No More Learning

>>>
"That is all, then, I swear to you," affirmed Samuel, sigh-
ing. "My shop is poorly stocked; I had commenced laying in a
supply, but an unfortunate accident deranged my little business. "
"Bah! be consoled," replied M. Langis; "you will find
another opportunity: a genius of such lofty flights as yours is
never at a loss. You have been unfortunate; some day Fortune
will compensate you for the wrongs she has done you, and the
world will accord justice to your fine talents. "
Speaking thus, he laid on the table twenty-five notes of a
thousand francs each. He counted them; Samuel counted them


## p. 3624 (#606) ###########################################

3624
VICTOR CHERBULIEZ
after him, and at once delivered to him the medallion, the hood,
and the two letters.
Camille rose to leave. "Monsieur Brohl," he said, "from the
first day I saw you, I formed the highest opinion of your char-
acter. The reality surpasses my expectations. I am charmed
to have made your acquaintance, and I venture to hope that
you are not sorry to have made mine. However, I shall not
say au revoir. »
"Who knows? " replied Samuel, suddenly changing his counte-
nance and attitude. And he added, "If you are fond of being
astonished, monsieur, will you remain still another instant in this
den ? »
He rolled and twisted the twenty-five one-thousand-franc notes
into lamp-lighters; then with a grand gesture, à la Poniatowski,
he approached the candle, held them in the flame until they
blazed, and then threw them on the hearth, where they were
soon consumed.
Turning toward M. Langis, he cried, "Will you now do me
the honor of fighting with me? »
"After such a noble act as that, I can refuse you nothing,"
returned Camille. "I will do you that signal honor. "
"Just what I desire," replied Samuel. "I am the offended;
I have the choice of arms. " And in showing M. Langis out, he
said, "I will not conceal from you that I have frequented the
shooting galleries, and that I am a first-class pistol-shot. "
Camille bowed and went out.
The next day, in a lucid interval, Mademoiselle Moriaz saw
at the foot of her bed a medallion laid on a red hood. From
that moment the physician announced an improvement in her
symptoms.
Copyrighted by D. Appleton and Company, 1877.


## p. 3624 (#607) ###########################################



## p. 3624 (#608) ###########################################


CHESTERFIELD.


## p. 3624 (#609) ###########################################

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## p. 3624 (#610) ###########################################

EEN

CHESTERFIELD.
at


## p. 3624 (#611) ###########################################

3625
LORD CHESTERFIELD
(1694-1773)
s THE best representative of a creditable type among English
noblemen in the reign of George II. ,- an accomplished
courtier, a diplomatic statesman worthy of reliance on occa-
sions of emergency, a scholar, and a patron of literature,- Philip
Dormer Stanhope, fourth earl of Chesterfield, occupied a prominent
place in the history of his country for more than forty years. He
was the eldest son of Philip, third earl, and was born at London in
1694. Most of his boyhood was spent under the care of his grand-
mother, the Marchioness of Halifax. When eighteen, he was entered
at Trinity College, Cambridge, and became "an excellent classical
scholar. " The principal events in his public career were his election
to Parliament in his twenty-first year; his appointment as Captain of
the Yeomen of the Guard in return for a political vote; his selection
for special service as Ambassador to The Hague after his succession
to the family title; his appointment as Lord High Steward, with the
Garter, as a reward for his success in Holland; his expulsion from
that position by Horace Walpole for political disobedience in oppos-
ing an excise bill; his second successful mission to The Hague; his
selection, as a reward, for the responsible post of Viceroy in Ireland,
and subsequently his resignation and acceptance of office as Secre-
tary of State, this latter appointment being taken when the Earl
had reached his fiftieth year. Chesterfield was first a warm friend,
then a bitter enemy of Horace Walpole. He also antagonized George
II. , but that monarch finally succumbed to diplomatic treatment at
his hands and offered his former antagonist a dukedom, which was
courteously declined. In his fifty-eighth year, partial deafness caused
him to withdraw almost wholly from public affairs. In diplomacy,
his successful missions to The Hague made him strong with officials
in power.
His ability as a statesman was shown to great advantage
in a firm yet popular administration of Irish affairs during a critical
period in Irish history. As a patron of literature, Dr. Samuel Johnson
deemed him a distinct failure, and expressed this opinion forcibly to
that effect in his celebrated letter. His literary reputation rests
chiefly on letters addressed to his natural son Philip, who died in
his thirty-sixth year, greatly to his father's disappointment, he hav-
ing looked forward to a great career for the young man. His letters
of counsel and advice were to that end; oddly, they left the recipient


## p. 3624 (#612) ###########################################

CHESTERFIELD


## p. 3625 (#613) ###########################################

3625
LORD CHESTERFIELD
(1694-1773)
s THE best representative of a creditable type among English
noblemen in the reign of George II. ,- an accomplished
courtier, a diplomatic statesman worthy of reliance on occa-
sions of emergency, a scholar, and a patron of literature,— Philip
Dormer Stanhope, fourth earl of Chesterfield, occupied a prominent
place in the history of his country for more than forty years. He
was the eldest son of Philip, third earl, and was born at London in
1694. Most of his boyhood was spent under the care of his grand-
mother, the Marchioness of Halifax. When eighteen, he was entered
at Trinity College, Cambridge, and became "an excellent classical
scholar. " The principal events in his public career were his election
to Parliament in his twenty-first year; his appointment as Captain of
the Yeomen of the Guard in return for a political vote; his selection
for special service as Ambassador to The Hague after his succession
to the family title; his appointment as Lord High Steward, with the
Garter, as a reward for his success in Holland; his expulsion from
that position by Horace Walpole for political disobedience in oppos-
ing an excise bill; his second successful mission to The Hague; his
selection, as a reward, for the responsible post of Viceroy in Ireland,
and subsequently his resignation and acceptance of office as Secre-
tary of State, this latter appointment being taken when the Earl
had reached his fiftieth year. Chesterfield was first a warm friend,
then a bitter enemy of Horace Walpole. He also antagonized George
II. , but that monarch finally succumbed to diplomatic treatment at
his hands and offered his former antagonist a dukedom, which was
courteously declined. In his fifty-eighth year, partial deafness caused
him to withdraw almost wholly from public affairs. In diplomacy,
his successful missions to The Hague made him strong with officials
in power. His ability as a statesman was shown to great advantage
in a firm yet popular administration of Irish affairs during a critical
period in Irish history. As a patron of literature, Dr. Samuel Johnson
deemed him a distinct failure, and expressed this opinion forcibly to
that effect in his celebrated letter. His literary reputation rests
chiefly on letters addressed to his natural son Philip, who died in
his thirty-sixth year, greatly to his father's disappointment, he hav-
ing looked forward to a great career for the young man. His letters
of counsel and advice were to that end; oddly, they left the recipient


## p. 3626 (#614) ###########################################

3626
LORD CHESTERFIELD
still shy, awkward, tactless, and immature. These epistles, not in-
tended for public perusal, were subsequently printed in book form.
The Earl of Chesterfield died in 1773. Four years after his death,
'Miscellaneous Works' were published in two volumes, also 'Char-
acters. ' 'The Art of Pleasing' and 'Letters to His Heir' appeared
ten years from the date of his decease, and this was followed, a
few months later, by Memoirs of Asiaticus. '
FROM LETTERS TO HIS SON›
CONCERNING MANNERS
TH
HERE is a bienséance with regard to people of the lowest
degree; a gentleman observes it with his footman, even
with the beggar in the street. He considers them as ob-
jects of compassion, not of insult; he speaks to neither d'un ton
brusque, but corrects the one coolly, and refuses the other with
humanity. There is no one occasion in the world, in which le
ton brusque is becoming a gentleman. In short, les bienséances
are another word for manners, and extend to every part of life.
They are propriety; the Graces should attend in order to com-
plete them: the Graces enable us to do genteelly and pleasingly
what les bienséances require to be done at all. The latter are an
obligation upon every man; the former are an infinite advan-
tage and ornament to any man.
THE CONTROL OF ONE'S COUNTENANCE
PEOPLE unused to the world have babbling countenances, and
are unskillful enough to show what they have sense enough not
to tell.
In the course of the world, a man must very often put
on an easy, frank countenance, upon very disagreeable occasions;
he must seem pleased, when he is very much otherwise; he must
be able to accost and receive with smiles those whom he would
much rather meet with swords. In Courts he must not turn
himself inside out. All this may, nay, must be done, without
falsehood and treachery: for it must go no further than politeness
and manners, and must stop short of assurances and professions
of simulated friendship. Good manners to those one does not
love are no more a breach of truth than "your humble servant,"
at the bottom of a challenge, is; they are universally agreed upon
and understood to be things of course. They are necessary


## p. 3627 (#615) ###########################################

LORD CHESTERFIELD
3627
guards of the decency and peace of society: they must only act
defensively; and then not with arms poisoned with perfidy.
Truth, but not the whole truth, must be the invariable principle
of every man who hath either religion, honor, or prudence.
DRESS AS AN INDEX TO CHARACTER
I CANNOT help forming some opinion of a man's sense
and character from his dress; and I believe most people do
well as myself. Any affectation whatsoever in dress implies
in my mind a flaw in the understanding
A man of
sense carefully avoids any particular character in his dress; he is
accurately clean for his own sake; but all the rest is for other
people's. He dresses as well, and in the same manner, as the
people of sense and fashion of the place where he is. If he
dresses better, as he thinks,- that is, more than they, he is a
fop; if he dresses worse, he is unpardonably negligent: but of
the two, I would rather have a young fellow too much than too
little dressed: the excess on that side will wear off with a little
age and reflection; but if he is negligent at twenty, he will be a
sloven at forty and stink at fifty years old. Dress yourself fine
where others are fine, and plain where others are plain; but take
care always that your clothes are well made and fit you, for
otherwise they will give you a very awkward air. When you
are once well dressed for the day, think no more of it after-
wards; and without any stiffness or fear of discomposing that
dress, let all your motions be as easy and natural as if you had
no clothes on at all.
SOME REMARKS ON GOOD BREEDING
A FRIEND of yours and mine has justly defined good breed-
ing to be "the result of much good sense, some good nature, and
a little self-denial for the sake of others, and with a view to
obtain the same indulgence from them. " Taking this for granted
(as I think it cannot be disputed), it is astonishing to me that
anybody who had good sense and good nature (and I believe
you have both) can essentially fail in good breeding. As to the
modes of it, indeed, they vary according to persons, places, and
circumstances, and are only to be acquired by observation and


## p. 3628 (#616) ###########################################

3628
LORD CHESTERFIELD
experience; but the substance of it is everywhere and eternally
the same. Good manners are to particular societies what good
morals are to society in general-their cement and their security.
And as laws are enacted to enforce good morals, or at least
to prevent the ill effects of bad ones, so there are certain rules
of civility, universally implied and received, to enforce good
manners and punish bad ones. And indeed there seems to me
to be less difference, both between the crimes and punishments,
than at first one would imagine.
Mutual complaisances,
attentions, and sacrifices of little conveniences, are as natural
an implied compact between civilized people as protection and
obedience are between kings and subjects: whoever in either
case violates that compact, justly forfeits all advantages arising
from it. For my own part, I really think that next to the con-
sciousness of doing a good action, that of doing a civil one is the
most pleasing: and the epithet which I should covet the most,
next to that of Aristides, would be that of "well-bred. "
THE CHOICE OF A VOCATION
FROM MISCELLANEOUS WORKS'
IT
is very certain that no man is fit for everything; but it is
almost as certain too that there is scarce any one man who
is not fit for something, which something nature plainly
points out to him by giving him a tendency and propensity to
it. I look upon common-sense to be to the mind what con-
science is to the heart,- the faithful and constant monitor of
what is right or wrong. And I am convinced that no man com-
mits either a crime or a folly but against the manifest and
sensible representations of the one or the other. Every man
finds in himself, either from nature or education,- for they are
hard to distinguish,- a peculiar bent and disposition to some
particular character; and his struggling against it is the fruitless.
and endless labor of Sisyphus. Let him follow and cultivate
that vocation, he will succeed in it, and be considerable in one
way at least; whereas if he departs from it he will at best be
inconsiderable, probably ridiculous.


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3629
YOG
THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
BY ROBERT K. DOUGLAS
HE distinguishing feature and the crowning glory of the Chi-
nese nation is its literature. It is true that the Chinese can
boast of an ancient empire, of a time-honored civilization, of
conquests in the fields of science, and, in spite of recent events, in
the field of battle; but in the mind of every true Son of Han these
titles to fame sink into insignificance before that of the possession of
a literature which dates back to a time when the Western world was
yet in a state of barbarism, and which as centuries have rolled by
has been worthily supplemented in every
branch of knowledge.

It may now be accepted as beyond dis-
pute that the Chinese migrated into China
from southwestern Asia about B. C. 2300,
bringing with them a knowledge of writing,
and in all probability the beginnings of a
literature. In the records of that distant
past, history and fable are so closely inter-
mingled that it is difficult to pronounce
definitely upon any subject treated in them,
and we are compelled to seek in compara-
tive philology for reasonable explanations
of many points which Chinese chroniclers
are content to leave, not from want of as-
sertion, in the mists of uncertainty.
CONFUCIUS
By common consent it is acknowledged that the Yi King,' or
Book of Changes, is the oldest work extant in Chinese literature;
though other works, the names of which only have come down to us,
were contemporaneously current in the country. A peculiar venera-
tion is naturally felt by the Chinese for this sole surviving waif from
a past literature; and from the time of Confucius downward, scholars
of every age have attempted to explain its mystic pages. The basis
of the work is popularly believed to be eight diagrams, which are
said to have been designed by Fuh-hi (B. C. 2852), and which by sub-
division have become multiplied into sixty-four. One of these stands
at the head of each of the sixty-four chapters into which the work
is now divided. Following these diagrams is in each case an initial
character, with short phrases which have been held by Confucius and
every subsequent native commentator to explain the meaning of the


## p. 3630 (#618) ###########################################

3630
THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
diagrams. But the key to the puzzle was denied to these scholars,
who made confusion worse confounded by their attempts to make
sense of that which was unintelligible to them. So mysterious a text
was naturally believed to be a work on divination; and accepting
this cue, the commentators devoted their energies to forcing into the
Procrustean bed of divination the disjointed phrases which follow the
diagrams. The solution of the mystery, which had escaped the keen
study of five-and-twenty centuries of native scholars, was discovered
by the late Professor Terrieu de la Couperie, who by many irrefra-
gable proofs demonstrated that the Yi King' consists of old frag-
ments of early times in China, mostly of a lexical character. " With
this explanation the futility of the attempts of the native scholars
to translate it as a connected text at once becomes apparent. A
large proportion of the chapters are merely syllabaries, similar to
those of Chaldea. The initial character represents the word to be
explained, and the phrases following express its various meanings.
<<
An excellent translation of the Yi King' as it is understood by
native scholars was published by Professor Legge in 'The Sacred
Books of the East' (1882); and a comparison of his translation of
the seventh chapter with Professor T. de la Couperie's rendering of
the same passage must be enough to convince the most skeptical
that even if he is not absolutely correct, the native scholars must
undoubtedly be wrong. The chapter is headed by a diagram con-
sisting of five divided lines and one undivided; and the initial char-
acter is Sze, which is described in modern dictionaries as meaning
"a teacher," "instructor," "model," "an army," "a poet," "a mul-
titude," "the people," "all," "laws," "an elder. " Of the phrases
which follow, Professor Legge gives the following rendering:-
"Sze indicates how, in the case which it supposes, with firmness and cor-
rectness, and [a leader of] age and experience, there will be good fortune
and no error.
"The first line, divided, shows the host going forward according to the
rules [for such a movement]. If these be not good, there will be evil.
"The second line, undivided, shows [the leader] in the midst of his host.
There will be good fortune and no error. The king has thrice conveyed to
him the orders [of his favor].
"The third line, divided, shows how the host may possibly have many
inefficient leaders. There will be evil.
"The fourth line, divided, shows the host in retreat. There is no error.
"The fifth line, divided, shows birds in the fields, which it will be advan-
tageous to seize and destroy. In that case there will be no error. If the
oldest son leads the host, and younger men [idly occupy offices assigned to
them], however firm and correct he may be, there will be evil.
"The topmost line, divided, shows the great ruler delivering his charges
[appointing some], to be rulers of States, and others to undertake the head-
ship of clans; but small men should not be employed [in such positions]. "


## p. 3631 (#619) ###########################################

THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
3631
It is impossible to read such an extract as the above without
being convinced that the explanation was not that which was
intended by the author or authors; and on the doctrine of probabili-
ties, a perusal of the following version by Professor T. de la Cou-
perie would incline us to accept his conclusions. But his theory
does not rest on probabilities alone; he is able to support it with
many substantial proofs: and though exception may possibly be
taken to some of his renderings of individual phrases, his general
views may be held to be firmly established. This is his version of
the chapter quoted above, with the exception of the words of good
or ill omen:
-
"Sze [is] a righteous great man. The Sze defines laws not biased. The
centre of the army. The three conveying orders [officers] of the Sovereign.
Sze [is] also corpse-like. Sze [is] an assistant officer. In the fields are birds
[so called]; many take the name [? ] The elder sons [are] the leaders of the
army. The younger [are] the passive multitude [? ] Great Princes instruct-
ing. The group of men who have helped in the organization of the kingdom.
People gathered by the Wu flag [? ]. »
From what has been said, as well as from the above extracts, it
will be observed that to all except the native scholars who imagine
that they see in its pages deep divinatory lore, the chief interest of
the Yi King' lies in the linguistic and ethnographical indications.
which it contains, and which at present we can but dimly discern.
It is difficult to assign a date to it, but it is certain that it existed
before the time of King Wên (B. C. 1143), who with his son the
Duke of Chow edited the text and added a commentary to it. That
parts of it are very much earlier than this period there can be no
doubt; and it is safe to assume that in the oldest portion of the
work we have one of the first literary efforts of the Chinese.
It was
not, however, until the time of Confucius that the foundations of the
national literature may be said to have been laid.
From constant references in the early histories it is obvious that
before that period a literature of a certain kind existed. The Chi-
nese have an instinctive love of letters, and we know from the records
that to the courts of the various princes were attached historians
whose duty it was to collect the folk-lore songs of the people of the
various States. "If a man were permitted to make all the ballads of
a nation, he need not care who should make its laws," said Sir An-
drew Fletcher of Saltoun. So thought the Chinese legislators, who
designed their enactments with direct regard to the dispositions of
the people as displayed in their songs. At the time of Confucius
(B. C. 551-479) a large collection of these ballads existed in the
archives of the sovereign State of Chow; and as is generally believed,
the sage revised the collection, and omitting those he considered


## p. 3632 (#620) ###########################################

3632
THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
unworthy of preservation, formed an edition containing three hun-
dred and five pieces. This work has come down to us under the
title of the 'Shih King' or Book of Odes. The ballads are just such
as we should expect to find under the circumstances. They are
plainly the utterances of the people in a primitive state of civiliza-
tion, who nevertheless enjoyed considerable freedom; and though
they occasionally had to lament the tyranny of individual princes,
they cannot be described as having been among the down-trodden
nations of the earth. The domesticity which is still a distinctive
feature of Chinese life figures largely in them, and the filial piety
which to the present day is so highly esteemed finds constant ex-
pression.
The measure in which the odes have been handed down
to us makes it difficult to understand how any rhythm could be
found in them. With few exceptions they are all written in lines
of four characters each, and as read at the present day, consist
therefore of only four syllables. This seems to be so stunted and
unnatural a metre that one is inclined to accept Professor T. de la
Couperie's suggestion, for which he had much to say,- that at the
time at which they were sung, the characters which now represent
a syllable each were polysyllabic. It would seem probable that cer-
tainly in some cases compound characters were pronounced as com-
pounded of syllables in accordance with their component parts, as
certain of them are read by the Japanese at the present time.
Numerous translations of the odes into European languages have
been made, and the following extracts from Professor Legge's ren-
dering of the second ode, celebrating the industry and filial piety
of the reigning queen, give a good idea of the general tone of the
pieces.
"Sweet was the scene. The spreading dolichos
Extended far, down to the valley's depths,
With leaves luxuriant. The orioles
Fluttered around, and on the bushy trees
In throngs collected,- whence their pleasant notes
Resounded far in richest melody.
Now back to my old home, my parents dear
To see, I go. The matron I have told,
Who will announcement make. Meanwhile my clothes,
My private clothes, I wash, and rinse my robes.
Which of them need be rinsed? and which need not?
My parents dear to visit back I go. "
Such were the odes which Confucius found collected ready to
his hand; and faithful to his character of transmitter of the wisdom
of the ancients, he made them the common property of his country-
men. But these were not the only records at the court of Chow
which attracted his attention. He found there historical documents,


## p. 3633 (#621) ###########################################

THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
3633
containing the leading events in the history of the Chinese States
from the middle of the twenty-third century B. C. to 721. These curi-
ous records of a past time possessed an irresistible attraction for him.
By constant study he made them his own, and with loving care col-
lated and edited the texts. These fragments are, from a historical
point of view, of great value; and they incidentally furnish evidence
of the fact that China was not always the stage on which the Chinese
people have played their parts. There is no sign in these records of
the first steps in ethics and science which one would expect to find
in the primitive history of a race. The utterances of the sovereigns
and sages, with which they abound, are marked by a comparatively
matured knowledge and an advanced ethical condition. The knowl-
edge of astronomy displayed, though not profound, is considerable,
and the directions given by the Emperor Yao to his astronomers
royal are quite such as may have been given by any Emperor of
China until the advent of the Jesuit missionaries in the seventeenth
century; and the moral utterances of the sovereigns and their minis-
ters are on a par with the sentiments expressed in the Peking
Gazette at the present time. "Virtue," said the minister Yi address-
ing his Emperor Yü, "is the basis of good government; and this
consists first in procuring for the people the things necessary for
their sustenance, such as water, fire, metals, wood, and grain. The
ruler must also think of rendering them virtuous, and of preserving
them from whatever can injure life and health. When you would
caution them, use gentle words; when you would correct, employ
authority. " "Do not be ashamed of mistakes, and thus make them
crimes," was another piece of advice uttered forty centuries ago,
which has a peculiarly modern ring about it.
According to the system in vogue at the Chinese courts, the duty
of recording historical events was confided to historians of the right
hand and of the left. To the latter was given the duty of recording
the speeches and edicts of the sovereigns and their ministers, and to
the first that of compiling chronicles of events. The historians who
had placed on record the documents which Confucius edited in the
'Shu King' or Book of History were historians of the left hand, and
in the only original work which we have by the Sage-'The Spring
and Autumn Annals'- he constituted himself a historian of the right.
In this work he traces the history of his native State of Lu from the
year B. C. 722 to B. C. 484, and in the baldest and most calendar-like
style enumerates, without any comment or expression of opinion, the
facts which he considers of sufficient importance to report. However
faulty we may consider his manner of treatment, any criticism should
be leveled against the system rather than against the author. But
in other respects Confucius cannot shelter himself under the plea of
VI-228


## p. 3634 (#622) ###########################################

3634
THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
usage. As a historian, it was his bounden duty above all things to
tell the truth, and to distribute praise and blame without fear or
favor. In this elementary duty Confucius failed, and has left us a
record in which he has obviously made events to chime in with his
preconceived ideas and opinions. Considering the assumption of vir-
tue with which Confucius always clothed himself, this is the more
noticeable; and still more is it remarkable that his disciples should
be so overcome by the glamour which attached to his name, that his
obvious lapses from the truth are not only left unnoted, but the gen-
eral tone and influence of the work are described in the most eulo-
gistic terms. "The world," said Mencius, "had fallen into decay and
right principles had dwindled away. Perverse discourses and oppress-
ive deeds had again waxen rife. Cases had occurred of ministers
who had murdered their rulers, and of sons who had murdered their
fathers. Confucius was afraid and made the 'Ch'un ch'iu. '» So
great, we are told, was the effect of the appearance of this work
that "rebellious ministers quaked with fear, and undutiful sons were
overcome with terror. " Love of truth is not a characteristic of the
Chinese people; and unhappily their greatest men, Confucius among
them, have shown their countrymen a lamentable example in this
respect.
So great is the admiration of the people for this work of Confu-
cius that by universal consent the 'Ch'un ch'iu' has through all
ages been included among the Five Classics of the country. Three
others have already been spoken of, and there remains only one
more, the Book of Rites, to mention. This work is the embodiment
of, and authority for, the ceremonial which influences the national
policy of the country, and directs the individual destinies of the
people. We are informed on the highest authority that there are
three hundred rules of ceremony and three thousand rules of behavior.
Under a code so overwhelmingly oppressive, it is difficult to imagine
how the race can continue to exist; but five-and-twenty centuries of
close attention to the Book of Rites have so molded the nation
within the lines of the ceremonial which it prescribes, that acquies-
cence with its rules has become a second nature with the people, and
requires no more guiding effort on their part than does the automatic
action of the nerves and limbs at the bidding of the brain. Within
its voluminous pages every act which one man should perform to
another is carefully and fully provided for; and this applies not only
to the daily life of the people, but also to the official acts of the
whole hierarchy of power from the Emperor downward. No court
ceremony is undertaken without its guidance, and no official deed is
done throughout the length and breadth of the eighteen Provinces of
the Empire without its sanction. Its spirit penetrates every Yamên


## p. 3635 (#623) ###########################################

THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
3635
and permeates every household. It regulates the sacrifices which
should be offered to the gods, it prescribes the forms to be observed
by the Son of Heaven in his intercourse with his ministers, it lays
down the behavior proper to officials of all ranks, and it directs the
conduct of the people in every relation of life. It supplements in a
practical form the teachings of Confucius and others, and forms the
most important link in the chain which binds the people to the
chariot wheels of the "Sages. "
Of canonical authority equal to the Five Classics if not greater,
are the Four Books' in which are recorded the ipsissima verba of
Confucius. These are the 'Lunyü' or Sayings of Confucius, twenty
books, which contains a detailed description of the Sage's system
of philosophy; the Ta Hsio,' the Great Learning, ten chapters;
the Chung yung,' or the Doctrine of the Mean, thirty-three chap-
ters; and the development of Confucianism as enunciated by his great
follower Mencius in the 'Mêng tzŭ,' seven books. These works cover
the whole field of Confucianism; and as such, their contents claim
the allegiance and demand the obedience of ninety-nine out of every
hundred Chinamen. To the European student their contents are
somewhat disappointing. The system they enunciate wants complete-
ness and life, although the sentiments they express are unexception-
able; as for example when Confucius said: "Hold faithfulness and
sincerity as first principles. Have no friends not equal to yourself.
When you have faults, do not fear to abandon them. " Admirable
maxims such as these flowed from his lips in abundance, but he
could offer no reason why a man should rather obey the advice
thus presented than his own inclination. He had no reward to offer
for virtue, and no terrors with which to threaten the doers of evil.
In no sense do his teachings as they came from his lips constitute
a religion. He' inculcated no worship of the Deity, and he refrained
altogether from declaring his belief or disbelief in a future existence.
The author of the Great Learning,' commonly said to be the
disciple Tsêng, describes the object of his work to be "to illustrate
illustrious virtue; to renovate the people; and to rest in the highest
excellence. " And following on the lines indicated by his great mas-
ter, he lays down the ethical means by which these admirable ends
may in his opinion be attained. The 'Doctrine of the Mean' takes
for its text the injunction, "Let the states of equilibrium and har-
mony exist in perfection, and a happy order will prevail throughout.
heaven and earth, and all things will be nourished and flourish. "
The author of this work, Tzůssů, goes deeper into the motives of
human conduct than Confucius himself. "First he shows clearly how
the path of duty is to be traced to its origin in Heaven, and is
unchangeable, while the substance of it is provided in ourselves, and


## p. 3636 (#624) ###########################################

3636
THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
may not be departed from. Next he speaks of the importance of
preserving and nourishing this, and of exercising a watchful self-
scrutiny with reference to it. Finally he speaks of the meritorious
achievements and transforming influence of sage and spiritual men
in their highest extent. "
In the teachings of Mencius (B. C. 372-289) we see a distinct
advance on the doctrines of Confucius. He was a man of a far more
practical frame of mind than his great predecessor, and possessed the
courage necessary to speak plainly in the presence of kings and
rulers. His knowledge of political economy was considerable, and he
brought to the test of experience many of the opinions and doctrines
which Confucius was willing to express only in the abstract. Filial
piety was his constant theme. "The richest fruit of benevolence is
this," he said,-"the service of one's parents. The richest fruit of
righteousness is this, the obeying of one's elder brothers. The
richest fruit of wisdom is this, the knowing of these two things,
and not departing from them. "
These Five Classics and Four Books may be said to be the
foundations on which all Chinese literature has been based. The
period when Confucius and Mencius taught and wrote was one of
great mental activity all over the world. While the wise men of
China were proclaiming their system of philosophy, the Seven Sages
of Greece were pouring out words of wisdom in the schools at Ath-
ens, and the sound of the voice of Buddha (died 480 B. C. ) had
hardly ceased to be heard under the bôdhi tree in Central India.
From such beginnings arose the literatures which have since added
fame and splendor to the three countries in Asia and Europe. In
China the impetus given by these pioneers of learning was at once
felt, and called into existence a succession of brilliant writers who
were as distinguished for the boldness of their views as for the free-
dom with which they gave them utterance.
The main subject discussed by these men was the principle under-
lying the Confucian system; namely, that man's nature is in its
origin perfectly good, and that so long as each one remains uncon-
taminated by the world and the things of the world, the path of
virtue is to him the path of least resistance. While therefore a man
is able to remain unenticed by the temptations which necessarily
surround him, he advances in spotless purity towards perfection,
until virtue becomes in him so confirmed a habit that neither the
stings of conscience nor the exertion of intellectual effort is re-
quired to maintain him in his position of perfect goodness and of
perfect peace.
These are still the opinions of orthodox Confucianists, but at dif-
ferent times scholars have arisen, who from their own experiences in


## p. 3637 (#625) ###########################################

THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
3637
the world, have come to conclusions diametrically opposed to those
taught by the Sage. In their opinion the Psalmist was right when
he said, "The heart of man is deceitful above all things and desper-
ately wicked. " Scarcely had Confucius been gathered to his fathers
when the Philosopher Hsün enunciated this view, and since then the
doctrine has formed the chief ground of contention among all schools
of philosophy down to the present day. By certain writers it has
been held that in man's nature there is a mixture of good and evil,
and by no one was this view more ably expounded than by the
philosopher Chu Hi (A. D. 1130-1200). In season and out of season
this great writer, who has done more than any one else to elucidate
the dark pages of the classics, "taught that good and evil were pres-
ent in the heart of every man, and that just as in nature a duality
of powers is necessary to the existence of nature itself, so good and
evil are inseparably present in the heart of every human being. "
But there were others who felt that the bald and conventional
system proclaimed by Confucius was insufficient to satisfy the desire
for the supernatural which is implanted in men of every race and of
every clime, and then at once a school arose, headed by Laotzŭ (sixth
century B. C. ), the Old Philosopher; which, adopting the spirit of
Brahminism, taught its sectaries to seek by self-abnegation freedom
from the entanglements of the world, and a final absorption into the
Deity. The minds of most Chinamen are not attuned to the appre-
hension of philosophical subtleties, and the wisdom imparted by
Laotzů to his countrymen in the pages of his Taotê King' (The
Book of Reason and Virtue), soon became debased into a supersti-
tious system by a succession of charlatans, who, adopting Laotzŭ's
doctrine that death was only another form of life, taught their fol-
lowers to seek to prolong the pleasures of the present state of exist-
ence by searching in the mazes of alchemy for the elixir of life
and the philosopher's stone. Before the faith reached this degraded
position, however, several writers supplemented and enlarged on the
doctrines advanced by Laotză. Foremost among these were Litză
and Chwangtzů, who were both men of great metaphysical ability,
and whose speculations, though not always in harmony with those of
their great master, help to some extent to elucidate his system and
certainly add considerable interest to it.
Around the systems of Confucius and Laotzů a considerable liter-
ature grew up, which was cherished, copied, and discussed by all
those scholars who had time to spare from the contemplation of the
records of the various States into which the country was divided.
These records had assumed a permanent place in the literature of
the land, and were bound up with the feudal system which then
existed. The time came, however, when this feudal system was


## p. 3638 (#626) ###########################################

3638
THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
destined to come to an end. In the third century before Christ a
leader arose who proclaimed the States an Empire and himself as
Emperor. To so conservatively minded a people as the Chinese the
revolution was difficult of acceptance, and Shi Hwangti, seeking to
facilitate the transfer of their allegiance, ordered the destruction of
all books which might preserve the memory of a bygone constitution.
With ruthless severity the ukase was put into force, and all works,
with the exception of those on medicine and alchemy, were thrown
to the flames. Happily no tyrant, however powerful, can enforce the
complete fulfillment of such an edict; and in spite of threats and
persecutions, events showed that through all that fiery time manu-
scripts had been carefully preserved, and that men had been found
ready to risk their lives in the sacred cause of learning.
Fortunately the Dynasty founded by Shi Hwangti was short-
lived, and in 202 B. C. a revolution placed Kao ti, the founder of the
Han Dynasty, on the throne. With commendable wisdom Kao ti
placed himself at once in complete harmony with the national mind,
and had no sooner assumed the imperial yellow than he notified his
desire to restore the national literature to its former status. Under
his fostering care, manuscripts which had lain hidden were brought
out from their places of concealment; and to these works were
added others, which were dictated by scholars who had treasured
them in their memories. That the works thus again brought out
were numerous, is proved by the fact that in the catalogue of the
Imperial Library of the Han Dynasty (B. C. 202 to A. D. 25), mention
is made of 11,312 works, consisting of volumes on the classics, phi-
losophy, poetry, military tactics, mathematics and medicine.
It was during this dynasty that the national history and poetry
took their rise in the shapes with which we are now familiar. After
the night of turmoil and darkness which had just passed away,
men, as though invigorated by the time of sterility, devoted them-
selves to the production of cultured prose and original though
pedantic poetry. It was then that Ssuma Ch'ien, who has been
called the Herodotus of China, wrote his Shichi' (Historical Rec-
ords), which embraces a period of between two and three thousand
years; namely, from the reign of Hwang ti (B. C. 2697) to the reign
of Wu ti of the Han Dynasty (B. C. 140-86). Following the example
of this great chronicler, Pan ku compiled the records of the Han
Dynasty in a hundred and twenty books, and it is on the model thus
laid down that all succeeding dynastic histories of China have been
written. Almost without variation the materials of these vast deposi-
tories of information are arranged in the following order:—1. Impe-
rial records, consisting of the purely political events which occurred
in each reign. 2. Memoirs, including treatises on mathematical chro-


## p. 3639 (#627) ###########################################

THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
3639
nology, rites, music, jurisprudence, political economy, State sacrifices,
astronomy, elemental influences, geography, literature, biographies,
and records of the neighboring countries.
Tempora non animi mutant, and in the poetry of this period we
see a close resemblance to the spirit which breathes in the odes col-
lected by Confucius. The measure shows signs of some elasticity,
five characters to a line taking the place of the older four-syllabled
metre; but the ideas which permeate it are the same. Like all
Chinese poetry, it is rather quaint than powerful, and is rather
noticeable for romantic sweetness than for the expression of strong
passions. There is for the most part a somewhat melancholy ring
about it. The authors love to lament their absence from home or
the oppressed condition of the people, or to enlarge on the depress-
ing effect of rain or snow, and find sadness in the strange beauty of
the surrounding scenery or the loveliness of a flower. The diction is
smooth and the fancy wandering, but its lines do not much stir the
imagination or arouse the passions. These are criticisms which apply
to Chinese poetry of all ages. During the T'ang and Sung Dynasties
(A. D. 618–1127), periods which have been described as forming the
Augustan ages of Chinese literature, poets flourished abundantly, and
for the better expression of their ideas they adopted a metre of
seven characters or syllables, instead of the earlier and more re-
stricted measures. Tu Fu, Li T'aipai, and a host of others, enriched
the national poetry at the time, and varied the subjects which had
been the common themes of earlier poets by singing the praises of
wine. To be a poet it was considered necessary by them that a
man should be a wine-bibber, and their verses describe with enthu-
siasm the pleasures of the cup and the joys of intoxication. The
following is a specimen of such an ode, taken from the works of Li
T'aipai:
IF LIFE be nothing but an empty dream,
Why vex one's self about the things of time?
My part shall be to drain the flowing cup
And sleep away the fumes of drowsy wine.
When roused to life again, I straightway ask
The Bird which sings in yonder leafy trees,
What season of the year had come its round.
"The Spring," he says,
"When every breath of air suggests a song. »
Sad and disturbed, I heave a gentle sigh,
And turn again to brightening, cheering wine,
And sing until the moon shines, and until
Sleep and oblivion close my eyes again.


## p. 3640 (#628) ###########################################

3640
THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
But before the time of the T'ang Dynasty a new element had
been introduced into the national literature. With the introduction
of Buddhism the Chinese became acquainted with religious doctrines
and philosophical ideas, of which until then they had only been
faintly conscious from their contact with the debased form of Brah-
minical teaching which under the name of Taoism had long existed
in the land. A complete knowledge of the teachings of Sakyamuni
was however imparted to them by the arrival, at the beginning of
the first century of our era, of two Shamans from India who settled
at Loyang in the province of Honan, and who translated the San-
skrit Sutra in forty-two sections into Chinese. From this time onward
a constant succession of Buddhist missionaries visited China and
labored with indefatigable industry, both by oral teaching and by the
translation of Sanskrit works into Chinese, to convert the people to
their faith.
The knowledge thus acquired was of great advantage to the litera-
ture of the country. It enriched it with new ideas, and added wider
knowledge to its pages. The history and geography of India, with
which scholars had previously been scarcely acquainted, became,
though indistinctly, matters of knowledge to them. Already Fahsien,
the great forerunner of Chinese Buddhist pilgrims (B. C. 399), had
visited India and had described in his 'Fuh kwo chi' (The Records
of Buddhist Countries) the wonders which he had seen in Hindustan.
With the spread of Buddhism in China, a desire to follow in his
footsteps prompted others to undertake the long and arduous journey
across the Mongolian steppes and over the passes of the Himalayas
into the plains of India. Sung yun in the sixth century and Hüan
Ts'ang in the seventh are conspicuous among those who undertook
this toilsome pilgrimage in the interest of the faith.
Notwithstanding the occasional influx of new sentiments, however,
the circumscribed circle of knowledge which was within the reach of
Chinese scholars, and the poverty of their vocabulary, have always
necessarily limited the wealth of their ideas; and at an early period
of the history of the country we see symptoms of sterility creeping
over the national mind. It is always easier to remember than to
think; and it cannot but be looked upon as a sign of decadence in a
literature when collections of ready-made knowledge take the place
of original compositions, and when scholars devote themselves to the
production of anthologies and encyclopædias instead of seeking out
new thoughts and fresh branches of learning. In the sixth century,
a period which coincides with the invention of printing, there was
first shown that disposition to collect extracts from works of merit
into anthologies, which have ever since been such a marked peculiar-
ity of Chinese literature.


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THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
3641
That the effect of these works, and of the encyclopædias which
are in a sense allied to them, has been detrimental to the national
mind, there cannot be a doubt. Scholars are no longer required to
search for themselves for the golden nuggets of knowledge in the
mines of learning. They have but to turn to the great depositories
of carefully extracted information, and they find ready to their hand
the opinions and thoughts of all those who are considered to be
authorities on the subject with which they desire to acquaint them-
selves. For the purposes of cram for students at the competitive
examinations, these treasuries of knowledge are of inestimable value:
and by their help, "scholars" who have neither depth of knowledge
nor power of thought are able to make a show of erudition which is
as hollow as it is valueless.
During the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) this class of literature may
be said to have reached its highest development. In the reign
of the Emperor Yunglo (1403-1425) was compiled the largest encyclo-
pædia which has ever seen the light. This gigantic work, which was
entitled 'Yunglo ta tien,' consisted of no fewer than 22,877 books,
and covered every branch of knowledge possessed by the Chinese.
Possibly owing to its immense extent, it was never published; and
such volumes as still survive the destroying influences of neglect and
decay are yet to be found in manus
nuscript on the shelves of the Imperial
Library. Inspired perhaps by the example thus set, the Emperor
K'anghi of the present dynasty appointed a commission of scholars
to compile a similar work; and after forty years had been consumed
in extracting from the past literatures every passage bearing on the
6109 headings which it was the will of K'anghi should be illustrated,
the compilers were able to lay before their sovereign a work consist-
ing of 5020 volumes, which they entitled 'Kin L'ing ku kin t'u shu
chi ch'êng. Unlike Yunglo's great work, this one was printed; and
though only, as it is said, a hundred copies were issued, some still
remain of the original edition. One such copy, complete in every
particular, is to be seen at the British Museum. For completeness
from a Chinese point of view this work stands out pre-eminently
above all others; but owing to the very limited number of copies, it
has never superseded the 'Wên hsien t'ung k'ao' by Ma Twanlin,
which, though published four hundred years earlier, still holds its
own in popular estimation.
Much has been written by Chinese authors on scientific sub-
jects, but the substance is remarkable for its extent rather than for
its value. In each branch of knowledge they have advanced under
foreign influence up to a certain point, and beyond that they have
been unable to go. Their knowledge of astronomy, which is of Chal-
dean origin, is sufficient to enable them to calculate eclipses and to


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3642
THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
recognize the precession of the equinoxes, but it has left them with
confused notions on subjects which are matters of common knowl-
edge among Western people. It is the same in the case of medi-
cine. They understand certain general principles of therapeutics
and the use of certain herbs; but their knowledge is purely empiri-
cal, and their acquaintance with surgery is of the most elementary
kind.
It is perhaps in their novels and plays, however, that the most
marked defects in the national mind become apparent. The systems
of education and the consequent mental habit in vogue are the
outcomes of that lack of imagination which distinguishes the people,
and which finds its reflection in all those branches of literature
which are more directly dependent on the flow of new and striking
ideas. There is little delineation of character either in their novels
or their plays. The personages portrayed are all either models of
virtue and learning, or shocking examples of ignorance and turpi-
tude.