He abandoned the employment of
a shepherd for the profession of arms, and, passing
through the several military gradations, attained even-
tually to the highest dignities of the empire.
a shepherd for the profession of arms, and, passing
through the several military gradations, attained even-
tually to the highest dignities of the empire.
Charles - 1867 - Classical Dictionary
--It was the habit
of the Greeks to appropriate particular plants and an-
imals to the service of their deities. There was gen-
erally some reason for this, founded on physical or
moral grounds, or on both. Nothing could be more
natural than to assign the oak (<j>riyt'K, quercus ascu-
'm), the monarch of trees, to the celestial king, whose
ancient oracle, moreover, was in the oak-woods of Do-
dona. In like manner, the eagle was evidently the
bird best siited to his service. The celebrated Agis,
the shield which sent forth thunder, lightning, and dark-
ness, and struck terror into mortal hearts, was formed
for Jupiter by Vulcan. In Homer we see it sometimes
bome by Apollo (//. , 15, 508) and sometimes by Mi-
nerva (A. , 5, 738--Orf. , 22, 297). --The most famous
temple of Jupiter was at Olympia in Elis, where, every
fourth year, the Olympic Games were celebrated in
nis honour; he had also a splendid fane in the island
of jEgina. But, though there were few deities less
honoured with temples and statues, all the inhabitants
of Hellas conspired in the duty of doing homage to the
sovereign of the gods. His great oracle was at Dodo-
na, where, even in the Pelasgian period, the Selli an-
nounced his will and the secrets of futurity. (/. '. , 16,
233. )--Jupiter was represented by artists as the model
of dignity and majesty of mien; his countenance grave
but mild. He is seated on a throne, and grasping his
sceptre and thunder. The eagle is standing beside
the throne. --An inquiry, of which the object should be
to select and unite all the parts of the Greek mythol-
ogy that have reference to natural phenomena and
the changes of the seasons, although it has never been
regularly undertaken, would doubtless show, that the
earliest religion of the Greeks was founded on the
same notions as the chief part of the religions of the
East, particularly of that part of the East which was
nearest to Greece, namely, Asia Minor. The Greek
mind, however, even in this the earliest of its produc-
tions, appears richer and more various in its forms,
and, at the same time, to take a loftier and wider range,
than is the case in the religion of the Oriental neigh-
oours of the Greeks, the Phrygians, Lydians, and Syr-
ians. In the religion of these nations, the combina-
tion and contrast of two beings (Baal and Astarte), the
one male, representing the productive, and the other
female, representing the passive and nutritive powers
of Nature; and the alternation of two states, namely,
the strength and vigour, and the weakness and death,
of the n. ale personification of Nature, the firs', of which
was celebrated with vehement joy, the latter with ex-
cessive lamentation, recur in a perpetual cycle, that
must have wearied and stupificd the mind. The Gre-
cian worship of Nature, on the other hand, in all the
various forms which it asaumed in different quarters,
places one Deity, as the highest of all, at the head of the
entire system, the God of heaven and light, the Father
JElher of the Latin poets. That this is the true mean-
ing of the name Zeus (Jupiter) is shown by the occur-
rence of the same root (DIU), with the same significa-
tion, even in tho Sanscrit, and by the preservation of
several of its derivatives, which remained in common
use both in Greek and Latin, all containing the no-
tion of Heaven and Day. The root DIU is most clearly
seen in the oblique cases of Zeus, AtFoc, AiFi, in which
theU hn passed into the consonant form F(Digam-
ma); whereas in Zevc, as in other Greek words, the
sound DI has passed into Z, and the vowel has been
? ? lengthened. In the Latin Jmis (late in Umbrian) the
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? JUS
jus
niorphoscs, he is transmuted into the messenger of
Zeus and the servant of the gods. {Mullcr, Hist.
Gr. Lit. , p. 13, seqq. )
Jura, a chain a$ mountains, which, extending from
the Rhodanas or Rhone to the Khenus or Rhine,
separated Helvetia from the territory of the Seqaani.
The name ia said to be in Celtic, Jourag, and to sig-
nify the domain of God or Jupiter. The most ele-
vated parts cf the chain are the Dole, 5082 feet above
the level of the sea; the Mont Tendre, 5170; and the
Reeulet (the summit of the Thotry), 5196. (Plin. , 3,
4 Cos. , B. C. , 1, i. --Plol. , 2, 9. )
JusTiNi. iNus, FlavTos, born near Sardica in Mcesia,
A. D. 482 or 483, of obscure parents, was nephew by
his mother's side to Justinus, afterward emperor. The
elevation of his oncle to the imperial throne, A. D. 518,
decided the fortune of Justinian, who, having been
educated at Constantinople, had given proofs of con-
siderable capacity and application. Justinus was igno-
rant and old, and the advice and exertions of his neph-
ew were of great service to hirn during the nine years
of his reign. He adopted Justinian as his colleague,
and at length, a few months before his death, feeling
that his end was approaching, he crowned him in pres-
ence of the patriarch and senators, and made over the
imperial authority to him, in April, 527. Justinian was
then in his 45th year, and he reigned above 38 years,
(ill November, 565, when he died. His long reign
forms a remarkable epoch in the history of the world.
Although himself unwarlike, yet, by means of his
able generals, Belisarius and Narses, he completely
defeated the Vandals and the Goths, and reunited
Italy and Africa to the empire. Justinian was the last
emperor of Constantinople, who, by his dominion over
the whole of Italy, reunited in some measure the two
principal portions of the ancient empire of the Cassars.
On the side of the East, his arms repelled the inroads
of Chosroes, and conquered Colchis; and the Negus,
or king of Abyssinia, entered into an alliance with
scm On the Danubian frontier, the Gepidrc, Lango-
bardi, Bulgarians, and other hordes, were either kept
in check or repulsed. The wars of his reign are re-
lated by Procopius and Agathias. --Justinian must bo
viewed also as an administrator and legislator of his
vast empire. In the first capacity he did some good
and much harm. He was both profuse and penurious;
personally inclined to justice, he often overlooked,
through weakness, the injustice of subalterns; he es-
tablished monopolies of certain branches of industry
and commerce, and increased the taxes. But he in-
troduced the rearing of silkworms into Europe, and
the numerous edifices which he raised (mil. Isidorus
IV. ), and the towns which he repaired or fortified, at-
test his love for the arts, and his anxiety for the secu-
rity and welfare of hi* dominions. Procopiis ("De
adificiis Domini Justiniani") gives a notice of the
towns, churches (St. Sophia among the rest), convents,
bridges, roads, walls, and fortifications constructed or
repaired during his reign. The same Procopius, h w-
ever, wrote a secret history ('Avexdora) of the coort
and reign of Justinian, and his wife Theodora, both
of whom be paints in the darkest colours. Theodora,
indeed, was an unprincipled woman, with some abili-
ties, who exercised, till her death in 548, a great influ-
ence over the mind of Justinian, and many acts of op-
pression and cruelty were committed by her orders.
But yet the Anecdota of Procopius cannot be impli-
? ? citly trusted, as many of his charges are evidently
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? JUSTINUS.
JISTINUS.
fus, fee. --Hist. Bibl, vol. 3. p. 118. --Borkck, Mag-
asin fur Erklarung, d. Gr u. R, vol. 1, p. 180 --
KocX, }'iolcg. ad Thcopomp. Ckium. , Lips. , 1804, p.
13. --Heyne, de Trogi Pompeii tju$que cpitomatoris
Juitini fontibus, etc. , Comment. Soc. Reg. Gotling. ,
vol. 15, p. 183, scqq. ) In order thai the student may
be better enabled to appreciate the eitent of Trogus's
labours, we will now proceed to sketch an outline of
his work, as far as it has been determined by the re-
searches of modern scholars. Book 1. History of the
Asm nan. Median, and Persian empires, down to the
reign of Darius, son of Hystaspca. Book 2. Digression
respecting the Scythians, Amazons, and Athenians;
the kings of Athena, the legislation of Solon, the tyr-
anny of the Pisistratide, the expulsion of this family,
and the war with Persia which ensued, the battle of
Marathon, the history of Xerxes and of his contests
with the Greeks. Book 3. The accession of Arlaxcrx-
es. Digression respecting the Lacedemonians, the
legislation of Lycurgus, and the first Mcsseniau war.
Commencement of the Peloponncsian war. Book 4.
Continuation of the Peloponncsian war, expedition to
Sicily. Digression respecting Sicily. Book 5. Close
of the Pcloponnesian war. The thirty tyrants, and
their expulsion by Thrasybulus. The expedition of
the vounger Cyrus, and the retreat of the Ten Thou-
sand. Book 6. The expeditions of Dercyllidas and
Agesilaus into Asia. The Thehan war. The peace
of Anlalcidas. The exploits of Epaminondas. Philip
of Macedou begins to interfere in the affairs of Greece.
--In these lirst six books, which are to be regarded as
a kind of introduction to the history of the Macedo-
nian Empire, the true object of Tragus, his principal
guide was Theopompus. He has also occasionally
availed himself of the aid of Herodotus and Ctesias,
and even of that of the mythographers. --Book 7. Di-
gression respecting the condition of Macedonia ante-
rior to the reign of Philip. Book 8. History of Philip
and of the Sacred War. Book 9. End of the history
*f Philip. Book 10. Continuation and end of the Per-
lian history, under Artaxerxes Mnemon, Ochus, and
Darius Codomanus--In these four bosks Tragus ap-
pears tc have merely translated Theopompus. --Book
11. History of Alexander the Great, from his acces-
sion tcthe throne until the death of Darius. Book 12.
Occurrences in Greece during the absence of Alexan-
der: expeditions of this prince into Hyrcania and In-
dia. His death. --In these two books, no fact would
tppear to have been stated that is not also contained
in other works which have reached us. -- Books 13,
14, 15. History of the wars between the generals of
Alexander the Great, down to the death of Cassander.
Book 16. Continuation of the history of Macedonia to
the accession of Lysimachus. --This part of Justin's
history is so imperfect, that we find it impossible to
divine the sources whence Trogus derived his mate-
rials. It has been supposed, however, that the digres-
sions on Cyrene (13, 7) and Heraclea (16, 4) are ob-
tained from Theopompus, and that the episode on In-
dia (15, 4) is from Megasthenea. Book 17. History
of Lysimachus. Digression respecting Epirus before
the time of Pyrrhus. --As Justin shows himself, in
this book, very partial towards Seleucus, and the re-
verse towards Lysimachus, it has been conjectured
that Hicronymus of Cardia was the guide of Trogus
in this part of the original work. --Book 18. Wars of
Pyrrhus in Italy and Sicily. Digression respecting
? ? the ancient history of Carthage. Book 19. Wars of
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? JUSTINUS.
Jl'V
hu 'Dialogi. 3 with Tryphon. " On his return to Rome
be bad frequent disputes with Crescens, a Cyn-
ic jjuloeopher, in consequence of whose calumnies
h* published his second apology, which seems to have
been presented to the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, A. D.
162. It produced so little effect, that when Crescens
preferred against him a formal charge of impiety for
neglecting the pagan rites, he was conderrmed to be
scourged and then beheaded, which sentence was put
into execution A. D. 164, in the seventy-fourth or sev-
eniy-ri. 'th year of his age. It was eminently as a mar-
tyr or witness that Justin suffered; for he might have
sired his life had he consented to join in a sacrifice
to the heathen deities. Hence with his name has de-
scended the addition of ''The Martyr," a distinction
which, in a later age, was given to Peter, one of the
Protestant sufferers for the truth. Justin Martyr is
spoken of in high terms of praise by the ancient Chris-
tian writers, and was certainly a zealous and able ad-
vocate of Christianity, but mixed up its doctrines with
too much of his early Platonism. He was the first
father of the church who, regarding philosophy and
revealed religion as having emanated from the same
source, wished to establish between them an intimate
union. Justin was of opinion that Plato had derived
his doctrine, if not from the Sacred Writings of the
Jews, at least from the works of others who were ac-
quainted with these writings, and hence he concluded
that the system and the tenets of Plato could be easily
brought back to, and united with, the principles of
Christianity. All other systems of philosophy, how-
ever, except the Platonic, he utterly rejected, and
more particularly that of the Cynics. Even in the
Platonic scheme he combated one point, which is in
direct opposition to revelation, the doctrine of the
sternal duration of the world. There are several
valuable editions of his works, the best of which are,
that of Maran, Paris, 1742, fol. , and that of Oberlhiir,
VTartzturgh, 1777, 3 vols. 8vo. (Schbll, Hist. Lit.
6? . , vol. 5, p. 212. )--HI. The first, also called the
"Elder," an emperor of the East, born A. D. 450, of
Thracian origin.
He abandoned the employment of
a shepherd for the profession of arms, and, passing
through the several military gradations, attained even-
tually to the highest dignities of the empire. On the
death of Anastasius (A D. 516) he held the command
j( the imperial guards, and was commissioned by
Amantius to distribute a sum of money among the
soldiers, in order to secure the elevation of one of the
creatures of the former. Justin did this, but in his
own name, and was in consequence himself proclaim-
ed emperor. Justin was sixty-eight years of age
when he ascended the throne. Being himself unin-
formed in civil affairs, he relied for the despatch of
the business of the state on the quaestor Proclus, a
faithful servant, and on his own nephew Justinian,
who had acquired a great ascendancy over his uncle.
By Justinian's advice, a reconciliation was effected
between the Greek and the Roman churches, A. D.
520. The murder of Vitalianus, who had been raised
to the consulship, but was stabbed at a banquet, casts
a dark shade upon the character of both Justin and
Justinian. In other respects Justin is represented by
historians as honest and equitable, though rude and
irwrustful. After a reign of nine years, being afflict ?
? id by an incurable wound, and having become weak
it mind and body, Justin abdicated in favour of his
? ? rephew, and died soon after, in A. D. 527. --IV. The
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? JCVENALIS.
IX!
mini imong the Latin satirists; although it nas been
supposed that he had him in view in the passage where
he remarks, " we possess at the present day some dis-
tinguished ones, whom we will name hereafter. " {Inst.
Or. , 10, 1. ) It was under Trajan that Juvenal wrote
the greater part of his satires: the thirteenth and fif-
teenth were composed under Hadrian, when the au-
thor wa* in his 79th year. Then for the first time he
recited his works in public, and met with the most
tr. bounded admiration. The seventh satire, however,
i volved him hi trouble. It was the one he had first
composed, and m it the poet had lashed the pantomime
Paris, the favourite of Domitian. Hadrian, who had
suffered a comedian of the day to acquire a great as-
cendancy over him, believed that the poet meant to
reflect upon this weakness of his, and resolved to have
revenge. Under pretext, therefore, of honouring the
old man, he named him prefect of a legion stationed
at Syene, in Egypt; according to others, at Pcntapo-
lis, in Libya; or, according to others again, he was
? ent to one of the Oases, an ordinary abode of exiles.
He died a few years after, in this honourable exile. --
We have sixteen satires from the pen of Juvenal. In
some editions they are divided into five books, of which
'. he first contains five satires; the second one; the
third three; the fourth three; and the fifth four. If
we may judge of the character of a writer from his
works, Juvenal was a man of rigid probity, and wor-
thy of living in a better and purer age. His satires
everywhere >>? sathe a love of virtue and abhorrence
of vice. Differing widely in this respect from Per-
sius, he does not give himself up to the principles of
one particular school of philosophy; he paints, on the
contrary, in strong and glowing colours, the hypocrisy
and the vices of the pretended philosophers of his time,
and especially of the Stoic sect, to whose failings Per-
siua had shut his eyes. He differs, moreover, from
this last-mentioned satirist in hot borrowing from the
schools of philosophy the arms with which he attacked
Ihetr failings: he found these abundantly supplied by
lr. > resources of his own genius, by the experience
m:. ;h a long acquaintance with the world had gained
"or him, and by the indignation which warmed his bo-
som on contemplating the gross corruption of the times.
His genius in some respect resembled that of Horace,
out a long-established habit of familiarity with rhetor-
ical subjects produced an influence on his general man-
ner, which is infinitely graver than that of the friend of
Maecenas. Horace laughs at the follies of his age;
Juvenal glows with indignation at the vices of his own.
The former passes rapidly from one topic to another,
and seems, as it were, led onward by his subject; Ju-
venal, on the contrary, follows a regular and method-
ical plan; he treats his subject according to the rules
of the oratorical art, and is careful never to lose the
thread of his discourse. The distinctive character of
Juvenal's satire is a passionate hatred of, and an inex-
orable severity towards vice, and on this theme he
never indulges in pleasantry; neither does any digres-
sion ever lead him off from the object which he has in
view. It is this manner that gives to the satires of
Juvenal a certain appearance of dryness, which form a
direct contrast lo the agreeable variety that pervades
the satires of Horace. A circumstance extremely fa-
vourable to the literary reputation of Juvenal is to be
found in the fact, of his not having dared to publish his
satires until an advanced period of life. Hence he
? ? was enabled to revise and retouch them, to purify his
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? LAB
L AH
<<. ia:sty on the part of those who, having committed
homicide, were admitted to the house and table of the
prince, who consented to perform the rites by which
the guilt of the offender was supposed to be removed.
The extremest case is given, by making Ixion, that is,
the Suppliant, and the first shedder of kindred blood,
as he is expressly called (the Cain of Greece), act with
such base ingratitude towards the king of the gods him-
self, who, according to the simple earnestness of early
cylhology, is represented, like an earthly prince, re-
ceiving his suppliant into his house or at his board.
The punishment inflicted was suited to the offence,
ind calculated to strike with awe the minds of the
hearers. --(Keightley's Mythology, p. 314, acq. )
Labarum, the sacred banner or standard, borne be-
fore the Roman emperors in war from the time of
Constantine. It is described as a long pike intersect-
ed by a transverse beam. A silken veil, of a purple
colour, hung down from the beam, and was adorned
with precious stones, and curiously inwrought with
the images of the reigning monarch and his children.
The summit of the pike supported a crown of gold,
which enclosed the mysterious monogram at once ex-
pressive of the figure of the cross, and the two initial
letters (X and P) of the name of Christ. (Liprius, de
Cruci, lib. 3, c. 15. ) The safety of the Labarum was
intrusted to fifty guards of approved valour and fideli-
ty. Their station was marked by honours and emol-
'linenls; and some fortunate accidents soon intro-
duced an opinion, that, as long as the guard of the La-
ja:uni were engaged in the execution of the office,
they were secure and invulnerable among the darts of
the enemy. In the second civil war Licinius felt and
dreaded the power of this consecrated banner, the
sight of which, in the distress of battle, animated the
soldiers of Constantine with an invincible enthusiasm,
and scattered terror and dismay through the adverse
legions. Eusebius (Vit. Const. , 1. 2, c. 7, seqq. ) in-
troduces the Labarum before the Italian expedition of
Constantine; but his narrative seems to indicate that
it was never shown at the head of an army till Con-
stantine, above ten years afterward, declared himself
. the enemy of Licinius and the deliverer of the church.
The Christian emperors, who respected the example
if Constantine, displayed in all their military expedi-
tions the standard of the cross; but when the degen-
erate successors of Theodosius had ceased to appear
in person at the head of their armies, the Labarum
was deposited as a venerable but useless relic in the
palace of Constantinople. Its honours are still pre-
served on the medals of the Flavian family. Their
grateful devotion has placed the monogram of Christ
m the midst of the ensigns of Rome. The solemn
epithets of "safety of the republic," "glory of the
army," "restoration of public happiness," are equally
applicable to the religious and military trophies; and
there is still extant a medal of the Emperor Constan-
tius, where the standard of the Labarum is accom-
panied with these memorable words, "By this sign
thou shall conquer. " -- The history of this standard
is a remarkable one. A contemporary writer (Cheil-
itis) affirms, that in the night which preceded the
last battle against Maxentius, Constantine was ad-
monished in a dream to inscribe the shields of his sol-
diers with the celestial sign of God, the sacred mono-
gram of the name of Christ; that he executed the
commands of Heaven, and that his valour and obedi-
? ? ence were rewarded by a decisive victory at the Mil-
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? 1A B
1AB
? i also that Labeo, having gainec" a victory over An-
r-ocous, compelled him to consent lo cede uplo the
Romans the one half of his fleet, and that, taking id-
vantage of the equivocal meaning of the words %y thr
treaty, he caused all the vessels to be sawed in two
i Val. Max. , 7, 3. ) Labeo is said to have been of a
literary turn, and to have aided Terence in the com-
position of his comedies. (Vid. Terentius. )--HI.
A tuus, a wretched poet in the time of Perseus. He
-? >> ridiculed by the latter on account of a wretched ver-
sion which he had made of the Iliad, but which, never-
theless, had found favour with Nero and his courtiers.
[Vers , Sat. , 1, 60. --Sckol. . ad loc)
Laberius, Decimus, a Roman knight of respectable
character and family, who was famed for his talent in
writing mimes, in the composition of which fanciful pro-
ductions he occasionally amused himself. He was at
length requested by Julius Caesar to appear on the stage,
and act the mimes which he had sketched or written.
(Macrob. , Sat. , 2, 7. ) Laberius. was sixty years of
age when this occurrence took place. Aware that
the entreaties of a perpetual dictator are nearly equiv-
alent to commands, he reluctantly complied; but, in
the prologue to the first piece which he acted, he com-
plained bitterly to the audience of the degradation to
which ho bad been subjected. The whole prologue,
consisting of twenty-nine lines, which have been pre-
served by Macrobius, is written in a fine vein of poe-
try, and with all the high spirit of a Roman citizen.
It breathes in every verse the most bitter and indig-
nant feelings of wounded pride, and highly exalts our
"pinion of the man, who, yielding to an irresistible
i-ower, preserves his dignity while performing a part
which he despised. It is difficult to conceive how, in
ihis frame of mind, he could assume the jocund and
unrestrained gayety of a mime, or how the Roman
I eople could relish so painful a spectacle. He is said,
t. cwever, to have represented the feigned character
with inimitable grace and spirit. But in the course
; f his performance he could not refrain from express-
ing strong sentiments of freedom and detestation of
tyranny. In one of the scenes he personated a Syrian
slave; and, while escaping from the lash of his mas-
ter, he exclaimed,
"Potto, Quintal, liberlalem perdidimus;"
and shortly after he added,
"Necesse ett multos timeat quern multi timent,''
>>n which the whole audience turned their eyes to-
tvani? Caesar, who was present in the theatre. (Ma-
trob. , I. c ) It was not merely to entertain the people,
who would have been as well amused with the repre-
sentation of any other actoi; nor to wound the private
feeling of Laberius, that Caesar forced him on the
stage. His sole object was to degrade the Roman
knighthood, to subdue their spirit of independence and
honour, and to strike the people with a sense of his un-
limited sway. This policy formed part of the same sys-
tem which afterward led him to persuade a senator to
combat among the ranks of gladiators. Though Labe-
rius complied with the wishes of Caesar in exhibiting
himself on the stage, and acquitted himself with ability
as a mimetic actor, it would appear that the dictator
had been hurt and offended by the freedoms which he
used in the course of the representation, and, either on
this or some subsequent occasion, bestowed the dra-
matic crown on Publius Syrus in preference to the
Roman knight. Laberius submitted with good grace
? ? to this fresh humiliation; he pretended to regard it
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? LABYTUNTHUS.
LAC
([ire of ll are very different from each other. Herod-
otus, who saw the structure itself, assigns to it twelve
courts. (Herod. , 2, 148. ) Pliny, whose description
>> much more highly coloured and marvellous than the
former's, makes the number sixteen (Plin. , 36, 19);
while Strabo, who, like Herodotus, beheld the very
itnctcje, gives the number of courts as twenty-seven.
(Strai. , 810. ) The following imperfect sketch, dr. iwn
from these different sources, may give some idea of
the magnitude and nature of this singular structure.
A large edifice, divided, most probably, into twelve
separate palaces, stretched along wfth a succession of
splendid apartments, spacious halls, etc , the whole
adorned with columns, gigantic statues, richly carved
hieroglyphics, and every other appendage of Egyptian
art. With the north side of the structure were con-
nected six courts, and the same number with the
southern. These were open places surrounded by
lofty walls, and paved with large slabs of stone
Around these courts ran a vast number of the most in-
tricate passages, lower than the corresponding parts of
the main building; and around all these again was
thrown a large wall, affording only one entrance into
the labyrinth; while at the other end, where the laby-
rinth terminated, was a pyramid forty fathoms high,
with large figures carved on it, and a subterraneous
way leading within. According to Herodotus, the
whole structure contained 3000 chambers, 1500 above
ground, and as many below. The historian informs
us, that he went through all ihe rooms above the sur-
face of the earth, but that he was not allowed by the
Egyptians who kept the place to examine the subter-
raneous apartments, because in these were the bodies
of the sacred crocodiles, and of the kings who had
built the labyrinth. "The upper part, however," re-
marks the historian, " which I carefully viewed, seems
to snrpace the art of men; for the passages through
the buildings, and the variety of windings, afforded
me a thousand occasions of wonder, as I passed from
a hail" to a chamber, and from the chamber to other
build. . -,'_'*, and from chambers into halls. All the roofs
and walls within are of stone, but the walls are farther
adorned with figures of sculpture. The halls are sur-
rounded with pillars of white stone, very closely fitted. "
--According to Herodotus, the labyrinth was built by
twelve kings, who at one time reigned over Egypt,
and it was intended as a public monument of their
common reign. (Herod. , 2, 148. ) Others make it
to have been constructed by Psammeticus alone, who
was one of the twelve; others, again, by Ismandcs or
Petosuchis. Manncrt assigns it to Memnon. Opin-
ions are alto divided as to the object of this singular
structure. Some regard it as a burial-place for the
kings and sacred crocodiles, an opinion very prevalent
among the ancients. Others view it as a kind of
Egyptian Pantheon. Others, again, make it to have
been a place of assembly for the deputies sent by each
of the twelve nomea of Egypt (consult article Egyp-
tua, p. 37, col. 1); while another class think that the
Egypiian mysteries were celebrated here. All these
opinions, however, yield in ingei. \iity and acumen to
that of Galterer. (Weltgesch. , vol. 1, p. 50, seqq. )
According to this writer, the labyrinth was an archi-
tectural-symbolical representation of the zodiac, and
? he course of the sun through the same. The twelve
paluces are the twelve zodiacal signs; the one half of
the buiiding above ground, and the other below, is a
? ? symbol of the course of the sun above and below the
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? I AC
LAC
*f M<? na Grrscia. in the territory of the Brutii, a few
miles to the south cf Crotona, which runs out for some
distance into the sea, and with the opposite Iapygian
promontory encloses the Gulf of Tarentum. (Strabo,
S61. --Scylax, Peripl. , p. 4. ) Its modem names are
Capo dellc Colonne (Cape of the Columns), and Capo
iV<<o (Cape of the Temple), from the remains of the
tinple of Juno Lacinia, which are still visible on its
F.
of the Greeks to appropriate particular plants and an-
imals to the service of their deities. There was gen-
erally some reason for this, founded on physical or
moral grounds, or on both. Nothing could be more
natural than to assign the oak (<j>riyt'K, quercus ascu-
'm), the monarch of trees, to the celestial king, whose
ancient oracle, moreover, was in the oak-woods of Do-
dona. In like manner, the eagle was evidently the
bird best siited to his service. The celebrated Agis,
the shield which sent forth thunder, lightning, and dark-
ness, and struck terror into mortal hearts, was formed
for Jupiter by Vulcan. In Homer we see it sometimes
bome by Apollo (//. , 15, 508) and sometimes by Mi-
nerva (A. , 5, 738--Orf. , 22, 297). --The most famous
temple of Jupiter was at Olympia in Elis, where, every
fourth year, the Olympic Games were celebrated in
nis honour; he had also a splendid fane in the island
of jEgina. But, though there were few deities less
honoured with temples and statues, all the inhabitants
of Hellas conspired in the duty of doing homage to the
sovereign of the gods. His great oracle was at Dodo-
na, where, even in the Pelasgian period, the Selli an-
nounced his will and the secrets of futurity. (/. '. , 16,
233. )--Jupiter was represented by artists as the model
of dignity and majesty of mien; his countenance grave
but mild. He is seated on a throne, and grasping his
sceptre and thunder. The eagle is standing beside
the throne. --An inquiry, of which the object should be
to select and unite all the parts of the Greek mythol-
ogy that have reference to natural phenomena and
the changes of the seasons, although it has never been
regularly undertaken, would doubtless show, that the
earliest religion of the Greeks was founded on the
same notions as the chief part of the religions of the
East, particularly of that part of the East which was
nearest to Greece, namely, Asia Minor. The Greek
mind, however, even in this the earliest of its produc-
tions, appears richer and more various in its forms,
and, at the same time, to take a loftier and wider range,
than is the case in the religion of the Oriental neigh-
oours of the Greeks, the Phrygians, Lydians, and Syr-
ians. In the religion of these nations, the combina-
tion and contrast of two beings (Baal and Astarte), the
one male, representing the productive, and the other
female, representing the passive and nutritive powers
of Nature; and the alternation of two states, namely,
the strength and vigour, and the weakness and death,
of the n. ale personification of Nature, the firs', of which
was celebrated with vehement joy, the latter with ex-
cessive lamentation, recur in a perpetual cycle, that
must have wearied and stupificd the mind. The Gre-
cian worship of Nature, on the other hand, in all the
various forms which it asaumed in different quarters,
places one Deity, as the highest of all, at the head of the
entire system, the God of heaven and light, the Father
JElher of the Latin poets. That this is the true mean-
ing of the name Zeus (Jupiter) is shown by the occur-
rence of the same root (DIU), with the same significa-
tion, even in tho Sanscrit, and by the preservation of
several of its derivatives, which remained in common
use both in Greek and Latin, all containing the no-
tion of Heaven and Day. The root DIU is most clearly
seen in the oblique cases of Zeus, AtFoc, AiFi, in which
theU hn passed into the consonant form F(Digam-
ma); whereas in Zevc, as in other Greek words, the
sound DI has passed into Z, and the vowel has been
? ? lengthened. In the Latin Jmis (late in Umbrian) the
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? JUS
jus
niorphoscs, he is transmuted into the messenger of
Zeus and the servant of the gods. {Mullcr, Hist.
Gr. Lit. , p. 13, seqq. )
Jura, a chain a$ mountains, which, extending from
the Rhodanas or Rhone to the Khenus or Rhine,
separated Helvetia from the territory of the Seqaani.
The name ia said to be in Celtic, Jourag, and to sig-
nify the domain of God or Jupiter. The most ele-
vated parts cf the chain are the Dole, 5082 feet above
the level of the sea; the Mont Tendre, 5170; and the
Reeulet (the summit of the Thotry), 5196. (Plin. , 3,
4 Cos. , B. C. , 1, i. --Plol. , 2, 9. )
JusTiNi. iNus, FlavTos, born near Sardica in Mcesia,
A. D. 482 or 483, of obscure parents, was nephew by
his mother's side to Justinus, afterward emperor. The
elevation of his oncle to the imperial throne, A. D. 518,
decided the fortune of Justinian, who, having been
educated at Constantinople, had given proofs of con-
siderable capacity and application. Justinus was igno-
rant and old, and the advice and exertions of his neph-
ew were of great service to hirn during the nine years
of his reign. He adopted Justinian as his colleague,
and at length, a few months before his death, feeling
that his end was approaching, he crowned him in pres-
ence of the patriarch and senators, and made over the
imperial authority to him, in April, 527. Justinian was
then in his 45th year, and he reigned above 38 years,
(ill November, 565, when he died. His long reign
forms a remarkable epoch in the history of the world.
Although himself unwarlike, yet, by means of his
able generals, Belisarius and Narses, he completely
defeated the Vandals and the Goths, and reunited
Italy and Africa to the empire. Justinian was the last
emperor of Constantinople, who, by his dominion over
the whole of Italy, reunited in some measure the two
principal portions of the ancient empire of the Cassars.
On the side of the East, his arms repelled the inroads
of Chosroes, and conquered Colchis; and the Negus,
or king of Abyssinia, entered into an alliance with
scm On the Danubian frontier, the Gepidrc, Lango-
bardi, Bulgarians, and other hordes, were either kept
in check or repulsed. The wars of his reign are re-
lated by Procopius and Agathias. --Justinian must bo
viewed also as an administrator and legislator of his
vast empire. In the first capacity he did some good
and much harm. He was both profuse and penurious;
personally inclined to justice, he often overlooked,
through weakness, the injustice of subalterns; he es-
tablished monopolies of certain branches of industry
and commerce, and increased the taxes. But he in-
troduced the rearing of silkworms into Europe, and
the numerous edifices which he raised (mil. Isidorus
IV. ), and the towns which he repaired or fortified, at-
test his love for the arts, and his anxiety for the secu-
rity and welfare of hi* dominions. Procopiis ("De
adificiis Domini Justiniani") gives a notice of the
towns, churches (St. Sophia among the rest), convents,
bridges, roads, walls, and fortifications constructed or
repaired during his reign. The same Procopius, h w-
ever, wrote a secret history ('Avexdora) of the coort
and reign of Justinian, and his wife Theodora, both
of whom be paints in the darkest colours. Theodora,
indeed, was an unprincipled woman, with some abili-
ties, who exercised, till her death in 548, a great influ-
ence over the mind of Justinian, and many acts of op-
pression and cruelty were committed by her orders.
But yet the Anecdota of Procopius cannot be impli-
? ? citly trusted, as many of his charges are evidently
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? JUSTINUS.
JISTINUS.
fus, fee. --Hist. Bibl, vol. 3. p. 118. --Borkck, Mag-
asin fur Erklarung, d. Gr u. R, vol. 1, p. 180 --
KocX, }'iolcg. ad Thcopomp. Ckium. , Lips. , 1804, p.
13. --Heyne, de Trogi Pompeii tju$que cpitomatoris
Juitini fontibus, etc. , Comment. Soc. Reg. Gotling. ,
vol. 15, p. 183, scqq. ) In order thai the student may
be better enabled to appreciate the eitent of Trogus's
labours, we will now proceed to sketch an outline of
his work, as far as it has been determined by the re-
searches of modern scholars. Book 1. History of the
Asm nan. Median, and Persian empires, down to the
reign of Darius, son of Hystaspca. Book 2. Digression
respecting the Scythians, Amazons, and Athenians;
the kings of Athena, the legislation of Solon, the tyr-
anny of the Pisistratide, the expulsion of this family,
and the war with Persia which ensued, the battle of
Marathon, the history of Xerxes and of his contests
with the Greeks. Book 3. The accession of Arlaxcrx-
es. Digression respecting the Lacedemonians, the
legislation of Lycurgus, and the first Mcsseniau war.
Commencement of the Peloponncsian war. Book 4.
Continuation of the Peloponncsian war, expedition to
Sicily. Digression respecting Sicily. Book 5. Close
of the Pcloponnesian war. The thirty tyrants, and
their expulsion by Thrasybulus. The expedition of
the vounger Cyrus, and the retreat of the Ten Thou-
sand. Book 6. The expeditions of Dercyllidas and
Agesilaus into Asia. The Thehan war. The peace
of Anlalcidas. The exploits of Epaminondas. Philip
of Macedou begins to interfere in the affairs of Greece.
--In these lirst six books, which are to be regarded as
a kind of introduction to the history of the Macedo-
nian Empire, the true object of Tragus, his principal
guide was Theopompus. He has also occasionally
availed himself of the aid of Herodotus and Ctesias,
and even of that of the mythographers. --Book 7. Di-
gression respecting the condition of Macedonia ante-
rior to the reign of Philip. Book 8. History of Philip
and of the Sacred War. Book 9. End of the history
*f Philip. Book 10. Continuation and end of the Per-
lian history, under Artaxerxes Mnemon, Ochus, and
Darius Codomanus--In these four bosks Tragus ap-
pears tc have merely translated Theopompus. --Book
11. History of Alexander the Great, from his acces-
sion tcthe throne until the death of Darius. Book 12.
Occurrences in Greece during the absence of Alexan-
der: expeditions of this prince into Hyrcania and In-
dia. His death. --In these two books, no fact would
tppear to have been stated that is not also contained
in other works which have reached us. -- Books 13,
14, 15. History of the wars between the generals of
Alexander the Great, down to the death of Cassander.
Book 16. Continuation of the history of Macedonia to
the accession of Lysimachus. --This part of Justin's
history is so imperfect, that we find it impossible to
divine the sources whence Trogus derived his mate-
rials. It has been supposed, however, that the digres-
sions on Cyrene (13, 7) and Heraclea (16, 4) are ob-
tained from Theopompus, and that the episode on In-
dia (15, 4) is from Megasthenea. Book 17. History
of Lysimachus. Digression respecting Epirus before
the time of Pyrrhus. --As Justin shows himself, in
this book, very partial towards Seleucus, and the re-
verse towards Lysimachus, it has been conjectured
that Hicronymus of Cardia was the guide of Trogus
in this part of the original work. --Book 18. Wars of
Pyrrhus in Italy and Sicily. Digression respecting
? ? the ancient history of Carthage. Book 19. Wars of
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? JUSTINUS.
Jl'V
hu 'Dialogi. 3 with Tryphon. " On his return to Rome
be bad frequent disputes with Crescens, a Cyn-
ic jjuloeopher, in consequence of whose calumnies
h* published his second apology, which seems to have
been presented to the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, A. D.
162. It produced so little effect, that when Crescens
preferred against him a formal charge of impiety for
neglecting the pagan rites, he was conderrmed to be
scourged and then beheaded, which sentence was put
into execution A. D. 164, in the seventy-fourth or sev-
eniy-ri. 'th year of his age. It was eminently as a mar-
tyr or witness that Justin suffered; for he might have
sired his life had he consented to join in a sacrifice
to the heathen deities. Hence with his name has de-
scended the addition of ''The Martyr," a distinction
which, in a later age, was given to Peter, one of the
Protestant sufferers for the truth. Justin Martyr is
spoken of in high terms of praise by the ancient Chris-
tian writers, and was certainly a zealous and able ad-
vocate of Christianity, but mixed up its doctrines with
too much of his early Platonism. He was the first
father of the church who, regarding philosophy and
revealed religion as having emanated from the same
source, wished to establish between them an intimate
union. Justin was of opinion that Plato had derived
his doctrine, if not from the Sacred Writings of the
Jews, at least from the works of others who were ac-
quainted with these writings, and hence he concluded
that the system and the tenets of Plato could be easily
brought back to, and united with, the principles of
Christianity. All other systems of philosophy, how-
ever, except the Platonic, he utterly rejected, and
more particularly that of the Cynics. Even in the
Platonic scheme he combated one point, which is in
direct opposition to revelation, the doctrine of the
sternal duration of the world. There are several
valuable editions of his works, the best of which are,
that of Maran, Paris, 1742, fol. , and that of Oberlhiir,
VTartzturgh, 1777, 3 vols. 8vo. (Schbll, Hist. Lit.
6? . , vol. 5, p. 212. )--HI. The first, also called the
"Elder," an emperor of the East, born A. D. 450, of
Thracian origin.
He abandoned the employment of
a shepherd for the profession of arms, and, passing
through the several military gradations, attained even-
tually to the highest dignities of the empire. On the
death of Anastasius (A D. 516) he held the command
j( the imperial guards, and was commissioned by
Amantius to distribute a sum of money among the
soldiers, in order to secure the elevation of one of the
creatures of the former. Justin did this, but in his
own name, and was in consequence himself proclaim-
ed emperor. Justin was sixty-eight years of age
when he ascended the throne. Being himself unin-
formed in civil affairs, he relied for the despatch of
the business of the state on the quaestor Proclus, a
faithful servant, and on his own nephew Justinian,
who had acquired a great ascendancy over his uncle.
By Justinian's advice, a reconciliation was effected
between the Greek and the Roman churches, A. D.
520. The murder of Vitalianus, who had been raised
to the consulship, but was stabbed at a banquet, casts
a dark shade upon the character of both Justin and
Justinian. In other respects Justin is represented by
historians as honest and equitable, though rude and
irwrustful. After a reign of nine years, being afflict ?
? id by an incurable wound, and having become weak
it mind and body, Justin abdicated in favour of his
? ? rephew, and died soon after, in A. D. 527. --IV. The
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? JCVENALIS.
IX!
mini imong the Latin satirists; although it nas been
supposed that he had him in view in the passage where
he remarks, " we possess at the present day some dis-
tinguished ones, whom we will name hereafter. " {Inst.
Or. , 10, 1. ) It was under Trajan that Juvenal wrote
the greater part of his satires: the thirteenth and fif-
teenth were composed under Hadrian, when the au-
thor wa* in his 79th year. Then for the first time he
recited his works in public, and met with the most
tr. bounded admiration. The seventh satire, however,
i volved him hi trouble. It was the one he had first
composed, and m it the poet had lashed the pantomime
Paris, the favourite of Domitian. Hadrian, who had
suffered a comedian of the day to acquire a great as-
cendancy over him, believed that the poet meant to
reflect upon this weakness of his, and resolved to have
revenge. Under pretext, therefore, of honouring the
old man, he named him prefect of a legion stationed
at Syene, in Egypt; according to others, at Pcntapo-
lis, in Libya; or, according to others again, he was
? ent to one of the Oases, an ordinary abode of exiles.
He died a few years after, in this honourable exile. --
We have sixteen satires from the pen of Juvenal. In
some editions they are divided into five books, of which
'. he first contains five satires; the second one; the
third three; the fourth three; and the fifth four. If
we may judge of the character of a writer from his
works, Juvenal was a man of rigid probity, and wor-
thy of living in a better and purer age. His satires
everywhere >>? sathe a love of virtue and abhorrence
of vice. Differing widely in this respect from Per-
sius, he does not give himself up to the principles of
one particular school of philosophy; he paints, on the
contrary, in strong and glowing colours, the hypocrisy
and the vices of the pretended philosophers of his time,
and especially of the Stoic sect, to whose failings Per-
siua had shut his eyes. He differs, moreover, from
this last-mentioned satirist in hot borrowing from the
schools of philosophy the arms with which he attacked
Ihetr failings: he found these abundantly supplied by
lr. > resources of his own genius, by the experience
m:. ;h a long acquaintance with the world had gained
"or him, and by the indignation which warmed his bo-
som on contemplating the gross corruption of the times.
His genius in some respect resembled that of Horace,
out a long-established habit of familiarity with rhetor-
ical subjects produced an influence on his general man-
ner, which is infinitely graver than that of the friend of
Maecenas. Horace laughs at the follies of his age;
Juvenal glows with indignation at the vices of his own.
The former passes rapidly from one topic to another,
and seems, as it were, led onward by his subject; Ju-
venal, on the contrary, follows a regular and method-
ical plan; he treats his subject according to the rules
of the oratorical art, and is careful never to lose the
thread of his discourse. The distinctive character of
Juvenal's satire is a passionate hatred of, and an inex-
orable severity towards vice, and on this theme he
never indulges in pleasantry; neither does any digres-
sion ever lead him off from the object which he has in
view. It is this manner that gives to the satires of
Juvenal a certain appearance of dryness, which form a
direct contrast lo the agreeable variety that pervades
the satires of Horace. A circumstance extremely fa-
vourable to the literary reputation of Juvenal is to be
found in the fact, of his not having dared to publish his
satires until an advanced period of life. Hence he
? ? was enabled to revise and retouch them, to purify his
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? LAB
L AH
<<. ia:sty on the part of those who, having committed
homicide, were admitted to the house and table of the
prince, who consented to perform the rites by which
the guilt of the offender was supposed to be removed.
The extremest case is given, by making Ixion, that is,
the Suppliant, and the first shedder of kindred blood,
as he is expressly called (the Cain of Greece), act with
such base ingratitude towards the king of the gods him-
self, who, according to the simple earnestness of early
cylhology, is represented, like an earthly prince, re-
ceiving his suppliant into his house or at his board.
The punishment inflicted was suited to the offence,
ind calculated to strike with awe the minds of the
hearers. --(Keightley's Mythology, p. 314, acq. )
Labarum, the sacred banner or standard, borne be-
fore the Roman emperors in war from the time of
Constantine. It is described as a long pike intersect-
ed by a transverse beam. A silken veil, of a purple
colour, hung down from the beam, and was adorned
with precious stones, and curiously inwrought with
the images of the reigning monarch and his children.
The summit of the pike supported a crown of gold,
which enclosed the mysterious monogram at once ex-
pressive of the figure of the cross, and the two initial
letters (X and P) of the name of Christ. (Liprius, de
Cruci, lib. 3, c. 15. ) The safety of the Labarum was
intrusted to fifty guards of approved valour and fideli-
ty. Their station was marked by honours and emol-
'linenls; and some fortunate accidents soon intro-
duced an opinion, that, as long as the guard of the La-
ja:uni were engaged in the execution of the office,
they were secure and invulnerable among the darts of
the enemy. In the second civil war Licinius felt and
dreaded the power of this consecrated banner, the
sight of which, in the distress of battle, animated the
soldiers of Constantine with an invincible enthusiasm,
and scattered terror and dismay through the adverse
legions. Eusebius (Vit. Const. , 1. 2, c. 7, seqq. ) in-
troduces the Labarum before the Italian expedition of
Constantine; but his narrative seems to indicate that
it was never shown at the head of an army till Con-
stantine, above ten years afterward, declared himself
. the enemy of Licinius and the deliverer of the church.
The Christian emperors, who respected the example
if Constantine, displayed in all their military expedi-
tions the standard of the cross; but when the degen-
erate successors of Theodosius had ceased to appear
in person at the head of their armies, the Labarum
was deposited as a venerable but useless relic in the
palace of Constantinople. Its honours are still pre-
served on the medals of the Flavian family. Their
grateful devotion has placed the monogram of Christ
m the midst of the ensigns of Rome. The solemn
epithets of "safety of the republic," "glory of the
army," "restoration of public happiness," are equally
applicable to the religious and military trophies; and
there is still extant a medal of the Emperor Constan-
tius, where the standard of the Labarum is accom-
panied with these memorable words, "By this sign
thou shall conquer. " -- The history of this standard
is a remarkable one. A contemporary writer (Cheil-
itis) affirms, that in the night which preceded the
last battle against Maxentius, Constantine was ad-
monished in a dream to inscribe the shields of his sol-
diers with the celestial sign of God, the sacred mono-
gram of the name of Christ; that he executed the
commands of Heaven, and that his valour and obedi-
? ? ence were rewarded by a decisive victory at the Mil-
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? 1A B
1AB
? i also that Labeo, having gainec" a victory over An-
r-ocous, compelled him to consent lo cede uplo the
Romans the one half of his fleet, and that, taking id-
vantage of the equivocal meaning of the words %y thr
treaty, he caused all the vessels to be sawed in two
i Val. Max. , 7, 3. ) Labeo is said to have been of a
literary turn, and to have aided Terence in the com-
position of his comedies. (Vid. Terentius. )--HI.
A tuus, a wretched poet in the time of Perseus. He
-? >> ridiculed by the latter on account of a wretched ver-
sion which he had made of the Iliad, but which, never-
theless, had found favour with Nero and his courtiers.
[Vers , Sat. , 1, 60. --Sckol. . ad loc)
Laberius, Decimus, a Roman knight of respectable
character and family, who was famed for his talent in
writing mimes, in the composition of which fanciful pro-
ductions he occasionally amused himself. He was at
length requested by Julius Caesar to appear on the stage,
and act the mimes which he had sketched or written.
(Macrob. , Sat. , 2, 7. ) Laberius. was sixty years of
age when this occurrence took place. Aware that
the entreaties of a perpetual dictator are nearly equiv-
alent to commands, he reluctantly complied; but, in
the prologue to the first piece which he acted, he com-
plained bitterly to the audience of the degradation to
which ho bad been subjected. The whole prologue,
consisting of twenty-nine lines, which have been pre-
served by Macrobius, is written in a fine vein of poe-
try, and with all the high spirit of a Roman citizen.
It breathes in every verse the most bitter and indig-
nant feelings of wounded pride, and highly exalts our
"pinion of the man, who, yielding to an irresistible
i-ower, preserves his dignity while performing a part
which he despised. It is difficult to conceive how, in
ihis frame of mind, he could assume the jocund and
unrestrained gayety of a mime, or how the Roman
I eople could relish so painful a spectacle. He is said,
t. cwever, to have represented the feigned character
with inimitable grace and spirit. But in the course
; f his performance he could not refrain from express-
ing strong sentiments of freedom and detestation of
tyranny. In one of the scenes he personated a Syrian
slave; and, while escaping from the lash of his mas-
ter, he exclaimed,
"Potto, Quintal, liberlalem perdidimus;"
and shortly after he added,
"Necesse ett multos timeat quern multi timent,''
>>n which the whole audience turned their eyes to-
tvani? Caesar, who was present in the theatre. (Ma-
trob. , I. c ) It was not merely to entertain the people,
who would have been as well amused with the repre-
sentation of any other actoi; nor to wound the private
feeling of Laberius, that Caesar forced him on the
stage. His sole object was to degrade the Roman
knighthood, to subdue their spirit of independence and
honour, and to strike the people with a sense of his un-
limited sway. This policy formed part of the same sys-
tem which afterward led him to persuade a senator to
combat among the ranks of gladiators. Though Labe-
rius complied with the wishes of Caesar in exhibiting
himself on the stage, and acquitted himself with ability
as a mimetic actor, it would appear that the dictator
had been hurt and offended by the freedoms which he
used in the course of the representation, and, either on
this or some subsequent occasion, bestowed the dra-
matic crown on Publius Syrus in preference to the
Roman knight. Laberius submitted with good grace
? ? to this fresh humiliation; he pretended to regard it
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? LABYTUNTHUS.
LAC
([ire of ll are very different from each other. Herod-
otus, who saw the structure itself, assigns to it twelve
courts. (Herod. , 2, 148. ) Pliny, whose description
>> much more highly coloured and marvellous than the
former's, makes the number sixteen (Plin. , 36, 19);
while Strabo, who, like Herodotus, beheld the very
itnctcje, gives the number of courts as twenty-seven.
(Strai. , 810. ) The following imperfect sketch, dr. iwn
from these different sources, may give some idea of
the magnitude and nature of this singular structure.
A large edifice, divided, most probably, into twelve
separate palaces, stretched along wfth a succession of
splendid apartments, spacious halls, etc , the whole
adorned with columns, gigantic statues, richly carved
hieroglyphics, and every other appendage of Egyptian
art. With the north side of the structure were con-
nected six courts, and the same number with the
southern. These were open places surrounded by
lofty walls, and paved with large slabs of stone
Around these courts ran a vast number of the most in-
tricate passages, lower than the corresponding parts of
the main building; and around all these again was
thrown a large wall, affording only one entrance into
the labyrinth; while at the other end, where the laby-
rinth terminated, was a pyramid forty fathoms high,
with large figures carved on it, and a subterraneous
way leading within. According to Herodotus, the
whole structure contained 3000 chambers, 1500 above
ground, and as many below. The historian informs
us, that he went through all ihe rooms above the sur-
face of the earth, but that he was not allowed by the
Egyptians who kept the place to examine the subter-
raneous apartments, because in these were the bodies
of the sacred crocodiles, and of the kings who had
built the labyrinth. "The upper part, however," re-
marks the historian, " which I carefully viewed, seems
to snrpace the art of men; for the passages through
the buildings, and the variety of windings, afforded
me a thousand occasions of wonder, as I passed from
a hail" to a chamber, and from the chamber to other
build. . -,'_'*, and from chambers into halls. All the roofs
and walls within are of stone, but the walls are farther
adorned with figures of sculpture. The halls are sur-
rounded with pillars of white stone, very closely fitted. "
--According to Herodotus, the labyrinth was built by
twelve kings, who at one time reigned over Egypt,
and it was intended as a public monument of their
common reign. (Herod. , 2, 148. ) Others make it
to have been constructed by Psammeticus alone, who
was one of the twelve; others, again, by Ismandcs or
Petosuchis. Manncrt assigns it to Memnon. Opin-
ions are alto divided as to the object of this singular
structure. Some regard it as a burial-place for the
kings and sacred crocodiles, an opinion very prevalent
among the ancients. Others view it as a kind of
Egyptian Pantheon. Others, again, make it to have
been a place of assembly for the deputies sent by each
of the twelve nomea of Egypt (consult article Egyp-
tua, p. 37, col. 1); while another class think that the
Egypiian mysteries were celebrated here. All these
opinions, however, yield in ingei. \iity and acumen to
that of Galterer. (Weltgesch. , vol. 1, p. 50, seqq. )
According to this writer, the labyrinth was an archi-
tectural-symbolical representation of the zodiac, and
? he course of the sun through the same. The twelve
paluces are the twelve zodiacal signs; the one half of
the buiiding above ground, and the other below, is a
? ? symbol of the course of the sun above and below the
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? I AC
LAC
*f M<? na Grrscia. in the territory of the Brutii, a few
miles to the south cf Crotona, which runs out for some
distance into the sea, and with the opposite Iapygian
promontory encloses the Gulf of Tarentum. (Strabo,
S61. --Scylax, Peripl. , p. 4. ) Its modem names are
Capo dellc Colonne (Cape of the Columns), and Capo
iV<<o (Cape of the Temple), from the remains of the
tinple of Juno Lacinia, which are still visible on its
F.
