It is plain that the rigid protective system,
which for the moment acts as a barrier between
the various countries of Europe, is merely provi-
sional.
which for the moment acts as a barrier between
the various countries of Europe, is merely provi-
sional.
Treitschke - 1915 - Germany, France, Russia, and Islam
ark:/13960/t14m9qp6g Public Domain in the United States / http://www.
hathitrust.
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? 314 Our Empire
source of trouble has been the jealousy of the
dynasties ; to-day we suffer from the separatism of
the parties, perhaps a more dangerous enemy to
national unity than were the old separatist tend-
encies of the Estates and of the Dynasties. In the
Reichstag the thought of the Fatherland often
disappears altogether amid the vanities, the
quarrels, the graspingness, the innumerable minor
self-interests of party life. The one separatist
attack hitherto ventured upon the Imperial
Constitution proceeded from the Reichstag and
not from the Bundesrath -- I refer to the celebrated
Franckenstein proposal. Against the manifest
intention of the Constitution the Reichstag made
permanent the provisional remissions of the pro-
portional contributions. The most unfortunate
feature of this affair was not the measure itself (for
its consequences have in practice proved far less
deleterious than was hoped by its sagacious
originators), but the resulting intense confusion
of parties. The faithful adherents of imperial
unity were forced to vote for the separatist pro-
posal, for otherwise the malignity of the factions
would have rendered impossible the indispensable
increase in the imperial revenue. For as long as
it was able, the Reichstag obstructed the extension
promised in the Constitution of the imperial cus-
toms system throughout the entire German area.
The entry of the Hansa towns into the Customs
Union was ultimately effected without the Reichs-
tag and despite the Reichstag, because the
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? Our Empire 315
Senate of Hamburg and Bremen perceived at the
eleventh hour that a majority in the Reichstag
united only for obstructive purposes could give
no firm support against the will of the Emperor
and of the Bundesrath. It necessarily resulted
that measures essential to the national safety could
often be forced through the Reichstag only by a
threatening movement among the people. Such
was the case of the adoption of the Septennate
for the peace-effectives of the imperial army ; such
the grudging vote of funds for the transatlantic
steamship service and for the foundations of our
colonial policy. To the masses all these questions
seemed simple; their answer appeared self-evident.
The national discontent displayed itself so vigor-
ously that some of the members of the Opposition
began to tremble for their seats, and ceased an
obstruction that had not been based upon any
principle whatever, for its sole aim had been to
throw difficulties in the path of the detested
Imperial Chancellor.
Thus the repute of the Reichstag has been
lowered by its own faults. From year to year its
proceedings have become vainer and more diffuse.
The logical and effective deliberations of the best
Parliament we have ever had, the constituent or
constitution-building Reichstag of the North
German Federation, occupy no more than a single
thin volume; to-day two ponderous tomes bare-
ly suffice to contain the verbiage of an almost
fruitless parliamentary session. Many men still
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? 3i6 Our Empire
actively interested in political life now attend to
parliamentary debates on those occasions only
when Prince Bismarck makes a speech.
For a long time far-sighted patriots have been
asking whether our present Reichstag might not be
replaced by a more competent and harmonious
assembly. Gustav Riimelin, for instance, has sug-
gested the constitution of a smaller Parliament, con-
sisting of members elected by the various Diets.
But all such schemes of reform are premature.
The brief history of the New Empire has been so
rich in surprises that we must not hastily abandon
our hope that the Reichstag may once more attain
to the level of its earliest and best years. As long
as the evils are not unbearable it is impossible for
the Imperial Government to take the desperate
step of abolishing universal suffrage, the sacred non
plus ultra of modern democracy. Such a step
would entail the danger of unchaining a Radical
movement which might do more harm than the
roughnesses of our present electoral struggles.
Unfortunately it is somewhat improbable that
there will be formed in our Reichstag a permanent
and unanimous majority faithfully attached to the
Empire. Strong forces of implacable opposition
are unquestionably manifest in the people. A
powerful ultramontane party will long continue
to exist, even if the relations between the State
and the Church should become more friendly
than they are at present. The clericals cannot
forget how firmly associated with the Reformation
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? Our Empire 317
is the history of Prussia; the extremists among
them continue to hope, if tacitly, that the re-
entrance of Austria may some day secure for them
in the New Empire the preponderance which
they once held in the Old. Socialist-Radicalism,
too, will not soon disappear, for it is unavoidable in
a century of profound economic transformations.
Moreover, the party of the fault-finders and of
those who always know better than anyone else
strikes deep roots in the less amiable character-
istics of the German temperament, and in the
over-cultured life of the great towns, remote from
a healthy contact with nature. So long as the
odoriferous waters of the Panke continue to flow
through Berlin, so long also will the water-lily of
the Spirit of Progress thrive upon its green slime!
With their natural friends, the Poles, the Danes,
and the French, these Radical factions will, in the
near future, continue to appear in the Reichstag;
and since every incisive imperial law necessarily
touches powerful social interests, it inevitably
follows that individual economic groups, such
as those of the liquor-traders, the tobacconists,
and the bankers, will, as circumstances may
dictate, combine with the Radicals and their as-
sociates for the common purposes of obstruction.
The position of the parties faithful to the Empire
is a difficult one, for they are divided by their his-
tory, by their class-consciousness, and by numerous
contrasts of origin and economic position. The
Conservatives derive their chief support from the
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? 31 S Our Empire
great landed proprietors of the North and the East,
and unless they undergo a radical change of char-
acter they will never draw much of their power
from the South and from the West, for in these
regions the structure of parties is almost every-
where determined by the struggle between the
Ultramontanes and the Liberals. To these diffi-
culties we have to add the general lack of under-
standing exhibited by the masses in the matter of
imperial poHcy. In the year 1848, the Prussians
elected almost simultaneously the deputies for the
Parliaments of Frankfort and of BerHn. Prussian
questions lay nearer to the hearts of the electors,
and they therefore sent to Berlin the most cele-
brated spouters of the day; for Frankfort there
were left only the Vormdrzlichen, the men of the
days before the Revolution of March, the experi-
enced men of the despised earlier time. The result
was that numerous constituencies were represented
in Frankfort by a man of sense, and in Berlin by
an empty-headed chatterbox. Even to-day, in
many electoral districts, a similar thing occurs,
with the roles reversed. For the local diet, whose
proceedings directly concern the interests of the
average elector, he will choose a landed proprietor
or townsman of position well fitted for the work
he has to do, whereas in the Reichstag he is satis-
fied to be represented by any carpet-bagger who
may present himself with the recommendation of a
powerful party. During the next few years the
Reichstag will inevitably suffer from the confusion
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? Our Empire 319
of party struggles, and we must rest content so
long as the difficulties it throws in the way of
imperial policy do not become excessive, and so
long as it ultimately accepts indispensable reforms
after many battles and much compromise.
In the constitution of the New Empire the ideas
Kaiser and Reich are more broadly and nobly
conceived than of old, and the nation is granted
the right of effective co-operation in the formu-
lation of the imperial laws. But the new Lower
House has hitherto shown little tendency to rise
to the greatness of its opportunities; the motive
force of imperial policy is found chiefly in the
strength of the imperial rule and in the unanimity
of the Bundesrath. Those who deal with actuali-
ties and those who earnestly desire a more united
Empire must perforce to-day be strongly mon-
archical in sentiment. Of all political evils that
might be visited upon us the greatest would
unquestionably be a weak Imperial Government,
one which should hold parley with the parliamen-
tary theories of the day, and which, not being sup-
ported by a majority in the Reichstag, should
timorously yield ground to its opponents in that
body. A necessary element of such a monarchical
sentiment is a respect for the legally established
territorial possessions of the Princes of the Empire.
It is true that most of these owe their rescue
from the disasters attendant upon petty insigni-
ficance, by no means to their vital energies,
but to the general torces of historical development,
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? 320 Our Empire
or even to the working of blind chance; if the
nation has survived the destruction of such re-
nowned territories as the Electorates of the Palati-
nate, Hesse, and Hanover, it could also bear the
annihilation of Baden or Darmstadt. Moreover,
the ancient sins of the life of little states, Philis-
tinism, narrow-mindedness, and nepotism, still
flourish luxuriantly, and their influence is all the
more deleterious because they foster that spirit of
pettiness by which, since the miseries of the Thirty
Years' War, the German temperament, though by
nature inclined towards greatness, has been cor-
rupted and falsified. But for the moment, at least,
these sins no longer threaten the safety of the
Empire. Only by the undermining of the mutual
confidence that now exists between the head of
the Empire and the Princes of the Empire could
this safety be endangered; and since the question
to which territorial dominion this or that fragment
of land properly belongs is one that no longer
presses amid the larger issues of to-day, it has
become a patriotic duty to avoid all disturbance
of the existing territorial distribution. Despite
the remarkable and often irrational configura-
tion of its internal boundaries, the Empire has
long exhibited, within no less than without, the
magnificent vital energy of a Great Power.
The existence of a recognized national monarchy
is a matter of enormous importance, involving
consequences far greater than is generally under-
stood by our people. Everywhere the influence of
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? Our Empire 321
the monarchy makes for peace, for it imposes insu-
perable obstacles to ambition. Since the German
Empire has become an admitted fact, since there
has no longer been any dispute about the greatest
of all the problems of German power, our whole
political life has been steadied in a manner hitherto
unknown, and this to such an extent that even the
youthful violence of our party struggle has involved
no serious danger. Throughout the Empire the
respect for authority has been enormously en-
hanced by the quiet strength of the Imperial Rule
and by the firm monarchical ordering of Prussia.
Under the German Bund how much filth and
poison was scattered abroad apropos of every mis-
fortune of any of the Princely Houses; what storms
were raised by the abdication of Louis I of Bavaria.
In our own day Bavaria has had to suffer the rule of
two insane kings, and this unexampled misfortune
caused far less disturbance, because Bavaria is now
no more than a segment of the Empire, and every-
one is well aware that in the Empire the elements of
public order are perfectly secure.
In the history of the Zollverein, the valuable
preliminary school of our imperial policy, Prussia
learned that the Princes of the Bund were extremely
loath to suffer any interference in matters of do-
mestic administration, but that they almost always
willingly accepted and honourably executed unified
laws applicable to all alike. This experience has
never been forgotten. By our national customs, no
less than by the historical character of the German
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? 322 Our Empire
State, the German Empire has, moreover, been com-
pelled to undertake many-sided social activities,
but it was recognized that the creation of a strong
force of imperial officials beside and above the
already existing and numerous local state officials
would necessarily lead to considerable friction. For
this reason the imperial authority assumed direct
responsibility for a few branches only of adminis-
tration. Its chief activities were devoted to the
work of legislation, the execution of the laws being
for the most part left to the local governments
under imperial supervision. In this way the sensi-
bilities of the local governments were spared,
and at the same time the aims of unification were
more securely attained, for in Germany confidence
always bears good fruit. Even in the adminis-
tration of our strongly centralized coinage system
this principle has been observed. The Empire has
no mints of its own, leaving the mints of the local
governments to do their own work in the "mperial
interest. Consequently, the mass of the people
have very little understanding of the effective power
of the Empire ; the number of the imperial officials
is comparatively small, and in daily life the
German comes in contact with local officials almost
exclusively. Yet the life of the masses has been
completely transformed by the right of domicile,
by the liberty of occupation, by the obligation to
military service; it is the laws of the Empire
that have given rise to that profound alteration
of social conditions which is manifest to all. If,
I
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? Our Empire 323
in addition, we take into account the newly effected
unification of the criminal and civil law, of the
methods of intercourse, of the coinage, and of
weights and measures, we see that the general
outcome, despite all parliamentary hindrances and
all errors of detail, has been an extraordinarily fruit-
ful and beneficent system of legislation . This alone
suffices to prove that our Empire is no mere federal
state, but a stronger and more coherent form of
national unity -- that it is a monarchy with federal
institutions.
To the sense of social justice, to the still persist-
ent traditions of the Prussian Kingdom (ever a
kingdom of the indigent), do we owe it that our
Empire is now engaged in freeing the working
classes from the greatest of the curses of poverty, the
terrible insecurity of their lives, and in tempering
to some extent the hardships of the system of free
competition. When Napoleon III expressed the
intention of insuring working-class families against
illness, accident, and death, by national enterprise,
his bold proposition assumed a purely socialistic
aspect, for in the France of those days the adoption
of such measures must inevitably have led to a
further strengthening of the already overwhelming
powers of the bureaucracy. But Germany, in its
honourable and hard-working officialdom, in its
decentralized administration, and in its vigorous
co-operative institutions, already possesses all the
preliminary requisites for a sound system of social
legislation. In our case it is possible to undertake
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? 324 Our Empire
working-class insurance on such lines that, like
every valuable social reform, it will not destroy
but stimulate the independence of the individual
citizen, giving an impulse towards the formation of
new co-operative institutions adapted to the needs
of the transformed economic life of the people. If
further progress in this direction should carry out
the promise of the vigorous beginnings already
made, the social laws of the German Empire will
serve as an example to the other nations of the
civilized world.
Full of defects and contradictions, the imperial
constitution is manifestly in the opening stage
merely of its development. It is at least essential
that the imperial authority should be equipped
with the power of veto, as the formal embodiment
of the monarchical power with which it is in fact
endowed. Even in army matters far too little has
as yet been effected towards the practical unifica-
tion of the nation. Just as already to-day, without
any injury to Germany, Bavarian and Wiirttem-
berger regiments garrison Metz and Strassburg, so
also it could but redound to our advantage if the
troops of Baden were sometimes quartered in
Danzig, and those of Pomerania in Ulm. All our
fortresses, save those of Ingolstadt and Germer-
sheil, have long been imperial fortresses, and
the last surviving reason for our idiotic family
quarrels has been our defective knowledge of
one another. But all such desiderata fade into
insignificance beside the irrefutable need for a firm
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? Our Empire 325
interconnection of the finances of the Empire with
those of its subordinate parts. Since the legend
of the costHness of a system of Httle states -- a
legend which at one time gained general credence --
was shown to be an illusion, and since the smaller
countries of the Empire proved incompetent to
shoulder the heavier financial burdens which every
great state perforce imposes upon the sections of
which it is made up, the Imperial Administration
had to choose one of two paths. The smaller
governments might have been left to their own
devices, when the increasing demands of the central
imperial authority would have involved them in
bankruptcy and ultimate annihilation. In the
early days of the North German Federation this
possibility seemed imminent. But it soon became
evident that the Imperial Constitution, and the
obligations of good faith towards individual
members of the federation, necessitated the adop-
tion of another course. For years past it has been
the aim of the Imperial Financial Administration to
increase the imperial revenue to such an extent as
to render it possible, not merely to abate the
demands made by the Empire upon the local
governments, but further, by imperial contributions
made to these latter, to enable them to re-order
their own finances, which had all been seriously
affected by the increasing need of the Communes.
If the Imperial Administration proves successful
in this aim the local governments will all be united
to the Empire by willingly accepted bonds, and an
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? 326 Our Empire
anti-imperial separatism will become impossible at
the smaller courts. Step by step great enterprises
are resisted by the obstinacy of the pariiamentary
factions. Even the Spirit Monopoly, a tax that
would have been advantageous alike to the finances,
the domestic economy, the health, and the morals
of the nation, was rejected because the Moderate
Parties, in their dread of a public opinion which did
not in fact exist, and in their anxiety regarding
the caprices of universal suffrage, made common
cause with the enemies of the Empire. Ultimately,
maybe, the general reasonableness of events, in con-
junction with pressure of urgent need, will bring
about the victory of the idea of imperial unity
which dominates all such financial proposals.
In its foreign policy the Empire displays a mode-
ration never before exhibited by a great state after
a brilliant victory. There has not appeared in
Europe any goal for German conquest sufficiently
alluring to warrant the undertaking of a great war.
German statesmanship must for a long time to come
be keenly watchful if we are to defend our glorious
acquisitions against the unconcealed enmity of
France and the increasing hostility of the Musco-
vites. It may be, too, that a time will shortly arrive
in which England will attempt, as of old in the
days of Marlborough, to utilize her dynastic con-
nections with the Court of Berlin in the further-
ance of the aims of her commercial policy. But
our Empire is too strong to permit itself to be
terrorized or misused. If peace be preserved the
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? Our Empire 327
way lies open for an extension of our economic
power.
It is plain that the rigid protective system,
which for the moment acts as a barrier between
the various countries of Europe, is merely provi-
sional. Industry is everywhere seeking new fields
of enterprise; the Central European Zollverein,
whose institution in the days of the Bundestag
would have gravely endangered our national
independence, no longer belongs to the realm of
dreams. A customs union with Austria would
serve, not merely to open new channels for our
commerce, but also to give further political
strength to our southern ally, who, despite her
infirmities, remains indispensable to us -- for the
fall of the Danubian Empire would inevitably
shake our own power. Similarly, a commercio-
political understanding with Holland would re-
dound to the advantage of both parties, for to us
it would furnish free access to the mouths of our
leading river, whilst for the Netherlands it would
provide a military protection for her colonies, for
whose defence her own sea-power is no longer
adequate. As with all the truly national memories
of our ancient imperial days, so also is renascent in
the New Empire the sea-power of the Hanseatic
League. The Hanseatic League had unceasingly
to contend with the indifference and often with the
overt hostility of the imperial authority. But
to-day the Empire is taking into its own hand
those duties of maritime policy which for three
centuries have been neglected. Whereas the
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? 328 Our Empire
Hanseatic League lost the command of the sea
because its authority did not extend over a unified
political area, we may hope to-day that the power
of the Empire will suffice to secure for the Germans
their fair share of dominion in the transatlantic
world.
Immeasurably great are the new political tasks
which in the years since the unification of our land
have been pressing for accomplishment. Germany
will prove herself adequate to all of these if she
preserves respect for her imperial system, if she
cleaves firmly to that conception of monarchy in
the free and deep understanding of which our
people excels all the nations of the earth.
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? INDEX
Abdul-Mejid, 31
Acropolis, 46
Adrianople, 20, 87, 89
Adriatic Sea, 35
^gean Sea, 25
Aivalu, 25
Albert of Brandenburg, 247
Alexander, Emperor, 8, 11, 67,
75, 79, 86, 112
Alexander I, 59
Alexander II, 55
Alexander of Macedon, 284
Alexinatz, 79
Algiers, 42
Ali Pasha, 31, 38
Alsace, 97, 98, 103, 104, 105,
106, 108, 112, 117, 123, 124,
128, 130, 131, 133, 134, 136,
137, 139, 142, I43>> 144, 146,
149, 150, 152, 153, 156, 157,
158, 160, 161, 164, 165, 166,
168, 169, 171, 172, 174, 175,
176, 177, 178, 180-199, 215
Alsace-Lorraine, 298
Altbreisach, 99, 100
Alvensleben, 214
America, 157
Amsel, 22
Anadoli Fanar, 17
Andrassy, Count, 72, 81, 82, 84
Anspach-Baireuth, 162, 171
Arabia, 42
Arelat, 115
Aries, 116
Arndt, Ernst Moritz, 98, 108,
160, 175
Asia, 17, 48, 56, 64, 65, 73
Asia Minor, 13, 18, 25, 284
Astrakhan, 57
Athens, 46
Augsburg, 128, 130
Augsburg Confession, 269, 271,
274
Australia, 20
Austria, 5, 20, 62, 67, 68, 69,
70,71,73,83,85,87,88,105,
131, 172, 203, 218, 228, 247,
257, 270, 273, 275, 294, 309,
310, 317, 327
B
Baden, 100, 112, 113, 122, 141,
152, 153, 164, 165, 166, 172,
174, 210, 320
Bakunin, 29
Ballon d'Alsace, 122
Baltic, 224, 271, 273, 280
Barbarossa, 126
Bassompierre, 105
Bavaria, 100, 131, 163, 165,
166, 171, 172, 173, 174, 210,
278, 299, 307, 321
Belfort, 119, 162
Belgium, 68, 121, 165, 298
Belgrade, 46
Belle Alliance, 225
Berg, 123
Bergen, 262
Bergkirche, 124
? ? Berlin, 89, 90, 92, loi, 133,
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? 330
Index
Bismarck, 68, 75, 85, 113, 189,
215, 216, 312, 316
Black Forest, no
Black Sea, 5
Blekingen, 264
Blucher, 205
Blue Mountain, 122
Bodinus, 245
Bogidarovic, Wesselitzky, 30
Bohemia, 70, 270
Boileau, 146
Bonaparte, 102
Bonn, 176
Bosnia, 46, 47, 71, 80
Bosphorus, 2, 8, 13, 18, 28, 47,
59, 62, 67, 72, 81, 83, 85, 88
Bourbons, 184
Boussang, 118
Boyen, 212
Brandenburg, 214, 266, 272
Brandt, Sebastian, 104, 125,
127
Breisgau, 122
Breitenfeld, 276
Bremen, 271, 315
Britain, 262
Brittany, 106
Broussa, 51
Brunnow, von, 44
Brunswick, 272
Brussels, 7
Bucer, Martin, 128
Bucharest, 46
Buda, 21
Budapest, 84
Bulach, Zorn von, 147
Bulgaria, 29, 47, 76, 80, 82
Bunsen, 5
Burgundy, 116
Byzantium, 13, 17, 53, 55, 58,
61,67
Caesar, 115
Canning, George, 43
Capito, 128
Caracalla, Baths of, 222
Carlyle, Thomas, 203
Carolina, 26
Castlereagh, Lord, 166
Catherine, 55, 79
Caucasus, 47
Cavour, 69, 78
Cellarius, 243
Champagne, 102
Chanzy, 209
Charlemagne, 297
Charles V, 48, 116, 129, 276
Charles IX, 264
Charles the Bold, 127
China, 66
Cid, 28
Cobden, Richard, 82
Coblenz, 158
Colmar, 125, 127, 153, 158
Cologne, 126, 131, 158
Columbus, 2
Comneni, 93
Cond6, loi
? ? Constantinople, 17, 50, 69, 82,
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? Index
331
Droysen, 201
Drummond, Admiral, 81
Dunkirk, 115
Duruy, 156
Egypt, 36, 42
Eichmann, 4
Elbe, 170, 271, 276, 283
Elliot, Sir Henry, 49
Engelsburg, 122
England, 6, 8, 32, 51, 53, 63,
64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 73, 78, 80,
81, 82, 83, 90, 93, 112, 140,
172, 192, 203, 264, 273, 285,
298
Eobanus Hessus, 231
Erasmus, 126, 231
Erckmann-Chatrian, 139
Europe, i, 4, 5, 9, 11, 17, 23,
40, 43, 44, 48, 55, 58, 63, 65,
89, 102, 103, 113, 121, 160,
164, 171, 208, 245, 269, 273,
310
Fallmerayer, 29
Fehrbellin, 132, 225, 283
Finland, 268
Fischart, 125
Forbach, 102, 125, 140
France, 6, 32, 42, 67, 68, 73,
86, 97, 98, 99, loi, 103, 104,
105, 106, 107, 108, 113, 115,
116, 119, 128, 129, 130, 131,
136, 138, 142, 143, 145, 150,
152, 161, 168, 172, 178, 181,
185, 208, 209, 215, 270, 274,
282, 309, 323, 326
Franconia, 277
Frankfort, 217, 318
Frederick, 202, 206, 217
Frederick the Great, 298
Frederick William, 282, 283
Freiburg, 100, 122, 124, 129,
180
Fridolin, 124
Friedrich Karl, 215
Fuad Pasha, 31, 38
Fvirstenberg, Francis Egon von
131, 132
Gagern, 98
Gaisberg, 157
Galata, 17, 35
Gambetta, 195, 207
Ganges, 8, 35
George of Saxony, Duke, 256
Germany, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 59,
62, 71, 72, 73, 85, 86, 87, 88,
89, 97, 98, 99, 100, loi, 103,
104, 105, 106, 108, 109, III,
112, 115, 118, 128, 129, 138,
141, 143, 149, 151, 153, 154,
159, 161, 162, 164, 167, 168,
169, 172, 173, 174, 180, 182,
184, 187, 189, 190, 193, 194,
199, 204, 213, 215, 218, 219,
224, 225, 235, 236, 242, 246,
247, 248, 249, 250, 252, 253,
258, 259, 264, 269, 270, 274,
275, 277, 278, 279, 281, 282,
? ? 283, 292, 294, 299, 305, 312,
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? 332
Index
Gustavus Vasa, 263, 264
Gutenberg, 127
H
Hagen, 124
Hagenau, 126, 127, 171
Halberstadt, 271
Halle, 251
Hamburg, 315
Hanover, 217, 320
Hansa, 90
Hanseatic League, 262, 263
Hapsburgs, 270, 273
Hatti-Shereef, 31
Hausser, Ludwig, 157, 201
Hedio, 128
Heidelberg, 129, 180
Heine, 141
Heligoland, 6
Henry II, 99, 129
Henry IV, 116
Herder, 134
Hesse, 122, 217, 266, 272, 320
Hesse, Grand Duke of, 172
Hildesheim, 131
Hoche, 175
Hoh-Barr, 122, 130
Hohenstein, 127
Hohenstaufen, 116, 125, 185
Hohenzollern, 103, 179, 185,
297
Holland, 6, 165, 181, 273, 285
Holstein, 266
Holy Roman Empire, 202, 228,
230, 244, 246, 247, 292, 296,
301
Hugo, Ludolf, 292
Humboldt, 98, 112
Hungary, 21, 84
Hutten, Ulrich von, 2, 251
Ibrahim Pasha, 43
111, 194
India, 20, 57, 66, 92
Ingermanland, 268
Ingolstadt, 324
Italy, 2, 9, 69, 94, 116, 121, 258,
298
J
Jahdebusen 271
Jakschitsch, 42, 47
Jena, 109, 202
Jerusalem, 27, 233
Johann Georg, 179
John Frederick of Saxony, 266
Joseph, Emperor, 4
Joseph II, 55
Jung, 136
Jura, no, 119
Jutland, 271
K
Kaiserberg, Gailer von, 127
Kant, 241
Karelia, 268
Karlsruhe, 165
Kashgar, 66
Kastemburg, 128
Kazan, 57
Kehl, 99
? ? Kellermann, 106
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? Index
333
Lesseps, de, 8
Leuthen, 225
Liebenstein, 165
Lille, 121, 151
Lissa, 94
Livonia, 268
Loire, 207, 209, 213
London, 8, 40, 64
Longwy, 117
Lorraine, 97, 98, 103, 106, 117,
118, 121, 130, 133, 154, 157,
164, 168, 174, 175, 190, 194,
Louis XIV, 105, 115, 129, 180
Louis Napoleon, 156
Loyola, Ignatius, 237
Liibeck, 129, 271
Ludwig (Louis) I, of Bavaria,
321
Ludwig II. , 166
Luther, Martin, i, 48, 105, 227-
260, 277
Liitzen, 260, 281
Luxemburg, 120
Lyons, 116
M
Machiavelli, 2, 19, 242
MacMahon, 68
Madenburg, 129
Madrid, Peace of, 116
Magdeburg, 271, 275
Mahmud II, 31. 35>> 36
Mainz, 121, 168, 304
Malmedy, 121
Malta, 6
Manchester, 82
Manderscheidt, Johann von,
130
Mans, Le, 210, 214
Mansfeld, 250
Marceau, 175
Marienburg, 130
Mark, 274
Mars, 102
MarsiHus of Padua, 244
Mars la Tour, 215
Mathy, 165
Matthieu, 138
Maurice of Saxony, 130, 205
Maximilian of Bavaria, 270,
278
Mecca, 14
Mecklenburg, 191, 272
Mediterranean Sea, 6, 20, 83,
93,94
Meissen, 271
Melanchthon, 255
Mesopotamia, 42
Metternich, 63, 134
Metz, 96, 119, 120, 154, 162,
169, 205, 225, 324
Meurthe, 120
Milan, 270
Mohammed, 11, 20
Moldavia, 61
Moltke, 4, 201, 210, 212, 213
Montenegro, ']']
Monte Pincio, 256
? ? Montfort, Simon de, 262
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? 334
Index
Nicholas, 5, 8, 55
Nideck, 124
Niederwald, 227
Nomeny, 118
Normandy, 112
North Sea, 224, 271
Nuremberg, 128, 129, 164, 278,
281
Oder, 283
Of en, 21
Ofenheim, 83
Offenburg, 122
Olmiitz, 96
Orleans, Prince of, 184
Osmans, 11, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22,
23, 24, 25, 28, 36, 37, 49, 50
Ostwald, 151
Ottfried, 125
Ottilia, 124
Otto, 116
Oxenstiern, 267
Palmerston, 64
Paris, 96, 97, loi, 107, 153,
209, 215
Paris Congress, 53
Paris Convention, 87
Paris, Peace of, 77, 87, 100,
108, 112, 160
Paris, Treaty of, 39, 60
Patras, 25
Paul, 237, 257
Pera, 17, 68
Pergamos, 25
Peter the Great, 5, 36
Petrarch, 242, 243
Pfeffel, 138
Philip II, 21
Philip of Hesse, 261
Piedmont, 78
Plombiferes, 118
Poland, 5, 26, 59, 90, 134,
140, 181, 264, 268, 270
Pomerania, 109, 274, 280, 324
Pont-a-Mousson, 118
Pontus, 92
Posen, 154, 175, 219
Prussia, 78, 89, 99, 100, 109,
158-179, 181, 182, 203, 204,
208, 217, 219, 223, 248, 268,
283, 287, 294, 295, 296, 300,
301, 304, 306, 311, 317, 321
Pruth, 93
Pufendorf, 252, 292
Putter, 292
Racine, 146
Rapp, 106
Rappoltstein, 122, 124
Rappoltsweiler, 132, 155
Rashid Pasha, 31
Ratisbon, 118
Rebenac, 133
Reinmar of Hagenau, 125
Remiremont, 118
Rhine, 10, 71, 98, 99, loi, 104,
106, 109, III, 112, 115, 121,
122, 123, 134, 138, 152, 153,
158, 163, 165, 166, 168, 170,
? ? 175, 176, 181, 194, 198, 219
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? Index
335
St. Juste, 136
St. Petersburg, 3, 9, 30, 31, 54,
58, 59, 60, 62, 63, 66, 77, 78,
79, 86, 89, 91, 93
St. Privat, 205
Salisbury, 82
Salonica, 4, 34
Savoy, 121
Saxe, Mar6chal de, 105
Saxony, 127, 272, 308
Scandinavia, 263
Scharnhorst, 212
Scheldt, 60, 115
Schiller, 158
Schlegel, 109
Schleswig-Holstein, 4, 7, 78,
109, 154, 175, 214, 298
Schlettstadt, 123, 128, 185
Schmalkaldic League, 128, 266
Schneegans, 147
Schneider, Eulogius, 136
Schonen, 264
Schongauer, 125
Schopflin, 134
Schutzenberger, 147
Schwdbische Volkszeitung, 163
Schwarzwald, 128, 148
Schwarzwald Belchcn, 122
Schwelm, 193
Scutari, 17
Sebastopol, 60
Sedan, 209, 212, 215, 225,
311
Seine, 112
Servia, 42, 46, 73, 79, 83
Seven Years' War, 223
Shaftesbury, Lord, 13
Siebenburgen, 257
Sigismund, 264
Silesia, 99, 109, 157, 219
Smyrna, 25
Spain, 21, 251, 275
Spener, Phihp Jacob, 131, 150
Spires, 128, 129
Stallupohnen, 193
Stamboul, 17, 38, 47, 51, 59,
62, 64, 81, 91
Starkenburg, 122
Staupitz, 231
Stein, von, 98, 112
Steinbach, Erwin von, 104
Stettin, 140
Stilling, 134
Stober, Adolf, 157
Stober, August, 157
Stockholm, 262
Stockmar, von, 5
Stralsund, 276
Strassburg, 96, 99, 109, 123,
125, 126, 127, 128, 131, 132,
134. 135. 138, 150, 153, 154,
162, 168, 169, 176, 179, 185,
187, 191
Stratford, Lord, 38, 50, 52
Strelitzi, 36
Stuhm, 273
Sturm, Jacob, 128
? ? Stuttgart, 191
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? 336
Index
Turkey, 2, 3, 4, 13, 23, 24, 25,
38, 39, 43, 44, 49, 5i, 52, 54,
55, 57, 60, 61, 68, 70, 71, 92,
Tyrol, 271
U
Uhland, Ludwig, 157, 178, 179,
218
Ulm, 128, 316
United States of America, 289,
290, 292, 293
Urbes, 117
Urquhart, David, 4
Vdmb^ry, 64
Vauban, 177
Vendue, 137
Venice, loi
Versailles, 118, 133, 220, 297
Vienna, 40, 71, 83, 92
Virginia, 26
Vistula, 10, 99, 130
Vogii^, Marquis de, 68
Vosges, 102, 117, 119, 121,
138, 148, 180, 199, 220
W
Waitz, 288
Wales, Prince of, 39
Wallachia, 61
Wallenstein, 266, 271, 272, 275,
276, 281, 283
Waltharius, 124
Walther von der Vogelweide,
125, 235
Wanzenau, 123
Wartburg, 248
Wasgau, 117, 122, 149
Wasgenstein, 124
Waterloo, loi
Weimar, Bernhard von, 105
Weissenburg, 125, 137, 139,
166, 205
Wellington, 102
Werben, 276
Werther, von, 85
Wesel, 162
Weser, 283
Wesserling, 117
West Flanders, 121
Westphalia, 131, 280
White Mountain, 260
Wickram, George, 125
Wilhelmshaven, 271
William, Emperor, 204
William, King, 96, 213, 297
William of Orange, 262, 269
Wimpfelingen, 127
Wismar, 271
Wittenberg, 127, 231, 239, 256
Worms, 129, 230
Worth, 109, 140, 166, 205
Wurmser, 137
Wiirttemberg, 100, 166, 173
Zabern Stair, 122
Zorn, 122, 124
? ? Zwingli, 128
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? Jl Selection from the
Catalogue of
C. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
Complete Catalogue sent
on application
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? The Confessions of
Frederick the Great
and
Treitschke's "Life of Frederick"
Edited, with a Topical and Historical Introduction, by
Douglas Sladen
12\ $1. 25
The coupling of these two works in a single
volume has a significance apart from the fact that
they have bearing -- the one as an intimate ex-
pression, the other as an able biographical sketch
-- upon one of the great figures of Prussian and
world history. Treitschke strongly influences the
philosophy of war and the views regarding the
destiny of the German nation embodied in
Bernhardi's much discussed book, and Frederick's
CONFESSIONS, in the opinion of Mr. Sladen.
is the soil from which the school of Treitschke
and Bernhardi drew sustenance.
New York G, P. Putnam's Sons London
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? Deutschland Uber AUes
Or Germany Speaks
A Collection of the Utterances of Representative
Germans -- Statesmen, Military Leaders, Scholars, and
Poets -- in Defence of the War Policies of the Fatherland.
Compiled and Analyzed by
John Jay Chapman
16\ 75c
Alsace and Lorraine
From Caesar to Kaiser. 58 B. C. -1871 A. D.
A sketch of the political affiliations of the provinces
before the creation of the Reichsland of Elsass-
Lothringen.
By Ruth Putnam
Author of " A Mediaeval Princess," " Charles the Bold,"
" William the Silent," etc.
With Eight Maps, ST. $125
Alsace -- Romans, Gauls, and Others on the Soil of
Alsace -- The Treaties of Verdun and Other Pacts Affect-
ing Alsace--The Dream of a Middle Kingdom -- The
People of Alsace in the 15th Century and After -- The
Thirty Years of War and the Peace of Westphalia -- Louis
XIV and Strasburg -- Alsace after Annexation to France --
Lorraine in Several Phases of itsHistory -- ^Alsace-Lorraine,
1871-1914.
New York G. P. Putnam's Sons London
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? The Great Illusion
By Norman Angell
A Study of the Relation of Military
Power to National Advantage.
Fourth Edition Revised with Additional Material
Crown 8? . $1. 00
"Mr. Angell throws into the dust-bin the worn-out
theories, the axioms of statecraft, the shibboleths of
diplomats, the mouthings of politicasters, as to the
necessity of war. And from this to a brilliant arraign-
ment of standing armies and navies and war establish-
ments of all kinds is but another step in Mr. Angell's
altogether splendid monograph. To use a familiar
phrase, no book of similar trend in recent years has
caused so many thinking men to sit up and take notice. "
St. Louis Globe''Democrat
Arms and Industry
A Study of the Foundations of Inter-
national Polity
By Norman Angell
Author of " The Great Illusion," etc.
12\ $1. 25
In this book the author of " The Great Illusion " shows
systematically and scientifically, though with the same
clearness and simplicity which mark his earlier work, the
nature of those forces which are transforming the re-
lationship of states, and indeed, to some extent, the
mechanism of organized society as a whole.
New York G. P. Putnam'S Sons London
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? Treitschke
12\ $1. 50
The Writings of Bernhardi's Teacher,
Heinrich von Treitschke, Together
with a Life, by His Close
Friend, Adolf Hausrath
The works of this great German historian
have shaped the present policy of Germany in
its attempt to secure a dominating influence in
Europe and throughout the world. The follow-
ing is a brief summary of the subjects presented
in this distinctive work :
I. Treitschke 's Life and Work, by Adolf
Hausrath. 2. The Army. 3. International Law.
4. German Colonization. 5. The Two Emperors.
6. In Memory of the Great War. 7. Germany
and the Neutral States. 8. Austria and the
German Emperor. 9. Russia from the German
Point of View. 10. On Liberty.
Treitschke was a close friend of Bismarck, and
his list of pupils include the political and military
leaders of the present generation, such as the
Emperor William, Bernhardi, and others.
Lord Acton says of Treitschke: "He is the
one writer of history who is more brilliant and
more powerful than Droysen; and he writes
with the force and incisiveness of Mommsen,
but he concerns himself with the problems of
the present day, problems that are still demand-
ing solution. **
New York G. ? ? Putnam's SonS London
? ?
? 314 Our Empire
source of trouble has been the jealousy of the
dynasties ; to-day we suffer from the separatism of
the parties, perhaps a more dangerous enemy to
national unity than were the old separatist tend-
encies of the Estates and of the Dynasties. In the
Reichstag the thought of the Fatherland often
disappears altogether amid the vanities, the
quarrels, the graspingness, the innumerable minor
self-interests of party life. The one separatist
attack hitherto ventured upon the Imperial
Constitution proceeded from the Reichstag and
not from the Bundesrath -- I refer to the celebrated
Franckenstein proposal. Against the manifest
intention of the Constitution the Reichstag made
permanent the provisional remissions of the pro-
portional contributions. The most unfortunate
feature of this affair was not the measure itself (for
its consequences have in practice proved far less
deleterious than was hoped by its sagacious
originators), but the resulting intense confusion
of parties. The faithful adherents of imperial
unity were forced to vote for the separatist pro-
posal, for otherwise the malignity of the factions
would have rendered impossible the indispensable
increase in the imperial revenue. For as long as
it was able, the Reichstag obstructed the extension
promised in the Constitution of the imperial cus-
toms system throughout the entire German area.
The entry of the Hansa towns into the Customs
Union was ultimately effected without the Reichs-
tag and despite the Reichstag, because the
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? Our Empire 315
Senate of Hamburg and Bremen perceived at the
eleventh hour that a majority in the Reichstag
united only for obstructive purposes could give
no firm support against the will of the Emperor
and of the Bundesrath. It necessarily resulted
that measures essential to the national safety could
often be forced through the Reichstag only by a
threatening movement among the people. Such
was the case of the adoption of the Septennate
for the peace-effectives of the imperial army ; such
the grudging vote of funds for the transatlantic
steamship service and for the foundations of our
colonial policy. To the masses all these questions
seemed simple; their answer appeared self-evident.
The national discontent displayed itself so vigor-
ously that some of the members of the Opposition
began to tremble for their seats, and ceased an
obstruction that had not been based upon any
principle whatever, for its sole aim had been to
throw difficulties in the path of the detested
Imperial Chancellor.
Thus the repute of the Reichstag has been
lowered by its own faults. From year to year its
proceedings have become vainer and more diffuse.
The logical and effective deliberations of the best
Parliament we have ever had, the constituent or
constitution-building Reichstag of the North
German Federation, occupy no more than a single
thin volume; to-day two ponderous tomes bare-
ly suffice to contain the verbiage of an almost
fruitless parliamentary session. Many men still
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? 3i6 Our Empire
actively interested in political life now attend to
parliamentary debates on those occasions only
when Prince Bismarck makes a speech.
For a long time far-sighted patriots have been
asking whether our present Reichstag might not be
replaced by a more competent and harmonious
assembly. Gustav Riimelin, for instance, has sug-
gested the constitution of a smaller Parliament, con-
sisting of members elected by the various Diets.
But all such schemes of reform are premature.
The brief history of the New Empire has been so
rich in surprises that we must not hastily abandon
our hope that the Reichstag may once more attain
to the level of its earliest and best years. As long
as the evils are not unbearable it is impossible for
the Imperial Government to take the desperate
step of abolishing universal suffrage, the sacred non
plus ultra of modern democracy. Such a step
would entail the danger of unchaining a Radical
movement which might do more harm than the
roughnesses of our present electoral struggles.
Unfortunately it is somewhat improbable that
there will be formed in our Reichstag a permanent
and unanimous majority faithfully attached to the
Empire. Strong forces of implacable opposition
are unquestionably manifest in the people. A
powerful ultramontane party will long continue
to exist, even if the relations between the State
and the Church should become more friendly
than they are at present. The clericals cannot
forget how firmly associated with the Reformation
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? Our Empire 317
is the history of Prussia; the extremists among
them continue to hope, if tacitly, that the re-
entrance of Austria may some day secure for them
in the New Empire the preponderance which
they once held in the Old. Socialist-Radicalism,
too, will not soon disappear, for it is unavoidable in
a century of profound economic transformations.
Moreover, the party of the fault-finders and of
those who always know better than anyone else
strikes deep roots in the less amiable character-
istics of the German temperament, and in the
over-cultured life of the great towns, remote from
a healthy contact with nature. So long as the
odoriferous waters of the Panke continue to flow
through Berlin, so long also will the water-lily of
the Spirit of Progress thrive upon its green slime!
With their natural friends, the Poles, the Danes,
and the French, these Radical factions will, in the
near future, continue to appear in the Reichstag;
and since every incisive imperial law necessarily
touches powerful social interests, it inevitably
follows that individual economic groups, such
as those of the liquor-traders, the tobacconists,
and the bankers, will, as circumstances may
dictate, combine with the Radicals and their as-
sociates for the common purposes of obstruction.
The position of the parties faithful to the Empire
is a difficult one, for they are divided by their his-
tory, by their class-consciousness, and by numerous
contrasts of origin and economic position. The
Conservatives derive their chief support from the
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? 31 S Our Empire
great landed proprietors of the North and the East,
and unless they undergo a radical change of char-
acter they will never draw much of their power
from the South and from the West, for in these
regions the structure of parties is almost every-
where determined by the struggle between the
Ultramontanes and the Liberals. To these diffi-
culties we have to add the general lack of under-
standing exhibited by the masses in the matter of
imperial poHcy. In the year 1848, the Prussians
elected almost simultaneously the deputies for the
Parliaments of Frankfort and of BerHn. Prussian
questions lay nearer to the hearts of the electors,
and they therefore sent to Berlin the most cele-
brated spouters of the day; for Frankfort there
were left only the Vormdrzlichen, the men of the
days before the Revolution of March, the experi-
enced men of the despised earlier time. The result
was that numerous constituencies were represented
in Frankfort by a man of sense, and in Berlin by
an empty-headed chatterbox. Even to-day, in
many electoral districts, a similar thing occurs,
with the roles reversed. For the local diet, whose
proceedings directly concern the interests of the
average elector, he will choose a landed proprietor
or townsman of position well fitted for the work
he has to do, whereas in the Reichstag he is satis-
fied to be represented by any carpet-bagger who
may present himself with the recommendation of a
powerful party. During the next few years the
Reichstag will inevitably suffer from the confusion
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? Our Empire 319
of party struggles, and we must rest content so
long as the difficulties it throws in the way of
imperial policy do not become excessive, and so
long as it ultimately accepts indispensable reforms
after many battles and much compromise.
In the constitution of the New Empire the ideas
Kaiser and Reich are more broadly and nobly
conceived than of old, and the nation is granted
the right of effective co-operation in the formu-
lation of the imperial laws. But the new Lower
House has hitherto shown little tendency to rise
to the greatness of its opportunities; the motive
force of imperial policy is found chiefly in the
strength of the imperial rule and in the unanimity
of the Bundesrath. Those who deal with actuali-
ties and those who earnestly desire a more united
Empire must perforce to-day be strongly mon-
archical in sentiment. Of all political evils that
might be visited upon us the greatest would
unquestionably be a weak Imperial Government,
one which should hold parley with the parliamen-
tary theories of the day, and which, not being sup-
ported by a majority in the Reichstag, should
timorously yield ground to its opponents in that
body. A necessary element of such a monarchical
sentiment is a respect for the legally established
territorial possessions of the Princes of the Empire.
It is true that most of these owe their rescue
from the disasters attendant upon petty insigni-
ficance, by no means to their vital energies,
but to the general torces of historical development,
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? 320 Our Empire
or even to the working of blind chance; if the
nation has survived the destruction of such re-
nowned territories as the Electorates of the Palati-
nate, Hesse, and Hanover, it could also bear the
annihilation of Baden or Darmstadt. Moreover,
the ancient sins of the life of little states, Philis-
tinism, narrow-mindedness, and nepotism, still
flourish luxuriantly, and their influence is all the
more deleterious because they foster that spirit of
pettiness by which, since the miseries of the Thirty
Years' War, the German temperament, though by
nature inclined towards greatness, has been cor-
rupted and falsified. But for the moment, at least,
these sins no longer threaten the safety of the
Empire. Only by the undermining of the mutual
confidence that now exists between the head of
the Empire and the Princes of the Empire could
this safety be endangered; and since the question
to which territorial dominion this or that fragment
of land properly belongs is one that no longer
presses amid the larger issues of to-day, it has
become a patriotic duty to avoid all disturbance
of the existing territorial distribution. Despite
the remarkable and often irrational configura-
tion of its internal boundaries, the Empire has
long exhibited, within no less than without, the
magnificent vital energy of a Great Power.
The existence of a recognized national monarchy
is a matter of enormous importance, involving
consequences far greater than is generally under-
stood by our people. Everywhere the influence of
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? Our Empire 321
the monarchy makes for peace, for it imposes insu-
perable obstacles to ambition. Since the German
Empire has become an admitted fact, since there
has no longer been any dispute about the greatest
of all the problems of German power, our whole
political life has been steadied in a manner hitherto
unknown, and this to such an extent that even the
youthful violence of our party struggle has involved
no serious danger. Throughout the Empire the
respect for authority has been enormously en-
hanced by the quiet strength of the Imperial Rule
and by the firm monarchical ordering of Prussia.
Under the German Bund how much filth and
poison was scattered abroad apropos of every mis-
fortune of any of the Princely Houses; what storms
were raised by the abdication of Louis I of Bavaria.
In our own day Bavaria has had to suffer the rule of
two insane kings, and this unexampled misfortune
caused far less disturbance, because Bavaria is now
no more than a segment of the Empire, and every-
one is well aware that in the Empire the elements of
public order are perfectly secure.
In the history of the Zollverein, the valuable
preliminary school of our imperial policy, Prussia
learned that the Princes of the Bund were extremely
loath to suffer any interference in matters of do-
mestic administration, but that they almost always
willingly accepted and honourably executed unified
laws applicable to all alike. This experience has
never been forgotten. By our national customs, no
less than by the historical character of the German
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? 322 Our Empire
State, the German Empire has, moreover, been com-
pelled to undertake many-sided social activities,
but it was recognized that the creation of a strong
force of imperial officials beside and above the
already existing and numerous local state officials
would necessarily lead to considerable friction. For
this reason the imperial authority assumed direct
responsibility for a few branches only of adminis-
tration. Its chief activities were devoted to the
work of legislation, the execution of the laws being
for the most part left to the local governments
under imperial supervision. In this way the sensi-
bilities of the local governments were spared,
and at the same time the aims of unification were
more securely attained, for in Germany confidence
always bears good fruit. Even in the adminis-
tration of our strongly centralized coinage system
this principle has been observed. The Empire has
no mints of its own, leaving the mints of the local
governments to do their own work in the "mperial
interest. Consequently, the mass of the people
have very little understanding of the effective power
of the Empire ; the number of the imperial officials
is comparatively small, and in daily life the
German comes in contact with local officials almost
exclusively. Yet the life of the masses has been
completely transformed by the right of domicile,
by the liberty of occupation, by the obligation to
military service; it is the laws of the Empire
that have given rise to that profound alteration
of social conditions which is manifest to all. If,
I
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? Our Empire 323
in addition, we take into account the newly effected
unification of the criminal and civil law, of the
methods of intercourse, of the coinage, and of
weights and measures, we see that the general
outcome, despite all parliamentary hindrances and
all errors of detail, has been an extraordinarily fruit-
ful and beneficent system of legislation . This alone
suffices to prove that our Empire is no mere federal
state, but a stronger and more coherent form of
national unity -- that it is a monarchy with federal
institutions.
To the sense of social justice, to the still persist-
ent traditions of the Prussian Kingdom (ever a
kingdom of the indigent), do we owe it that our
Empire is now engaged in freeing the working
classes from the greatest of the curses of poverty, the
terrible insecurity of their lives, and in tempering
to some extent the hardships of the system of free
competition. When Napoleon III expressed the
intention of insuring working-class families against
illness, accident, and death, by national enterprise,
his bold proposition assumed a purely socialistic
aspect, for in the France of those days the adoption
of such measures must inevitably have led to a
further strengthening of the already overwhelming
powers of the bureaucracy. But Germany, in its
honourable and hard-working officialdom, in its
decentralized administration, and in its vigorous
co-operative institutions, already possesses all the
preliminary requisites for a sound system of social
legislation. In our case it is possible to undertake
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? 324 Our Empire
working-class insurance on such lines that, like
every valuable social reform, it will not destroy
but stimulate the independence of the individual
citizen, giving an impulse towards the formation of
new co-operative institutions adapted to the needs
of the transformed economic life of the people. If
further progress in this direction should carry out
the promise of the vigorous beginnings already
made, the social laws of the German Empire will
serve as an example to the other nations of the
civilized world.
Full of defects and contradictions, the imperial
constitution is manifestly in the opening stage
merely of its development. It is at least essential
that the imperial authority should be equipped
with the power of veto, as the formal embodiment
of the monarchical power with which it is in fact
endowed. Even in army matters far too little has
as yet been effected towards the practical unifica-
tion of the nation. Just as already to-day, without
any injury to Germany, Bavarian and Wiirttem-
berger regiments garrison Metz and Strassburg, so
also it could but redound to our advantage if the
troops of Baden were sometimes quartered in
Danzig, and those of Pomerania in Ulm. All our
fortresses, save those of Ingolstadt and Germer-
sheil, have long been imperial fortresses, and
the last surviving reason for our idiotic family
quarrels has been our defective knowledge of
one another. But all such desiderata fade into
insignificance beside the irrefutable need for a firm
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? Our Empire 325
interconnection of the finances of the Empire with
those of its subordinate parts. Since the legend
of the costHness of a system of Httle states -- a
legend which at one time gained general credence --
was shown to be an illusion, and since the smaller
countries of the Empire proved incompetent to
shoulder the heavier financial burdens which every
great state perforce imposes upon the sections of
which it is made up, the Imperial Administration
had to choose one of two paths. The smaller
governments might have been left to their own
devices, when the increasing demands of the central
imperial authority would have involved them in
bankruptcy and ultimate annihilation. In the
early days of the North German Federation this
possibility seemed imminent. But it soon became
evident that the Imperial Constitution, and the
obligations of good faith towards individual
members of the federation, necessitated the adop-
tion of another course. For years past it has been
the aim of the Imperial Financial Administration to
increase the imperial revenue to such an extent as
to render it possible, not merely to abate the
demands made by the Empire upon the local
governments, but further, by imperial contributions
made to these latter, to enable them to re-order
their own finances, which had all been seriously
affected by the increasing need of the Communes.
If the Imperial Administration proves successful
in this aim the local governments will all be united
to the Empire by willingly accepted bonds, and an
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? 326 Our Empire
anti-imperial separatism will become impossible at
the smaller courts. Step by step great enterprises
are resisted by the obstinacy of the pariiamentary
factions. Even the Spirit Monopoly, a tax that
would have been advantageous alike to the finances,
the domestic economy, the health, and the morals
of the nation, was rejected because the Moderate
Parties, in their dread of a public opinion which did
not in fact exist, and in their anxiety regarding
the caprices of universal suffrage, made common
cause with the enemies of the Empire. Ultimately,
maybe, the general reasonableness of events, in con-
junction with pressure of urgent need, will bring
about the victory of the idea of imperial unity
which dominates all such financial proposals.
In its foreign policy the Empire displays a mode-
ration never before exhibited by a great state after
a brilliant victory. There has not appeared in
Europe any goal for German conquest sufficiently
alluring to warrant the undertaking of a great war.
German statesmanship must for a long time to come
be keenly watchful if we are to defend our glorious
acquisitions against the unconcealed enmity of
France and the increasing hostility of the Musco-
vites. It may be, too, that a time will shortly arrive
in which England will attempt, as of old in the
days of Marlborough, to utilize her dynastic con-
nections with the Court of Berlin in the further-
ance of the aims of her commercial policy. But
our Empire is too strong to permit itself to be
terrorized or misused. If peace be preserved the
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? Our Empire 327
way lies open for an extension of our economic
power.
It is plain that the rigid protective system,
which for the moment acts as a barrier between
the various countries of Europe, is merely provi-
sional. Industry is everywhere seeking new fields
of enterprise; the Central European Zollverein,
whose institution in the days of the Bundestag
would have gravely endangered our national
independence, no longer belongs to the realm of
dreams. A customs union with Austria would
serve, not merely to open new channels for our
commerce, but also to give further political
strength to our southern ally, who, despite her
infirmities, remains indispensable to us -- for the
fall of the Danubian Empire would inevitably
shake our own power. Similarly, a commercio-
political understanding with Holland would re-
dound to the advantage of both parties, for to us
it would furnish free access to the mouths of our
leading river, whilst for the Netherlands it would
provide a military protection for her colonies, for
whose defence her own sea-power is no longer
adequate. As with all the truly national memories
of our ancient imperial days, so also is renascent in
the New Empire the sea-power of the Hanseatic
League. The Hanseatic League had unceasingly
to contend with the indifference and often with the
overt hostility of the imperial authority. But
to-day the Empire is taking into its own hand
those duties of maritime policy which for three
centuries have been neglected. Whereas the
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? 328 Our Empire
Hanseatic League lost the command of the sea
because its authority did not extend over a unified
political area, we may hope to-day that the power
of the Empire will suffice to secure for the Germans
their fair share of dominion in the transatlantic
world.
Immeasurably great are the new political tasks
which in the years since the unification of our land
have been pressing for accomplishment. Germany
will prove herself adequate to all of these if she
preserves respect for her imperial system, if she
cleaves firmly to that conception of monarchy in
the free and deep understanding of which our
people excels all the nations of the earth.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-05 01:03 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/loc. ark:/13960/t14m9qp6g Public Domain in the United States / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us
? INDEX
Abdul-Mejid, 31
Acropolis, 46
Adrianople, 20, 87, 89
Adriatic Sea, 35
^gean Sea, 25
Aivalu, 25
Albert of Brandenburg, 247
Alexander, Emperor, 8, 11, 67,
75, 79, 86, 112
Alexander I, 59
Alexander II, 55
Alexander of Macedon, 284
Alexinatz, 79
Algiers, 42
Ali Pasha, 31, 38
Alsace, 97, 98, 103, 104, 105,
106, 108, 112, 117, 123, 124,
128, 130, 131, 133, 134, 136,
137, 139, 142, I43>> 144, 146,
149, 150, 152, 153, 156, 157,
158, 160, 161, 164, 165, 166,
168, 169, 171, 172, 174, 175,
176, 177, 178, 180-199, 215
Alsace-Lorraine, 298
Altbreisach, 99, 100
Alvensleben, 214
America, 157
Amsel, 22
Anadoli Fanar, 17
Andrassy, Count, 72, 81, 82, 84
Anspach-Baireuth, 162, 171
Arabia, 42
Arelat, 115
Aries, 116
Arndt, Ernst Moritz, 98, 108,
160, 175
Asia, 17, 48, 56, 64, 65, 73
Asia Minor, 13, 18, 25, 284
Astrakhan, 57
Athens, 46
Augsburg, 128, 130
Augsburg Confession, 269, 271,
274
Australia, 20
Austria, 5, 20, 62, 67, 68, 69,
70,71,73,83,85,87,88,105,
131, 172, 203, 218, 228, 247,
257, 270, 273, 275, 294, 309,
310, 317, 327
B
Baden, 100, 112, 113, 122, 141,
152, 153, 164, 165, 166, 172,
174, 210, 320
Bakunin, 29
Ballon d'Alsace, 122
Baltic, 224, 271, 273, 280
Barbarossa, 126
Bassompierre, 105
Bavaria, 100, 131, 163, 165,
166, 171, 172, 173, 174, 210,
278, 299, 307, 321
Belfort, 119, 162
Belgium, 68, 121, 165, 298
Belgrade, 46
Belle Alliance, 225
Berg, 123
Bergen, 262
Bergkirche, 124
? ? Berlin, 89, 90, 92, loi, 133,
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? 330
Index
Bismarck, 68, 75, 85, 113, 189,
215, 216, 312, 316
Black Forest, no
Black Sea, 5
Blekingen, 264
Blucher, 205
Blue Mountain, 122
Bodinus, 245
Bogidarovic, Wesselitzky, 30
Bohemia, 70, 270
Boileau, 146
Bonaparte, 102
Bonn, 176
Bosnia, 46, 47, 71, 80
Bosphorus, 2, 8, 13, 18, 28, 47,
59, 62, 67, 72, 81, 83, 85, 88
Bourbons, 184
Boussang, 118
Boyen, 212
Brandenburg, 214, 266, 272
Brandt, Sebastian, 104, 125,
127
Breisgau, 122
Breitenfeld, 276
Bremen, 271, 315
Britain, 262
Brittany, 106
Broussa, 51
Brunnow, von, 44
Brunswick, 272
Brussels, 7
Bucer, Martin, 128
Bucharest, 46
Buda, 21
Budapest, 84
Bulach, Zorn von, 147
Bulgaria, 29, 47, 76, 80, 82
Bunsen, 5
Burgundy, 116
Byzantium, 13, 17, 53, 55, 58,
61,67
Caesar, 115
Canning, George, 43
Capito, 128
Caracalla, Baths of, 222
Carlyle, Thomas, 203
Carolina, 26
Castlereagh, Lord, 166
Catherine, 55, 79
Caucasus, 47
Cavour, 69, 78
Cellarius, 243
Champagne, 102
Chanzy, 209
Charlemagne, 297
Charles V, 48, 116, 129, 276
Charles IX, 264
Charles the Bold, 127
China, 66
Cid, 28
Cobden, Richard, 82
Coblenz, 158
Colmar, 125, 127, 153, 158
Cologne, 126, 131, 158
Columbus, 2
Comneni, 93
Cond6, loi
? ? Constantinople, 17, 50, 69, 82,
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-05 01:03 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/loc. ark:/13960/t14m9qp6g Public Domain in the United States / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us
? Index
331
Droysen, 201
Drummond, Admiral, 81
Dunkirk, 115
Duruy, 156
Egypt, 36, 42
Eichmann, 4
Elbe, 170, 271, 276, 283
Elliot, Sir Henry, 49
Engelsburg, 122
England, 6, 8, 32, 51, 53, 63,
64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 73, 78, 80,
81, 82, 83, 90, 93, 112, 140,
172, 192, 203, 264, 273, 285,
298
Eobanus Hessus, 231
Erasmus, 126, 231
Erckmann-Chatrian, 139
Europe, i, 4, 5, 9, 11, 17, 23,
40, 43, 44, 48, 55, 58, 63, 65,
89, 102, 103, 113, 121, 160,
164, 171, 208, 245, 269, 273,
310
Fallmerayer, 29
Fehrbellin, 132, 225, 283
Finland, 268
Fischart, 125
Forbach, 102, 125, 140
France, 6, 32, 42, 67, 68, 73,
86, 97, 98, 99, loi, 103, 104,
105, 106, 107, 108, 113, 115,
116, 119, 128, 129, 130, 131,
136, 138, 142, 143, 145, 150,
152, 161, 168, 172, 178, 181,
185, 208, 209, 215, 270, 274,
282, 309, 323, 326
Franconia, 277
Frankfort, 217, 318
Frederick, 202, 206, 217
Frederick the Great, 298
Frederick William, 282, 283
Freiburg, 100, 122, 124, 129,
180
Fridolin, 124
Friedrich Karl, 215
Fuad Pasha, 31, 38
Fvirstenberg, Francis Egon von
131, 132
Gagern, 98
Gaisberg, 157
Galata, 17, 35
Gambetta, 195, 207
Ganges, 8, 35
George of Saxony, Duke, 256
Germany, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 59,
62, 71, 72, 73, 85, 86, 87, 88,
89, 97, 98, 99, 100, loi, 103,
104, 105, 106, 108, 109, III,
112, 115, 118, 128, 129, 138,
141, 143, 149, 151, 153, 154,
159, 161, 162, 164, 167, 168,
169, 172, 173, 174, 180, 182,
184, 187, 189, 190, 193, 194,
199, 204, 213, 215, 218, 219,
224, 225, 235, 236, 242, 246,
247, 248, 249, 250, 252, 253,
258, 259, 264, 269, 270, 274,
275, 277, 278, 279, 281, 282,
? ? 283, 292, 294, 299, 305, 312,
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-05 01:03 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/loc. ark:/13960/t14m9qp6g Public Domain in the United States / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us
? 332
Index
Gustavus Vasa, 263, 264
Gutenberg, 127
H
Hagen, 124
Hagenau, 126, 127, 171
Halberstadt, 271
Halle, 251
Hamburg, 315
Hanover, 217, 320
Hansa, 90
Hanseatic League, 262, 263
Hapsburgs, 270, 273
Hatti-Shereef, 31
Hausser, Ludwig, 157, 201
Hedio, 128
Heidelberg, 129, 180
Heine, 141
Heligoland, 6
Henry II, 99, 129
Henry IV, 116
Herder, 134
Hesse, 122, 217, 266, 272, 320
Hesse, Grand Duke of, 172
Hildesheim, 131
Hoche, 175
Hoh-Barr, 122, 130
Hohenstein, 127
Hohenstaufen, 116, 125, 185
Hohenzollern, 103, 179, 185,
297
Holland, 6, 165, 181, 273, 285
Holstein, 266
Holy Roman Empire, 202, 228,
230, 244, 246, 247, 292, 296,
301
Hugo, Ludolf, 292
Humboldt, 98, 112
Hungary, 21, 84
Hutten, Ulrich von, 2, 251
Ibrahim Pasha, 43
111, 194
India, 20, 57, 66, 92
Ingermanland, 268
Ingolstadt, 324
Italy, 2, 9, 69, 94, 116, 121, 258,
298
J
Jahdebusen 271
Jakschitsch, 42, 47
Jena, 109, 202
Jerusalem, 27, 233
Johann Georg, 179
John Frederick of Saxony, 266
Joseph, Emperor, 4
Joseph II, 55
Jung, 136
Jura, no, 119
Jutland, 271
K
Kaiserberg, Gailer von, 127
Kant, 241
Karelia, 268
Karlsruhe, 165
Kashgar, 66
Kastemburg, 128
Kazan, 57
Kehl, 99
? ? Kellermann, 106
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? Index
333
Lesseps, de, 8
Leuthen, 225
Liebenstein, 165
Lille, 121, 151
Lissa, 94
Livonia, 268
Loire, 207, 209, 213
London, 8, 40, 64
Longwy, 117
Lorraine, 97, 98, 103, 106, 117,
118, 121, 130, 133, 154, 157,
164, 168, 174, 175, 190, 194,
Louis XIV, 105, 115, 129, 180
Louis Napoleon, 156
Loyola, Ignatius, 237
Liibeck, 129, 271
Ludwig (Louis) I, of Bavaria,
321
Ludwig II. , 166
Luther, Martin, i, 48, 105, 227-
260, 277
Liitzen, 260, 281
Luxemburg, 120
Lyons, 116
M
Machiavelli, 2, 19, 242
MacMahon, 68
Madenburg, 129
Madrid, Peace of, 116
Magdeburg, 271, 275
Mahmud II, 31. 35>> 36
Mainz, 121, 168, 304
Malmedy, 121
Malta, 6
Manchester, 82
Manderscheidt, Johann von,
130
Mans, Le, 210, 214
Mansfeld, 250
Marceau, 175
Marienburg, 130
Mark, 274
Mars, 102
MarsiHus of Padua, 244
Mars la Tour, 215
Mathy, 165
Matthieu, 138
Maurice of Saxony, 130, 205
Maximilian of Bavaria, 270,
278
Mecca, 14
Mecklenburg, 191, 272
Mediterranean Sea, 6, 20, 83,
93,94
Meissen, 271
Melanchthon, 255
Mesopotamia, 42
Metternich, 63, 134
Metz, 96, 119, 120, 154, 162,
169, 205, 225, 324
Meurthe, 120
Milan, 270
Mohammed, 11, 20
Moldavia, 61
Moltke, 4, 201, 210, 212, 213
Montenegro, ']']
Monte Pincio, 256
? ? Montfort, Simon de, 262
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? 334
Index
Nicholas, 5, 8, 55
Nideck, 124
Niederwald, 227
Nomeny, 118
Normandy, 112
North Sea, 224, 271
Nuremberg, 128, 129, 164, 278,
281
Oder, 283
Of en, 21
Ofenheim, 83
Offenburg, 122
Olmiitz, 96
Orleans, Prince of, 184
Osmans, 11, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22,
23, 24, 25, 28, 36, 37, 49, 50
Ostwald, 151
Ottfried, 125
Ottilia, 124
Otto, 116
Oxenstiern, 267
Palmerston, 64
Paris, 96, 97, loi, 107, 153,
209, 215
Paris Congress, 53
Paris Convention, 87
Paris, Peace of, 77, 87, 100,
108, 112, 160
Paris, Treaty of, 39, 60
Patras, 25
Paul, 237, 257
Pera, 17, 68
Pergamos, 25
Peter the Great, 5, 36
Petrarch, 242, 243
Pfeffel, 138
Philip II, 21
Philip of Hesse, 261
Piedmont, 78
Plombiferes, 118
Poland, 5, 26, 59, 90, 134,
140, 181, 264, 268, 270
Pomerania, 109, 274, 280, 324
Pont-a-Mousson, 118
Pontus, 92
Posen, 154, 175, 219
Prussia, 78, 89, 99, 100, 109,
158-179, 181, 182, 203, 204,
208, 217, 219, 223, 248, 268,
283, 287, 294, 295, 296, 300,
301, 304, 306, 311, 317, 321
Pruth, 93
Pufendorf, 252, 292
Putter, 292
Racine, 146
Rapp, 106
Rappoltstein, 122, 124
Rappoltsweiler, 132, 155
Rashid Pasha, 31
Ratisbon, 118
Rebenac, 133
Reinmar of Hagenau, 125
Remiremont, 118
Rhine, 10, 71, 98, 99, loi, 104,
106, 109, III, 112, 115, 121,
122, 123, 134, 138, 152, 153,
158, 163, 165, 166, 168, 170,
? ? 175, 176, 181, 194, 198, 219
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? Index
335
St. Juste, 136
St. Petersburg, 3, 9, 30, 31, 54,
58, 59, 60, 62, 63, 66, 77, 78,
79, 86, 89, 91, 93
St. Privat, 205
Salisbury, 82
Salonica, 4, 34
Savoy, 121
Saxe, Mar6chal de, 105
Saxony, 127, 272, 308
Scandinavia, 263
Scharnhorst, 212
Scheldt, 60, 115
Schiller, 158
Schlegel, 109
Schleswig-Holstein, 4, 7, 78,
109, 154, 175, 214, 298
Schlettstadt, 123, 128, 185
Schmalkaldic League, 128, 266
Schneegans, 147
Schneider, Eulogius, 136
Schonen, 264
Schongauer, 125
Schopflin, 134
Schutzenberger, 147
Schwdbische Volkszeitung, 163
Schwarzwald, 128, 148
Schwarzwald Belchcn, 122
Schwelm, 193
Scutari, 17
Sebastopol, 60
Sedan, 209, 212, 215, 225,
311
Seine, 112
Servia, 42, 46, 73, 79, 83
Seven Years' War, 223
Shaftesbury, Lord, 13
Siebenburgen, 257
Sigismund, 264
Silesia, 99, 109, 157, 219
Smyrna, 25
Spain, 21, 251, 275
Spener, Phihp Jacob, 131, 150
Spires, 128, 129
Stallupohnen, 193
Stamboul, 17, 38, 47, 51, 59,
62, 64, 81, 91
Starkenburg, 122
Staupitz, 231
Stein, von, 98, 112
Steinbach, Erwin von, 104
Stettin, 140
Stilling, 134
Stober, Adolf, 157
Stober, August, 157
Stockholm, 262
Stockmar, von, 5
Stralsund, 276
Strassburg, 96, 99, 109, 123,
125, 126, 127, 128, 131, 132,
134. 135. 138, 150, 153, 154,
162, 168, 169, 176, 179, 185,
187, 191
Stratford, Lord, 38, 50, 52
Strelitzi, 36
Stuhm, 273
Sturm, Jacob, 128
? ? Stuttgart, 191
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? 336
Index
Turkey, 2, 3, 4, 13, 23, 24, 25,
38, 39, 43, 44, 49, 5i, 52, 54,
55, 57, 60, 61, 68, 70, 71, 92,
Tyrol, 271
U
Uhland, Ludwig, 157, 178, 179,
218
Ulm, 128, 316
United States of America, 289,
290, 292, 293
Urbes, 117
Urquhart, David, 4
Vdmb^ry, 64
Vauban, 177
Vendue, 137
Venice, loi
Versailles, 118, 133, 220, 297
Vienna, 40, 71, 83, 92
Virginia, 26
Vistula, 10, 99, 130
Vogii^, Marquis de, 68
Vosges, 102, 117, 119, 121,
138, 148, 180, 199, 220
W
Waitz, 288
Wales, Prince of, 39
Wallachia, 61
Wallenstein, 266, 271, 272, 275,
276, 281, 283
Waltharius, 124
Walther von der Vogelweide,
125, 235
Wanzenau, 123
Wartburg, 248
Wasgau, 117, 122, 149
Wasgenstein, 124
Waterloo, loi
Weimar, Bernhard von, 105
Weissenburg, 125, 137, 139,
166, 205
Wellington, 102
Werben, 276
Werther, von, 85
Wesel, 162
Weser, 283
Wesserling, 117
West Flanders, 121
Westphalia, 131, 280
White Mountain, 260
Wickram, George, 125
Wilhelmshaven, 271
William, Emperor, 204
William, King, 96, 213, 297
William of Orange, 262, 269
Wimpfelingen, 127
Wismar, 271
Wittenberg, 127, 231, 239, 256
Worms, 129, 230
Worth, 109, 140, 166, 205
Wurmser, 137
Wiirttemberg, 100, 166, 173
Zabern Stair, 122
Zorn, 122, 124
? ? Zwingli, 128
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? Jl Selection from the
Catalogue of
C. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
Complete Catalogue sent
on application
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? ? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-05 01:03 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/loc. ark:/13960/t14m9qp6g Public Domain in the United States / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us
? The Confessions of
Frederick the Great
and
Treitschke's "Life of Frederick"
Edited, with a Topical and Historical Introduction, by
Douglas Sladen
12\ $1. 25
The coupling of these two works in a single
volume has a significance apart from the fact that
they have bearing -- the one as an intimate ex-
pression, the other as an able biographical sketch
-- upon one of the great figures of Prussian and
world history. Treitschke strongly influences the
philosophy of war and the views regarding the
destiny of the German nation embodied in
Bernhardi's much discussed book, and Frederick's
CONFESSIONS, in the opinion of Mr. Sladen.
is the soil from which the school of Treitschke
and Bernhardi drew sustenance.
New York G, P. Putnam's Sons London
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? Deutschland Uber AUes
Or Germany Speaks
A Collection of the Utterances of Representative
Germans -- Statesmen, Military Leaders, Scholars, and
Poets -- in Defence of the War Policies of the Fatherland.
Compiled and Analyzed by
John Jay Chapman
16\ 75c
Alsace and Lorraine
From Caesar to Kaiser. 58 B. C. -1871 A. D.
A sketch of the political affiliations of the provinces
before the creation of the Reichsland of Elsass-
Lothringen.
By Ruth Putnam
Author of " A Mediaeval Princess," " Charles the Bold,"
" William the Silent," etc.
With Eight Maps, ST. $125
Alsace -- Romans, Gauls, and Others on the Soil of
Alsace -- The Treaties of Verdun and Other Pacts Affect-
ing Alsace--The Dream of a Middle Kingdom -- The
People of Alsace in the 15th Century and After -- The
Thirty Years of War and the Peace of Westphalia -- Louis
XIV and Strasburg -- Alsace after Annexation to France --
Lorraine in Several Phases of itsHistory -- ^Alsace-Lorraine,
1871-1914.
New York G. P. Putnam's Sons London
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-05 01:03 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/loc. ark:/13960/t14m9qp6g Public Domain in the United States / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us
? The Great Illusion
By Norman Angell
A Study of the Relation of Military
Power to National Advantage.
Fourth Edition Revised with Additional Material
Crown 8? . $1. 00
"Mr. Angell throws into the dust-bin the worn-out
theories, the axioms of statecraft, the shibboleths of
diplomats, the mouthings of politicasters, as to the
necessity of war. And from this to a brilliant arraign-
ment of standing armies and navies and war establish-
ments of all kinds is but another step in Mr. Angell's
altogether splendid monograph. To use a familiar
phrase, no book of similar trend in recent years has
caused so many thinking men to sit up and take notice. "
St. Louis Globe''Democrat
Arms and Industry
A Study of the Foundations of Inter-
national Polity
By Norman Angell
Author of " The Great Illusion," etc.
12\ $1. 25
In this book the author of " The Great Illusion " shows
systematically and scientifically, though with the same
clearness and simplicity which mark his earlier work, the
nature of those forces which are transforming the re-
lationship of states, and indeed, to some extent, the
mechanism of organized society as a whole.
New York G. P. Putnam'S Sons London
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? Treitschke
12\ $1. 50
The Writings of Bernhardi's Teacher,
Heinrich von Treitschke, Together
with a Life, by His Close
Friend, Adolf Hausrath
The works of this great German historian
have shaped the present policy of Germany in
its attempt to secure a dominating influence in
Europe and throughout the world. The follow-
ing is a brief summary of the subjects presented
in this distinctive work :
I. Treitschke 's Life and Work, by Adolf
Hausrath. 2. The Army. 3. International Law.
4. German Colonization. 5. The Two Emperors.
6. In Memory of the Great War. 7. Germany
and the Neutral States. 8. Austria and the
German Emperor. 9. Russia from the German
Point of View. 10. On Liberty.
Treitschke was a close friend of Bismarck, and
his list of pupils include the political and military
leaders of the present generation, such as the
Emperor William, Bernhardi, and others.
Lord Acton says of Treitschke: "He is the
one writer of history who is more brilliant and
more powerful than Droysen; and he writes
with the force and incisiveness of Mommsen,
but he concerns himself with the problems of
the present day, problems that are still demand-
ing solution. **
New York G. ? ? Putnam's SonS London
? ?
