daughters of
Muslim merchants who had died in his dominions, and his vessels
were attacked and plundered by pirates off the coast of Sind.
G. H. 1. III.
1 1


## p. 2 (#38) ###############################################

2
THE ARAB CONQUEST OF SIND (CH.
According to a less probable account, the King of Ceylon had
himself accepted Islam, and was sending tribute to the Commander
of the Faithful. Another author writes that 'Abdul Malik, the fifth
Umayyad, and father of Walīd, the reigning Caliph, had sent agents
to India to purchase female slaves and other commodities, and that
these agents, on reaching Debul, Dāhir's principal seaport, had been
attacked and plundered by brigands.
It is the results rather than the details of the outrage that are
important. Hajjāj sent a letter through Muhammad b. Hārūn,
governor of Mekrān, demanding reparation, but Dāhir replied that
the aggressors were beyond his control, and that he was powerless
to punish them. Hajjāj then obtained from Walīd permission to
send an expedition into Sind and dispatched 'Ubaidullāh against
Debul, but he was defeated and slain and Budail, who followed him,
shared his fate. Hajjāj, deeply affected by these two failures, fitted
out a third expedition, at the head of which he placed his cousin
and son-in-law, 'Imād-ud-Din Muhammad, son of Qāsim', a youth
of seventeen years
of
age.
Muhammad, with 6000 Syrian horse, the flower of the armies
of the Caliphs, a camel corps of equal strength, and a baggage train
of 3000 camels, marched by way of Shīrāz and through Mekrān
towards Sind, crossing the frontier at Armāil, probably not far from
the modern Darbeji. On his way through Mekrān he had been
joined by more troops and the Arabs appeared before Debul, then a
seaport situated about twenty-four miles to the south-west of the
modern town of Tatta, in the autumn of 711. His artillery, which
included a great balista known as 'the Bride,' worked by five hund-
red men, had been sent by sea to meet him. The town was protect-
ed by strong stone fortifications and contained a great idol temple,
from which it took its name. The siege had continued for some
time when a Brāhman deserted from the temple and informed
Muhammad that the garrison consisted of 4000 Rajputs and that
3000 shaven Brāhmans served the temple. It was impossible, he
said, to take the place by storm, for the Brāhmans had prepared a
talisman and placed it at the base of the staff of the great red flag
which flew from the steeple of the temple. Muhammad ordered
Ja'wiyyah, his chief artillerist, to shorten the foot of the Bride,'
thus lowering her trajectory, and to make the flagstaff his mark.
The third stone struck it, shattered its base, and broke the
>
1 Not Qāsim or Muhammad Qāsim, as he is sometimes called by European
historians. This vulgar error, arising from a Persian idiom in which the word 'son'
is understood but not expressed, should be avoided.


## p. 3 (#39) ###############################################

1]
THE FALL OF DEBUL
3
talisman. The garrison, though much disheartened by the destruction
of their palladium, made a sortie, but were repulsed, and the Arabs,
planting their ladders, swarmed over the walls. The Brāhmans and
other inhabitants were invited to accept Islām, and on their refusing
their wives and children were enslaved and all males of the age of
seventeen and upwards were put to the sword. The carnage lasted
for three days and Muhammad laid out a Muslim quarter, built
a mosque, and placed a garrison of 4000 in the town. The legal
fifth of the spoil and seventy-five damsels were sent to Hajjāj, and the
rest of the plunder was divided among the army.
.
Dāhir attempted to make light of the fall of Debul, saying that
it was a place inhabited by mean people and traders, and as Muham-
mad advanced towards Nīrūn, about seventy-five miles to the north-
east and near the modern Haidarābād (Hydrābād), ordered his son
Jai Singh to leave that fort, placing a priest in charge of it, and to
join him in the strong fortress of Bahmanābād. The Arabs, after
seven days' march, arrived before Nīrūn early in 712, and the priest
left in charge of the place surrendered it to Muhammad, who,
placing a Muslim governor there marched to Sehwān, about eighty
miles to the north-west.
This town, populated chiefly by priests and traders, who were
anxious to submit at once to the invaders, was held by Bajhrā, son
of Chandra and cousin of Dāhir, who upbraided the inhabitants for
their pusillanimity and prepared, with the troops at his disposal, to
defend the place, but after a week's siege lost heart, fled by the north
gate of the city, crossed the Kumbh, which then flowed more than
ten miles to the east of Sehwān, and took refuge with the Jāts of
Būdhiya, whose raja was Kāka, son of Kotal, and whose capital was
at Sisam, on the bank of the Kumbh. The inhabitants of Sehwān
then surrendered the town to Muhammad, who granted them their
lives on condition of their remaining loyal and paying the poll-tax
leviable from non-Muslims.
Sir William Muir has observed that the conquest of Sind marks
a new stage in Muhammadan policy. The Islamic law divides
misbelievers into two classes, 'the People of the Book,' that is Chris-
tians and Jews, as the possessors of inspired Scriptures, and idolators.
The first, when conquered, are granted, by the authority of the
Koran, their lives, and may not lawfully be molested in any way,
even in the practice of the rites of their creeds, so long as they
loyally accept the rule of their conquerors and pay the jiz ya or
poll-tax, but a rigid interpretation of the Koran, subsequently
modified by commentators and legislators, allows to idolators only
1-2


## p. 4 (#40) ###############################################

4
[CH.
THE ARAB CONQUEST OF SIND
the choice between Islām and death. By a legal fiction which placed
the scriptures of Zoroaster on a level with the Old and New Testa-
ments as a divine revelation the Magians of Persia had often obtained
the amnesty which was strictly the peculiar privilege of Christians
and Jews, but Hajjāj, a bitter persecutor, knew nothing of the lax
interpretation which tolerated idolatry on payment of tribute, and in
Central Asia idolators, were rooted out. In India Muhammad granted
the amnesty to idolators, and in many cases left their temples standing
and permitted their worship. At Debul he had behaved as an ortho-
dox Muslim, but his subsequent policy was toleration except when he
met with obstinate resistance or his troops suffered serious losses.
Thus we find the zealous Hajjāj remonstrating with the young soldier
for doing the Lord's work negligently and Muhammad consulting
his couisn on the degree of toleration permissible. His campaign in
Sind was not a holy war, waged for the propagation of the faith, but
a mere war of conquest, and it was undoubtedly politic in the leader
of a few thousand Arabs to refrain from a course which might have
roused swarms of idolators against him.
The endeavour to follow in detail the movements of Muhammad
after the fall of Sehwān bristles with difficulties. The unsatisfactory
attempts of historians to reproduce in a script utterly unsuited to
the purpose the place names of India, the corruption of their versions
of those names by copyists who had never heard and could not read
them, and above all the constant changes in the face of the country
due to the repeated shifting of the courses of the great rivers which
traverse it, combine to confound the student. The general course
followed by him may, however, be traced.
From Sehwān he marched to Sisam on the Kumbh, defeated
the Jāts, who attacked his camp by night, and captured their strong-
hold in two days. Bajhrā, Dāhir's cousin, and his principal follow-
ers were slain, but Kāka submitted, and afterwards joined the
Muslims.
In accordance with orders received from Hajjāj, Muhammad
returned towards Nirūn, there to make preparations for the passage
of the Mihrān, the main stream of the Indus, which then flowed
some distance to the east of Nirūn and between it and his objective,
the strong fortress of Bahmanābād, where Dāhir was prepared to
oppose his further advance into the country. He halted on the
western bank of the river, opposite to a fortress called Baghrūr by
the Arab chroniclers, but was delayed there for some months by
scurvy, which broke out among his troops, by a malady which
>


## p. 5 (#41) ###############################################

1)
THE DEATH OF DÄHIR
5
carried off a large number of his horses, and by the impossibility of
obtaining boats. Hajjāj sent him sage advice as to the best means
of effecting the passage of the river and, what was more to the pur- .
pose, two thousand horses and a supply of vinegar for his suffering
troops. This last was transported in a concentrated form. Cotton
was saturated in it and dried and the operation was repeated until
the cotton would hold no more; the essence could then be extracted
by the simple process of soaking the cotton in water. In June, 712,
Muhammad crossed the river with his troops without serious
opposition from the Hindus.
Dāhir had meanwhile assembled an army of 50,000 horse, and
marched from Bahmanābād to Rāwar to meet the invader, The
armies lay opposite to one another for several days, during which
some skirmishing took place, and on June 20 Dāhir mounted his
elephant and advanced to the attack. The battle was sustained
with great valour on both sides, but an Arab succeeded in planting
an arrow, to which burning cotton was attached, in Dāhir's elephant,
and the terrified beast turned and fled towards the river, pursued
by the Arabs. The driver arrested his flight in midstream and
induced him once more to face the enemy, and the battle was
renewed on the river bank. Dāhir charged the Arabs, and did great
execution among them until he was struck by an arrow and ſell from
his elephant. He contrived to mount a horse but an Arab cut him
down, and the Hindus fled from the field, some towards Aror, the
capital, and others, with Jai Singh, to Bahmanābād, while Dāhir's
wiſe, Rāni Baī, and her handmaids immolated themselves at Rāwar,
to avoid falling into the hands of the strangers.
The remnant of the Hindu army rallied at Bahmanābād and
offered such a determined resistance that 8000 or, according to
another account, 26,000 of them were slain. Jai Singh, loth to
sustain a siege in Bahmanābād, retired to Chitrūr and Muhammad
captured Bahmanābād, and with it Rāni Lādi, another wife of Dāhir,
whom he afterwards married, and Suryadevi and Parmaldevī, Dāhir's
two maiden daughters, who were sent through Hajjāj to the Caliph.
After the capture of Bahmanābād he organised the administra-
tion of Lower Sind, placing governors in Rāwar, Sehwān, Nīrun,
Dhāliya, and other places, and on October 9th set out for Aror,
receiving on his way the submission of the people of Muthalo and
Bharūr, and of the Sammas, Lohānas, and Sihtas.
Aror was held by a son of Dāhir, called, by Muslim chroniclers
Fūfī, whose conviction that his father was yet alive and had but


## p. 6 (#42) ###############################################

6
( ch.
THE ARAB CONQUEST OF SIND
retired into Hindūstān to collect an army encouraged him to offer a
determined resistance. Muhammad attempted to destroy his illusion,
which was shared by the people of Aror, by sending his wife Lādi to
assure them that her former husband had indeed been slain and that
his head had been sent to the Caliph's viceroy, but they repudiated
her with abuse as one who had joined herself to the unclean strangers.
Fūfī was, however, at length convinced of his father's death, and
fled from Aror by night. Muhammad, on learning of his flight,
attacked the town, and the citizens, deserted by their leader, readily
submitted to him.
He appointed a governor and a judge to Aror and marched
towards Multān. On his way thither he first reached a fortress to
which Kaksa, a cousin of Dāhir, had fled from Aror. Kaksa sub-
mitted to him, was taken into his confidence and became one of his
most trusted counsellors. Continuing his march north-eastwards he
came to a fortress of which the name has been so corrupted that it
cannot be identified, but it lay on the northern bank of the Beas,
as it then flowed. It was bravely defended for seven days, but was
then deserted by its governor, a nephew of the ruler of Multān, who
took refuge in Sika, a fortress on the southern bank of the Rāvi. The
people, left to themselves, surrendered the fortress and were spared,
but the garrison, to the number of four thousand, was put to the
sword, and their wives and children were enslaved. After appointing
an Arab governor Muhammad crossed the rivers and attacked Sika,
the siege of which occupied him for seventeen days and cost him the
lives of twenty-five of his best officers and 215 men. When the
commander of the fortress fled to Multān and the place fell, he
avenged the death of his warriors by sacking it and passed on to
Multān. The Hindus were defeated in the field and driven within
the walls but held out until a deserter pointed out to Muhammad
the stream or canal which supplied the city with water, and this was
destroyed or diverted, so that the garrison was obliged to surrender.
In the great temple were discovered a golden idol and such quanti-
ties of gold that the Arabs named the city 'The House of Gold'. The
fighting men were put to the sword and their wives and children,
together with the attendants of the temple, numbering six thousand
souls in all, were enslaved, but the citizens were spared. Amir Dāūd
Nasr was appointed to the government of the city and another Arab
to that of the province, and Arabs were placed in charge of the
principal forts.
There is a conflict of authority regarding Muhammad's move-
ments after the capture of Multān in 713, which laid at his feet


## p. 7 (#43) ###############################################

ij
FATE OF MUHAMMAD B. QASIM
7
upper Sind and the lower Punjāb. According to one account he
became involved in hostilities with Har Chandra, son of Jhital, raja
of Qinnauj, not to be confounded with the great city of Kanauj in
Hindústān, and marched to meet him at Odipur, fourteen miles
southward of Alwāna, on the Ghaggar, and according to another
he returned to Aror, but his career of conquest was drawing to a
close, his sun was setting while it was yet day.
The romantic story of his death, related by some chroniclers,
has usually been repeated by European historians, but is devoid of
foundation. It is said that when the Caliph Walid sent for Suryadevi
and Parmaldevī, the daughters of Dāhir, he first selected the elder
for the honour of sharing his bed, but the damsel protested that
she was unworthy, for Muhammad had dishonoured both her and
her sister before sending them to his master. Walid, transported
with rage, wrote with his own hand an order directing that the
offender, wherever he might be when the message reached him,
should suffer himself to be sewn up in a raw hide and thus dis-
patched to the capital. When the order reached the young hero it
was at once obeyed. He caused himself to be sewn up in the hide,
the contraction of which as it dried would crush him to death,
enclosed in a box and sent to Damascus. The box was opened in
the presence of the Caliph and Suryadevi, and Walid pointed
proudly to the corpse as evidence of the obedience which he was
able to exact from his servants. Suryadevī, having read him a
homily on the duty of investigating all complaints made to him
before issuing orders on them, confessed that her accusation was
false, that Muhammad had scrupulously respected her honour and
that of her sister, but that she had had no other means of avenging
her father's death. Walid condemned both sisters to a horrible
death. We need not stop to inquire whether they were immured
alive, or whether they were dragged through the streets of Damascus
by horses until they expired. Both accounts are extant, but the end
of the young conqueror, though tragic enough, was not due to an
act of romantic and quixotic obedience to a distant and ungrateful
master.
Walid died in 715 and was succeeded by his brother Sulaiman;
to whom Hajjāj had given great offence by encouraging Walid in
the design of making his son rather than his brother his heir.
Hajjāj was beyond the reach of mortal vengeance, for he had died
before Walid, but the new Caliph's hand fell heavily on his family
and adherents. Yazid, son of Abu Kabshah, was appointed governor
of Sind and Muhammad was sent a prisoner to Mesopotamia, where


## p. 8 (#44) ###############################################

8
THE ARAB CONQUEST OF SIND
(ch.
he was imprisoned at Wāsit by Sālih. He could not have fallen into
worse hands, for Ādam, Sālih's brother, had been one of the
numerous Khāriji heretics put to death by the bigoted and brutal
Hajjāj. His murder was now expiated by the gallant young con-
queror of Sind and his relations, who were tortured to death by
Sālih's orders.
Yazid died eighteen days after his arrival in Sind, and Sulaimān
appointed Habib, son of Muhallab, to succeed him. Habīb adopted
a conciliatory policy, and allowed the princes expelled by Mu-
hammad to return to their states, so that Jai Singh, son of Dāhir,
established himself at Bahmanābåd, Aror being retained as the
capital of the viceroy, whose only warlike operation appears to have
been the reduction of a refractory tribe to obedience.
Sulaimān died, after a reign of no more than two years, in 717,
and was succeeded by his cousin, the pious and zealous 'Umar II,
to whom the toleration of idolatry, even on the fringe of his empire,
was painful. He wrote to the princes of Sind, urging them to
embrace Islam and earn the temporal as well as the eternal blessings
which would follow their acceptance of the true faith. Many, among
them Jai Singh, responded.
Junaid, governor of Sind under the Caliph Hishām (724-743),
was active and energetic, but unscrupulous. He prepared to invade
the territory of Jai Singh, now a Muslim and a feudatory of the
Caliph, but when Jai Singh protested against the aggression re-
assured him. Jai Singh responded by sending to him assurances of
his loyalty to the Caliph and the tribute due from his state.
Hostilities nevertheless broke out, and Jai Singh was defeated and
slain. Each has been accused of perfidy, but Junaid is convicted by
his subsequent conduct. When Chach, Jai Singh's brother, fled to
Mesopotamia to complain against him he did not cease to conciliate
him until they had shaken hands, and then he slew him. '
Junaid afterwards carried the Muslim arms further into India;
but the places which he captured or menaced cannot now be satis-
factorily identified. He was afterwards promoted to the viceroyalty
of the eastern provinces of the Caliphate, and was succeeded in
Sind by Tammim, son of Zaid-ul-'Utbā, a feeble ruler distinguished
chiefly by his lavish generosity, whose successor, Hakam, found
Islam languishing and the people, for the most part, relapsed into
idolatory, and was obliged to build for the Muslims two strongholds
to serve as cities of refuge, al Mahfüzah, 'the guarded,' and Man-
sūrah, long the capital of the Muhammadan provinces of Sind, lying
a few miles to the north-east of Bahmanābād. He and his lieutenant
a


## p. 9 (#45) ###############################################

1)
THE 'ABBASIDS
9
‘Amru, son of the unfortunate Muhammad, laboured to recall the
people to the faith of Islam and to restore the military reputation
of the Muslims, and their successors "continued to kill the enemy,
taking whatever they could acquire and subduing the people who
rebelled. '
In 750 the ‘Abbasids overthrew the Umayyads and sent officers
to expel those who had held offices under them in the provinces.
Mansūr, who now held Sind, resisted with some success the adherents
of the new line of Caliphs, but was at length defeated and driven
into the desert, where he perished miserably of thirst. Mūsā, who
expelled him, repaired the city of Mansürah and enlarged the
mosque there.
Al-Mansūr (754-775), the second 'Abbasid Caliph, sent to Sind
Hishām, who reduced Multān, still in arms against the new dynasty,
and captured Qandāil, which may be identified with Zihrī in Balū-
chistan, about fifty-seven miles south-west of Gandāva ; and Kandhāro,
on the south-western border of the present Bahāwalpur State.
Governor was regularly appointed to succeed governor until
Bashar, son of Dāūd, rebelled against the Caliph al-Ma'mūn, who
reigned from 813 to 833, and Ghassan, who was sent to suppress his
rebellion, carried him to Baghdād, and left as his own deputy in
Sind, Mūsā, son of Yahyā, son of Khālid, son of Barmak. Mūsā
the Barmecide, an active and energetic ruler, died in 836, but before
his death ventured on a step which clearly indicated that the hold
of the Caliphs on Sind was relaxing. He nominated his son 'Amrān
as his successor, and the significance of the measure was hardly
diminished by the formality of obtaining al-Mu'tasim's recognition
of the appointment. When provincial governments in the east
begin to become hereditary they are in a fair way to becoming
kingdoms.
'Amrān made war upon the jāts, whom he defeated and subju-
gated. He also defeated and slew a fellow Muslim, Muhammad,
son of Khalil, who reigned at Qandāil, and attacked the Meds of
the sea coast of Cutch. Of them he slew three thousand and ad-
vanced as far as Adhoī, in eastern Cutch.
The later history of Islam in Sind is obscure, but the religion
flourished, and retained its dominion over idolatry. The authority
of the Caliphs in the province was virtually extinguished in 871,
when two Arab chiefs established independent principalities at
Multān and Mansurah. The former comprised the upper valley of
the united Indus as far as Aror ; the latter extended from that
town to the sea, and nearly coincided with the modern province of
>
>


## p. 10 (#46) ##############################################

10
THE AŘAB CONQUEST OF SIND ch.
Sind. Little is known of the details of the history of these dynas-
ties, but they seem to have left the administration of the country
largely in the hands of natives and to have tolerated freely the
Hindu religion. Their power was maintained by an Arab soldiery
supported by grants of land, and though they were in fact inde-
pendent they retained the fiction of subordination to the Caliphate,
for as late as the beginning of the eleventh century, when Mahmūd
of Ghazni was wasting northern India with fire and sword, the
Muslim governor of Sind professed to be the Caliph's representative.
Of the Arab conquest of Sind there is nothing more to be said.
It was a mere episode in the history of India and affected only a
small portion of the fringe of that vast country. It introduced into
one frontier tract the religion which was destined to dominate the
greater part of India for nearly five centuries, but it had none of
the far-reaching effects attributed to it by Tod in the Annals of
Rājasthān. Muhammad b. Qāsim never penetrated to Chitor in
the heart of Rajputāna ; the Caliph Walid I did not ‘render tribu-
tary all that part of India on this side the Ganges'; the invader
was never 'on the eve of carrying the war against Raja Harchund
of Kanouj' much less did he actually prosecute it ; if Hārūn-ur-
Rashid gave to his second son, al-Maʻmūn, ‘Khorassan, Zabulisthan,
Cabulisthan, Sind and Hindusthan’, he bestowed on him at least
one country which was not his to give ; nor was the whole of
northern India, as Tod maintains, convulsed by the invasion of the
Arabs. One of these, as we have seen, advanced to Adhoi in Cutch,
but no settlement was made, and the expedition was a mere raid ;
and though the first news of the irruption may have suggested
warlike preparations to the princes of Rājasthān their uneasiness
cannot have endured. The tide of Islam, having overflowed Sind
and the lower Punjab, ebbed, leaving some jetsam on the strand.
The rulers of states beyond the desert had no cause for alarm.
That was to come later, and the enemy was to be, not the Arab,
but the Turk, who was to present the faith of the Arabian prophet
in a more terrible guise than it had worn when presented by native
Arabians.


## p. 11 (#47) ##############################################

CHAPTER II
THE YAMINI DYNASTY OF GHAZNI AND LAHORE,
COMMONLY KNOWN AS THE GHAZNAVIDS
The Arabs never carried the standards of Islam far beyond the
Indus, and though the doctrines of the new faith were accepted by
many and familiar to all of the inhabitants of Sind, and Muham-
madan dynasties were ruling at Mansūra until A.