Apparently
no one else, not even
Meleager himself, was aware of its importance.
Meleager himself, was aware of its importance.
Ovid - 1934 - Metamorphoses in European Culture - v2
The apprentice of a certain architect showed
remarkable ability and gave promise of excelling his master. The archi-
tect became jealous and treacherously put him to death. A tale of this
kind the Greeks told about Daedalus and made the occasion for his
leaving Athens. Daedalus, they said, had a sister named Perdix. She
made her son, Talos, an apprentice to his uncle. Talos, observing the row
of teeth in the jaw of a serpent, imitated the arrangement in a sheet of
iron and so invented the saw. Daedalus lured him to the roof of a build-
ing which stood on the edge of the Acropolis, and pushed him off. He
fell to the base of the cliff and the Athenians found his body and buried
it there. They brought Daedalus before the court of the Areopagus,
and, although he pretended that the boy fell by accident, they condemned
him to death. He escaped and took refuge in Crete. This account was
recorded in the Manual.
Sophocles in his Men of Camicus alluded to a different version. He
gave the name Perdix to the apprentice and said that he turned into a
bird of that name, the partridge. Callimachus in his Origins added
further circumstances. He noted, more plausibly, how the boy invented
the saw by imitating the spine of a fish. The boy also invented other
tools, he said, especially the compass, which we use for drawing curved
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK EIGHT
lines. The partridge, he added, still dreads falling from a high place. It
flies low and nests on the ground.
This account Ovid associated with the death of Icarus. In many
tales of Greek mythology, a human being who was transformed into some
kind of animal was supposed to have become the first animal of that
kind and the ancestor of all others. In a separate tale this rafsed the
question how a species could originate from a single individual. In a
succession of tales it also brought the danger of being inconsistent with
some previous event. Ovid usually avoided both difficulties by leaving
the reader in doubt whether the newly formed animal was the first of his
kind or merely another individual of an existing species. Callimachus
declared that Perdix was the first bird of his kind. Ovid incautiously
followed his example. We should imagine the newly created partridge
as living near Athens. Without regard for probability, Ovid declared
that he was on the distant island of Icaria. From a muddy furrow he
saw Daedalus burying the remains of his son, and he rejoiced at his
uncle's misfortune. Ovid described him as jubilantly beating his wings
and immediately afterwards as crowing. For a partridge this would not
be in character. Ovid may have been thinking of a pheasant.
Ovid then repeated the story as told by Callimachus, merely allud-
ing to the trial. Recalling the tale of Cycnus (Bk. 7), he said that, as
Perdix fell through the air, Athena transformed him into a bird. This
idea was not easily reconciled with the banishment of Daedalus to
Crete, but Ovid could assume that his Roman audience would not in-
quire too curiously. He added, not altogether happily, that Perdix
because of his quick wit was able to run and fly with extraordinary
rapidity.
Ovid was content with an obscure allusion to the death of Minos in
Sicily.
In later times the story of Icarus was known almost entirely from
Ovid and chiefly from the Metamorphoses. It attracted a number of
medieval and modern authors. The tale was recalled first by three poets
of Provence and then by the authors of the Flamenca and the Romance
of the Rose. Chaucer in the House of Fame spoke of the eagle as lifting
him higher than Icarus, who mounted until his wings dissolved and he
fell, much lamented, into the sea. According to Ariosto, the fleeing
Christians, like Icarus, longed vainly for wings, and incurred a similar
fate by drowning in the river Seine. Shakespeare in the Third Part of
Henry Sixth made a lengthy comparison of King Henry and his son
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? ICARUS AND PERDIX
to the unfortunate Daedalus and Icarus. Dante on the back of Geryon
felt even more terror than Icarus had felt when the wax melted and the
feathers dropped off. And Keats declared that Endymion, discovering
the Indian Princess beside him, felt consternation like that of Icarus
when the wax began to run.
Ancient poets had thought of the boy unfavorably, as rash to no
purpose. In the Malade Imdgmaire, Moliere followed their example. He
showed Pan warning the shepherds against endeavoring to compose
eulogies worthy of King Louis, for that would be to mount skyward on
waxen wings and fall into the depths of the sea. But modern poets usu-
ally were inclined to sympathize with Icarus, as one attempting a heroic
enterprise beyond mortal strength. In two famous love sonnets Luigi
Tansillo compared himself to the bold, immortal Icarus. In Shakes-
peare's Henry Sixth the elder Talbot, finding his son determined to
share his fate, replied,
Then follow thou thy desperate sire of Crete,
Thou Icarus. Thy life to me is sweet.
Goethe in a celebrated passage of Faust likened to Icarus the aspiring
Euphorion. Browning in The Ring and the Book showed Bottinius com-
paring his difficulty on the witness stand to that of Icarus in reaching
the sky.
The tale of Icarus appeared in paintings by Elsheimer, Vien,
Rubens, and Herbert Draper and in sculpture by Canova and Rodin.
Ovid's account of Perdix attracted much less attention. But Dante,
recording the words of the great Celestial Eagle, echoed Ovid's phrase
about a preliminary beating of wings.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK EIGHT
Meleagee and Atalanta
After leaving Daedalus, Ovid turned to Theseus and the joy of the
Athenians at his conquest of the Minotaur. The Manual had recorded
that in the years which followed this victory Theseus took part in many
heroic ventures, most of them unrelated to one another. To these events
as a whole Ovid referred by noting how the hero's fame spread through
Greece and caused many states to enlist him in their times of need. Ovid
decided to recount only two adventures. One was the Calydonian Boar
Hunt, the other the battle of Theseus and Pirithous against the Cen-
taurs. He told first of the boar hunt, and he implied that it was the
earlier of the two events, for he mentioned as one of the hunters the hero
Caeneus, who perished in battle with the Centaurs (Bk. 12). He noted
that both Theseus and Pirithous took part in the hunt and that already
they had begun their famous friendship.
The original cause of this boar hunt was one appearing often in
mythology of savage peoples. Its essential idea is as follows. A certain
king held a festival and in the course of it honored many deities. But he
neglected to honor one of them, and this deity sought revenge. In Greek
lore one famous instance occurred when Peleus invited the gods to his
wedding but overlooked Eris, goddess of discord. Another famous in-
stance occurred when Oeneus of Calydon neglected Diana. In this case
the goddess avenged herself by sending a monster in the form of a boar.
Like the sea monster in the tale of Andromeda (Bk. 4), it ravaged the
country and killed many people but finally was destroyed. Like the
Teumessian Vixen (Bk. 7), it required a difficult hunt, in which many
heroes took part. At first all the hunters were thought of as living within
a short distance of Calydon. Later they were said to have gathered
from all parts of Greece. The hunt was described as occurring a gen-
eration before the time of the Trojan War. It was thought of as taking
place a little later than the voyage of the Argo and as enlisting many of
the heroes who shared in that celebrated enterprise.
The general idea of the Calydonian Boar Hunt grew out of actual
experience with wild swine of Europe and southern Asia. Since prehis-
toric times, these animals have been common in wooded regions and
often have been destructive to crops. The boars have been favorite game
for hunting. Sometimes the hunters approach on horseback but more
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? MELEAGER AND ATALANTA
often on foot, and this appears to have been the usual method of ancient
times. Since by daylight the wild boar hides in some dense thicket or
reedy swamp, the hunters ordinarily send ahead dogs or men beating
the brush, to drive him into open ground. Ovid observed that the Caly-
donian hunters also spread nets to intercept him. As the animal leaves
the thicket, the hunters endeavor to encircle and kill him. Usually the
boar tries to run away. He moves very swiftly, and his tough hide and
bristles make him difficult to injure. But if the hunters wound or corner
him, the boar often charges them savagely. He is a heavy animal, fre-
quently weighing more than three hundred pounds, and his snout is
armed with sharp tusks, which sometimes are a foot in length. Striking
a hunter with great force at the height of the thigh or the lower abdo-
men, the boar can inflict formidable wounds. The ordinary boar is a
destructive, dangerous beast, as the ancients noted in their famous myth
of Adonis (Bk. 10). But the creature sent by Diana was regarded as
also preternaturally large and aggressive.
The Iliad told the story as follows. Oeneus, ruler of Calydon in
Aetolia, made offerings to many gods in return for a good harvest. But
he made no offering to Diana, either forgetting her or thinking her con-
tribution to the harvest unimportant. To punish him, Diana sent a
boar with white tusks. This creature appeared when the fruit trees
were in blossom and wrought havoc among the orchards, overthrowing
even tall trees. It also killed many men. Meleager, son of Oeneus,
gathered a company of hunters. He included both the Aetolians, who
were his own countrymen, and the neighboring Curetes, who were coun-
trymen of his mother, Althaea. With their aid he killed the boar.
In most tales of this kind the hostile deity allowed his revenge to
end with the death of the monster. But Diana, still hostile, involved the
Aetolians and Curetes in a controversy over spoils, that is, over the
boar's head and skin. It resulted in war between the two peoples. At
first, Meleager, leading the Aetolians, drove the Curetes within their
walls. But in the fighting he killed his uncle, a brother of Althaea. The
queen so resented the loss of her brother that she cursed her son, calling
on Hades and Proserpina to end his life, and she was heard by the Fury
in Erebus. Meleager then refused to fight and remained at home with his
wife, Cleopatra. The Curetes prevailed. In alarm many leaders of the
Aetolians besought Meleager's aid, offering a generous reward. Melea-
ger's sisters, his father, and also his mother added their entreaties. Still
Meleager refused. The Curetes attacked Calydon, mounting its walls
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK EIGHT
and threatening the palace with fire. Then Cleopatra pleaded with
Meleager to save his people. Meleager saved them but got no reward.
This tale the hero Phoenix told in order to persuade Achilles that he
ought to accept the reward offered by Agamemnon and bring timely aid
to the Greeks.
Stesichorus told of Meleager in his poem The Boar Hunt, but his
account is lost.
The Iliad in recording the story had spoken as if Meleager were
an only son of King Oeneus. Elsewhere it noted that, before the out-
break of the Trojan War, Oeneus and his sons, including the fair
haired Meleager, were dead. Presumably these other sons were born
after the time of the Boar Hunt. But later authors thought otherwise
and often spoke of them as having some part in the adventure with the
boar. In the tale of Meleager the Iliad had spoken as if there existed
only a single Fury. Later authors thought of more than one. Aeschylus
imagined the Furies as numerous enough to form the entire chorus of
his tragedy called Eumenides. Euripides limited the number to three,
and afterwards this was the usual view. The Manual gave their names
as Tisiphone, Allecto, and Megaera. These three often entered into
Alexandrian versions of the Boar Hunt.
According to the Iliad, the Fury seems to have responded to
Althaea's curse and in some way to have caused the death of her son.
The Catalogues stated explicitly that Apollo killed Meleager with
arrows, as he fought for his country against the Curetes. It added that
one of Meleager's sisters was Deianira, who married Hercules. The
Manual, repeating the story of Meleager, agreed in most particulars
with the Iliad and the Catalogues. But it said that Meleager killed more
than one uncle, and it did not mention Apollo. This version of the tale
Ovid followed in his Epistle of Briseis to Achilles.
With the close of the sixth century B. C. the story took also a dif-
ferent form. Savage peoples often have thought it possible for a man's
soul to live permanently apart from his body and to inhabit some ani-
mal, plant, or inanimate object. While the residence of the soul is
intact, the man is immune to injury or death. But, if it were injured,
the man would suffer corresponding injury, and, if it were destroyed, he
would die*. In Australia the idea was common until recent years, and
in Rhodesia it still is current. It affected the ancient Greek tale of
? This belief was allied to the idea of a man's soul residing in his hair, which
occurred in the early Greek versions of Ovid's tale entitled King Minos and Scylla.
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? MELEAGER AND ATALANTA
Meleager. The hero's soul resided in a certain piece of fire wood, and,
while this wood remained safe, he was immune to injury.
In German and Scandinavian folklore we find occasionally that a
man's soul entered a lighted candle or some other object which was
burning. The fire had to be quenched in order to save his life. This idea
appeared in the Greek tale of Meleager. The hero's soul entered a
piece of wood which was burning in the fire. His mother put out the
flame and hid the brand in a safe place.
Apparently no one else, not even
Meleager himself, was aware of its importance. Carefully guarding her
secret, Althaea allowed her son to grow up and win power and fame.
But, when she heard that Meleager had killed his uncle, she burned the
fatal brand. Meleager, fighting the Curetes under the walls of Pleuron,
died with the destruction of the wood. This tale Phrynichus introduced
in his tragedy called Women of Pleuron.
Bacchylides repeated the story, adding further circumstances.
Oeneus realized his mistake, he said, and vainly tried to appease Diana
by offering many goats and oxen. When the hunters encountered the
boar, the monster fought with them for six days and killed Meleager's
brothers, Ancaeus and Agelaus. During the subsequent war, Meleager
killed two uncles. Although he did this unwittingly in a confused melee,
Althaea made no allowance for extenuating circumstances. As Meleager
vanquished a certain Clymenus, he felt life ebbing away and wept at his
untimely death. Later authors altered several of these details. They
said nothing of an attempt to appease Diana. They indicated that
Meleager's brothers took no part in the hunt and that the conflict with
the monster was much briefer. But they spoke of the boar's killing
Ancaeus, a hunter from Arcadia.
Aeschylus in his Choephorae alluded to the burning of the fatal
brand, observing that Meleager's soul had entered it immediately after
his birth. Afterwards most authors accepted this idea, but the author
of the Manual spoke of the event as occurring, more plausibly, when
Meleager was seven days old. Sophocles told of the boar hunt in his
tragedy called Meleager, but his account is lost. Nicander gave a more
precise narrative of the quarrel over spoils. Meleager, he said, claimed
both head and skin. His uncles claimed the skin for the Curetes. In the
sequel Nicander combined some ideas from the Iliad with others from
Phrynichus. When Meleager killed his uncles, Althaea was content at
first with cursing him, and Meleager refused to fight. But when the
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK EIGHT
Curetes threatened Calydon, he attacked them again, and Althaea
burned the brand. All Meleager's brothers fell in battle.
Euripides in his tragedy Meleager brought in a new idea. The
prehistoric Greeks had worshipped a divine huntress not only under the
name of Diana but also under the name of Atalanta. In time they dis-
tinguished between the two and regarded Diana as a goddess and
Atalanta as a mortal. Like the nymph Callisto (Bk. 2), she was asso-
ciated with Diana's sacred animal, for she was reported to have been
nursed by a she bear, and, like Callisto, she grew up a virgin huntress
attending Diana. Atalanta was localized either in Arcadia or in Boeo-
tia. Most Greek authors thought of her as inhabiting the Arcadian
village of Tegea near Mt. Maenalus. Euripides imagined her as coming
from there to join the Calydonian hunt and as having an important part
in the fate of Meleager.
The hero, he said, was dissatisfied with Cleopatra. Falling in love
with Atalanta, he confided to his mother that he desired to marry her
and obtain fine children. Althaea opposed the plan and protested not
only to Meleager but also to Atalanta. The maiden assured Althaea
that she wished to remain a virgin huntress but added that her mode of
life should qualify one to bear fine children. Meleager's uncles learned of
his fondness for Atalanta, and they too opposed it. Before telling of the
hunt, Euripides included a brief list of the assembled heroes. Atalanta,
he said, was the first to wound the boar, and Meleager killed it.
Euripides gave a new account of the quarrel. The other hunters
had no objection to Meleager's taking the spoils, and they freely
awarded them to him. But they objected to his showing fondness for
Atalanta. When Meleager presented the spoils to her, his uncles took
them away. She appealed for redress to Meleager. Euripides gave a
new account of the death of the uncles. Meleager did not kill them un-
wittingly in a subsequent war but knowingly in the quarrel over spoils.
While he was returning to Calydon, Althaea learned their fate. She
debated with herself the contrary claims of her brothers and her son.
Deciding in favor of the brothers, she threw the brand in the fire. Too
late she repented and offered her dying son the compensation of honors
after death. Meleager declined them. Although Althaea longed to kill
herself, she lacked the courage to do it. Accius afterwards made an
adaptation of Euripides for the Roman stage. Of his work there re-
mains only a part of Althaea's soliloquy.
In the Phoenissae Euripides spoke of Atalanta as herself killing
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? MELEAGER AND ATALANTA
the boar with arrows, an idea not mentioned elsewhere. He added that
after the hunt she returned to Arcadia and still was living there when
her son, Parthenopaeus, joined the expedition of the Seven against
Thebes. Callimachus referred to the boar hunters as finding no fault
with Atalanta's ability as a huntress. He noted that Atalanta took the
boar's head back to Tegea and that it still was there in his own time.
Pausanias observed that it remained in Tegea until it was carried to
Rome in the reign of Augustus.
The Manual, recording the tale of Meleager, gave both an older
version resembling that of the Iliad and a newer version resembling that
of Euripides. In the latter it introduced a number of important changes.
Meleager was thought by some to have been a child of Mars. Soon after
his birth the three Fates visited Althaea and informed her that her son
was destined to be famous and brave and to perish with a brand which
was consuming in the fire.
The Manual introduced a new account of the havoc wrought by the
monster. The boar prevented grain from being sown and destroyed
both domestic animals and human beings. The list of hunters became
very long and included not only the name of each hero but also his
parentage and native district. Four uncles of Meleager were mentioned
as taking part. After naming Atalanta, the Manual observed that some
called her the daughter of Schoeneus*. Before the heroes set out on
their dangerous quest, King Oeneus entertained them nine days.
Although the Manual spoke of Meleager's love for Atalanta, it
said nothing of opposition by his mother and uncles and gave a different
cause for the tragedy. Some of the hunters were displeased at the idea
of Atalanta's sharing in a venture which they thought suitable only for
men. Before commencing the hunt, two heroes, Cepheus and Ancaeus,
protested vigorously. They were natives of Tegea, fellow townsmen of
Atalanta. Both Apollonius and the Manual had mentioned Ancaeus as
taking a rather prominent part in the voyage of the Argo. For the time,
Meleager overcame their opposition. In recording the hunt the Manual
seems to have amplified the account of Euripides. Two hunters, Hyleus
and Ancaeus, fell victims to the fury of the beast. A third named Eury-
tion was killed accidentally by Peleus. The arrow of Atalanta struck
in the monster's back, that of Amphiariaus pierced an eye, and Meleager
drove a spear through the creature's flank into a vital spot. When
*The complete list of hunters is lost. A brief selection from it survives in the
work of Apollodorus and a longer selection in that of Hyginus.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK EIGHT
Meleager gave the spoils to Atalanta, the smoldering jealousy of the
other hunters broke out anew. Leading the opposition, the uncles de-
clared that, if Meleager did not want the spoils for himself, their claim
stood next in order of merit. After the death of Meleager, both Atalanta
and Cleopatra hanged themselves.
Sophocles had noted that Meleager's sisters mourned his death until
two of them became guinea fowl, which were known from this event by
the name of Meleagrides. The Manual alluded vaguely to their trans-
formation. Nicander gave a precise account. These two sisters, he
observed, were named Eurymede and Melanippe. Diana transformed
the girls by striking them with a wand and then transported them to a
distant island of Leros, near the shores of Caria. In this new home they
continued to mourn annually for the death of Meleager. Diana had in-
tended to metamorphose two other sisters, Deianira and Gorge, but
refrained at the wish of Bacchus.
The tale of Meleager interested many Greek painters and sculp-
tors. Some of them delighted in picturing the hero, often with an allu-
sion to the monster boar. Others presented the hunt itself. Scopas
carved the subject on a pediment of Athena's temple at Tegea. Many
sculptors used the theme to adorn Greek and Roman sarcophagi. Still
other artists showed Meleager disputing with his uncles or Althaea
burning the brand, and in portraying either subject they often repre-
sented the three Furies attending. A Neapolitan vase pictured the dying
Meleager surrounded by his family.
The older poets of Rome made few allusions to the story. Vergil in
his Aeneid showed Juno reminding herself that Diana was able to obtain
vengeance on the people of Calydon. Propertius declared that in the
Roman domain a mother never kindles fire to destroy her absent son.
Ovid recalled the tale on many occasions. In his Epistles of Acon-
tius and Cydippe he mentioned the neglect of Diana and spoke of the
goddess as causing ferocity not only in the boar but also in Althaea. In
the Epistle of Phaedra he spoke of Meleager's yielding to the charms of
Atalanta. In his Ibis he alluded to Meleager's death by the fatal brand.
In the Metamorphoses Ovid retold the whole story. Beginning with
the harvest festival of Oeneus, he used freely both the Iliad and the
Manual. Ovid implied that Oeneus did not err through mere forgetful-
ness ; and, by indicating the care with which other deities were honored,
he emphasized the neglect of Diana. In describing the monster, Ovid
may have followed suggestions of Euripides, but he added striking
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? MELEAGER AND ATALANTA
details of his own. The boar, he said, was as large as the biggest bull of
Epirus, a region mentioned first by Aristotle for the remarkable size
of its cattle. The monster had red, fiery eyes and a high, unbending
neck. Its bristles stood out like spear shafts. The tusks were as long as
those of an Indian elephant. Foam drifted back from the jaws and
flecked its broad shoulders, and its hot breath shrivelled the leaves. *
In describing the devastation, Ovid recalled both the Iliad and the
Manual but chose details of his own. The boar wrought havoc from
early spring until the end of summer. It trampled both sprouting and
ripe grain, overthrew the loaded grape vines, and ruined the fruitful
olive trees. Neither dogs nor shepherd could protect the sheep, and fierce
bulls could not protect the cattle. The terrified people left their homes
and took refuge in the city.
Following the Manual, Ovid gave a list of hunters, sometimes re-
cording them by name and at other times designating them only by
their country or family connection. He did not repeat the whole list
given in the Manual but selected enough names to indicate a large, illus-
trious company. Ovid prudently spoke of only two uncles, Toxeus and
Plexippus, as engaging in the hunt. The name Toxeus had been given
sometimes to a brother of Meleager, but Ovid seems to have been alone
in giving it to an uncle. Twenty-four other heroes Ovid took from the
Manual. t Prominent among them were Jason, Ancaeus, and the twin
sons of Leda, Castor and Pollux. These two Ovid spoke of later as
riding white horses. The idea was suggested by a familiar representa-
tion of them on Roman coins, but it was made unlikely by the circum-
stances of the hunt. Probably Ovid took also from the Manual the names
of nine other hunters, including the youthful Nestor, but we find them
only in Ovid's account.
Ovid's predecessors merely included the name and parentage of
Atalanta at some convenient point in their catalogue of hunters. Ovid
saw a chance to do better. Vergil, enumerating the Italian leaders op-
posed to Aeneas, had reserved for his emphatic final position the war-
*Ovid seems to have imagined the creature as breathing fire. The idea of fire-
breathing animals occurred often in Greek lore. It appeared regularly in the tale of
Jason taming the Colchian bulls (cf. Bk. 7), and some authors included it in three
labors of Hercules: the conquests of Diomed's horses, the Cerynitian hind, and the
Cretan Bull (cf. Bk. 9). Lucretius attributed fiery breath to the horses, Quintus
Smyrnaeus attributed it to the hind and the bull.
t Fifteen names agree with those listed both by Apollodorus and by Hyginus.
Three others, including the seer Amphiaratis, agree only with the list of Apollodorus.
Seven names, including Iolaiis and the uncle Plexippus, agree only with the list of
Hyginus.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK EIGHT
rior maiden Camilla and had added a brilliant description of her beauty
and her effect on the spectators. Vergil set her apart and gave her
special distinction. Ovid followed Vergil's example. But, since he was
going to speak later of Atalanta as unpopular with many of the hunt-
ers, he told only of her effect on Meleager.
He spoke of Atalanta as native to Tegea in southern Arcadia,
although afterwards he inconsistently mentioned her as coming from
the north Arcadian village of Nonacris. In describing her appearance
he seems to have remembered the huntress Diana of Alexandrian sculp-
ture. He noted that Atalanta's face was maidenly for a boy and boyish
for a maiden. Ovid indicated that she was a daughter of the Arcadian
Iasus. Evidently he desired his readers to think of her as different from
Atalanta, daughter of the Boeotian Schoeneus, whom he was to speak
of later as marrying Hippomenes (Bk. 10).
Wishing the reader to sympathize with Meleager, Ovid avoided
until late in the tale any mention of his wife. The hero, he said, loved
Atalanta at once but modestly concealed his passion from her. By
observing that some god was unfavorable, Ovid suggested a tragic out-
come. He did not make it clear what was to be the cause. Euripides
had supposed that Meleager's relatives were opposed to Atalanta as the
hero's prospective wife. Ovid seemed at first to reject this opinion. He
implied that Meleager concealed his love for Atalanta from his mother
and his uncles, indicating -- to make the idea plausible -- a briefer in-
terval of preparation than the nine days recorded by the Manual. But
later, during the quarrel, he recalled Euripides and showed the uncles
alluding in a derogatory manner to the hero's love affair.
remarkable ability and gave promise of excelling his master. The archi-
tect became jealous and treacherously put him to death. A tale of this
kind the Greeks told about Daedalus and made the occasion for his
leaving Athens. Daedalus, they said, had a sister named Perdix. She
made her son, Talos, an apprentice to his uncle. Talos, observing the row
of teeth in the jaw of a serpent, imitated the arrangement in a sheet of
iron and so invented the saw. Daedalus lured him to the roof of a build-
ing which stood on the edge of the Acropolis, and pushed him off. He
fell to the base of the cliff and the Athenians found his body and buried
it there. They brought Daedalus before the court of the Areopagus,
and, although he pretended that the boy fell by accident, they condemned
him to death. He escaped and took refuge in Crete. This account was
recorded in the Manual.
Sophocles in his Men of Camicus alluded to a different version. He
gave the name Perdix to the apprentice and said that he turned into a
bird of that name, the partridge. Callimachus in his Origins added
further circumstances. He noted, more plausibly, how the boy invented
the saw by imitating the spine of a fish. The boy also invented other
tools, he said, especially the compass, which we use for drawing curved
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK EIGHT
lines. The partridge, he added, still dreads falling from a high place. It
flies low and nests on the ground.
This account Ovid associated with the death of Icarus. In many
tales of Greek mythology, a human being who was transformed into some
kind of animal was supposed to have become the first animal of that
kind and the ancestor of all others. In a separate tale this rafsed the
question how a species could originate from a single individual. In a
succession of tales it also brought the danger of being inconsistent with
some previous event. Ovid usually avoided both difficulties by leaving
the reader in doubt whether the newly formed animal was the first of his
kind or merely another individual of an existing species. Callimachus
declared that Perdix was the first bird of his kind. Ovid incautiously
followed his example. We should imagine the newly created partridge
as living near Athens. Without regard for probability, Ovid declared
that he was on the distant island of Icaria. From a muddy furrow he
saw Daedalus burying the remains of his son, and he rejoiced at his
uncle's misfortune. Ovid described him as jubilantly beating his wings
and immediately afterwards as crowing. For a partridge this would not
be in character. Ovid may have been thinking of a pheasant.
Ovid then repeated the story as told by Callimachus, merely allud-
ing to the trial. Recalling the tale of Cycnus (Bk. 7), he said that, as
Perdix fell through the air, Athena transformed him into a bird. This
idea was not easily reconciled with the banishment of Daedalus to
Crete, but Ovid could assume that his Roman audience would not in-
quire too curiously. He added, not altogether happily, that Perdix
because of his quick wit was able to run and fly with extraordinary
rapidity.
Ovid was content with an obscure allusion to the death of Minos in
Sicily.
In later times the story of Icarus was known almost entirely from
Ovid and chiefly from the Metamorphoses. It attracted a number of
medieval and modern authors. The tale was recalled first by three poets
of Provence and then by the authors of the Flamenca and the Romance
of the Rose. Chaucer in the House of Fame spoke of the eagle as lifting
him higher than Icarus, who mounted until his wings dissolved and he
fell, much lamented, into the sea. According to Ariosto, the fleeing
Christians, like Icarus, longed vainly for wings, and incurred a similar
fate by drowning in the river Seine. Shakespeare in the Third Part of
Henry Sixth made a lengthy comparison of King Henry and his son
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? ICARUS AND PERDIX
to the unfortunate Daedalus and Icarus. Dante on the back of Geryon
felt even more terror than Icarus had felt when the wax melted and the
feathers dropped off. And Keats declared that Endymion, discovering
the Indian Princess beside him, felt consternation like that of Icarus
when the wax began to run.
Ancient poets had thought of the boy unfavorably, as rash to no
purpose. In the Malade Imdgmaire, Moliere followed their example. He
showed Pan warning the shepherds against endeavoring to compose
eulogies worthy of King Louis, for that would be to mount skyward on
waxen wings and fall into the depths of the sea. But modern poets usu-
ally were inclined to sympathize with Icarus, as one attempting a heroic
enterprise beyond mortal strength. In two famous love sonnets Luigi
Tansillo compared himself to the bold, immortal Icarus. In Shakes-
peare's Henry Sixth the elder Talbot, finding his son determined to
share his fate, replied,
Then follow thou thy desperate sire of Crete,
Thou Icarus. Thy life to me is sweet.
Goethe in a celebrated passage of Faust likened to Icarus the aspiring
Euphorion. Browning in The Ring and the Book showed Bottinius com-
paring his difficulty on the witness stand to that of Icarus in reaching
the sky.
The tale of Icarus appeared in paintings by Elsheimer, Vien,
Rubens, and Herbert Draper and in sculpture by Canova and Rodin.
Ovid's account of Perdix attracted much less attention. But Dante,
recording the words of the great Celestial Eagle, echoed Ovid's phrase
about a preliminary beating of wings.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK EIGHT
Meleagee and Atalanta
After leaving Daedalus, Ovid turned to Theseus and the joy of the
Athenians at his conquest of the Minotaur. The Manual had recorded
that in the years which followed this victory Theseus took part in many
heroic ventures, most of them unrelated to one another. To these events
as a whole Ovid referred by noting how the hero's fame spread through
Greece and caused many states to enlist him in their times of need. Ovid
decided to recount only two adventures. One was the Calydonian Boar
Hunt, the other the battle of Theseus and Pirithous against the Cen-
taurs. He told first of the boar hunt, and he implied that it was the
earlier of the two events, for he mentioned as one of the hunters the hero
Caeneus, who perished in battle with the Centaurs (Bk. 12). He noted
that both Theseus and Pirithous took part in the hunt and that already
they had begun their famous friendship.
The original cause of this boar hunt was one appearing often in
mythology of savage peoples. Its essential idea is as follows. A certain
king held a festival and in the course of it honored many deities. But he
neglected to honor one of them, and this deity sought revenge. In Greek
lore one famous instance occurred when Peleus invited the gods to his
wedding but overlooked Eris, goddess of discord. Another famous in-
stance occurred when Oeneus of Calydon neglected Diana. In this case
the goddess avenged herself by sending a monster in the form of a boar.
Like the sea monster in the tale of Andromeda (Bk. 4), it ravaged the
country and killed many people but finally was destroyed. Like the
Teumessian Vixen (Bk. 7), it required a difficult hunt, in which many
heroes took part. At first all the hunters were thought of as living within
a short distance of Calydon. Later they were said to have gathered
from all parts of Greece. The hunt was described as occurring a gen-
eration before the time of the Trojan War. It was thought of as taking
place a little later than the voyage of the Argo and as enlisting many of
the heroes who shared in that celebrated enterprise.
The general idea of the Calydonian Boar Hunt grew out of actual
experience with wild swine of Europe and southern Asia. Since prehis-
toric times, these animals have been common in wooded regions and
often have been destructive to crops. The boars have been favorite game
for hunting. Sometimes the hunters approach on horseback but more
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? MELEAGER AND ATALANTA
often on foot, and this appears to have been the usual method of ancient
times. Since by daylight the wild boar hides in some dense thicket or
reedy swamp, the hunters ordinarily send ahead dogs or men beating
the brush, to drive him into open ground. Ovid observed that the Caly-
donian hunters also spread nets to intercept him. As the animal leaves
the thicket, the hunters endeavor to encircle and kill him. Usually the
boar tries to run away. He moves very swiftly, and his tough hide and
bristles make him difficult to injure. But if the hunters wound or corner
him, the boar often charges them savagely. He is a heavy animal, fre-
quently weighing more than three hundred pounds, and his snout is
armed with sharp tusks, which sometimes are a foot in length. Striking
a hunter with great force at the height of the thigh or the lower abdo-
men, the boar can inflict formidable wounds. The ordinary boar is a
destructive, dangerous beast, as the ancients noted in their famous myth
of Adonis (Bk. 10). But the creature sent by Diana was regarded as
also preternaturally large and aggressive.
The Iliad told the story as follows. Oeneus, ruler of Calydon in
Aetolia, made offerings to many gods in return for a good harvest. But
he made no offering to Diana, either forgetting her or thinking her con-
tribution to the harvest unimportant. To punish him, Diana sent a
boar with white tusks. This creature appeared when the fruit trees
were in blossom and wrought havoc among the orchards, overthrowing
even tall trees. It also killed many men. Meleager, son of Oeneus,
gathered a company of hunters. He included both the Aetolians, who
were his own countrymen, and the neighboring Curetes, who were coun-
trymen of his mother, Althaea. With their aid he killed the boar.
In most tales of this kind the hostile deity allowed his revenge to
end with the death of the monster. But Diana, still hostile, involved the
Aetolians and Curetes in a controversy over spoils, that is, over the
boar's head and skin. It resulted in war between the two peoples. At
first, Meleager, leading the Aetolians, drove the Curetes within their
walls. But in the fighting he killed his uncle, a brother of Althaea. The
queen so resented the loss of her brother that she cursed her son, calling
on Hades and Proserpina to end his life, and she was heard by the Fury
in Erebus. Meleager then refused to fight and remained at home with his
wife, Cleopatra. The Curetes prevailed. In alarm many leaders of the
Aetolians besought Meleager's aid, offering a generous reward. Melea-
ger's sisters, his father, and also his mother added their entreaties. Still
Meleager refused. The Curetes attacked Calydon, mounting its walls
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK EIGHT
and threatening the palace with fire. Then Cleopatra pleaded with
Meleager to save his people. Meleager saved them but got no reward.
This tale the hero Phoenix told in order to persuade Achilles that he
ought to accept the reward offered by Agamemnon and bring timely aid
to the Greeks.
Stesichorus told of Meleager in his poem The Boar Hunt, but his
account is lost.
The Iliad in recording the story had spoken as if Meleager were
an only son of King Oeneus. Elsewhere it noted that, before the out-
break of the Trojan War, Oeneus and his sons, including the fair
haired Meleager, were dead. Presumably these other sons were born
after the time of the Boar Hunt. But later authors thought otherwise
and often spoke of them as having some part in the adventure with the
boar. In the tale of Meleager the Iliad had spoken as if there existed
only a single Fury. Later authors thought of more than one. Aeschylus
imagined the Furies as numerous enough to form the entire chorus of
his tragedy called Eumenides. Euripides limited the number to three,
and afterwards this was the usual view. The Manual gave their names
as Tisiphone, Allecto, and Megaera. These three often entered into
Alexandrian versions of the Boar Hunt.
According to the Iliad, the Fury seems to have responded to
Althaea's curse and in some way to have caused the death of her son.
The Catalogues stated explicitly that Apollo killed Meleager with
arrows, as he fought for his country against the Curetes. It added that
one of Meleager's sisters was Deianira, who married Hercules. The
Manual, repeating the story of Meleager, agreed in most particulars
with the Iliad and the Catalogues. But it said that Meleager killed more
than one uncle, and it did not mention Apollo. This version of the tale
Ovid followed in his Epistle of Briseis to Achilles.
With the close of the sixth century B. C. the story took also a dif-
ferent form. Savage peoples often have thought it possible for a man's
soul to live permanently apart from his body and to inhabit some ani-
mal, plant, or inanimate object. While the residence of the soul is
intact, the man is immune to injury or death. But, if it were injured,
the man would suffer corresponding injury, and, if it were destroyed, he
would die*. In Australia the idea was common until recent years, and
in Rhodesia it still is current. It affected the ancient Greek tale of
? This belief was allied to the idea of a man's soul residing in his hair, which
occurred in the early Greek versions of Ovid's tale entitled King Minos and Scylla.
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? MELEAGER AND ATALANTA
Meleager. The hero's soul resided in a certain piece of fire wood, and,
while this wood remained safe, he was immune to injury.
In German and Scandinavian folklore we find occasionally that a
man's soul entered a lighted candle or some other object which was
burning. The fire had to be quenched in order to save his life. This idea
appeared in the Greek tale of Meleager. The hero's soul entered a
piece of wood which was burning in the fire. His mother put out the
flame and hid the brand in a safe place.
Apparently no one else, not even
Meleager himself, was aware of its importance. Carefully guarding her
secret, Althaea allowed her son to grow up and win power and fame.
But, when she heard that Meleager had killed his uncle, she burned the
fatal brand. Meleager, fighting the Curetes under the walls of Pleuron,
died with the destruction of the wood. This tale Phrynichus introduced
in his tragedy called Women of Pleuron.
Bacchylides repeated the story, adding further circumstances.
Oeneus realized his mistake, he said, and vainly tried to appease Diana
by offering many goats and oxen. When the hunters encountered the
boar, the monster fought with them for six days and killed Meleager's
brothers, Ancaeus and Agelaus. During the subsequent war, Meleager
killed two uncles. Although he did this unwittingly in a confused melee,
Althaea made no allowance for extenuating circumstances. As Meleager
vanquished a certain Clymenus, he felt life ebbing away and wept at his
untimely death. Later authors altered several of these details. They
said nothing of an attempt to appease Diana. They indicated that
Meleager's brothers took no part in the hunt and that the conflict with
the monster was much briefer. But they spoke of the boar's killing
Ancaeus, a hunter from Arcadia.
Aeschylus in his Choephorae alluded to the burning of the fatal
brand, observing that Meleager's soul had entered it immediately after
his birth. Afterwards most authors accepted this idea, but the author
of the Manual spoke of the event as occurring, more plausibly, when
Meleager was seven days old. Sophocles told of the boar hunt in his
tragedy called Meleager, but his account is lost. Nicander gave a more
precise narrative of the quarrel over spoils. Meleager, he said, claimed
both head and skin. His uncles claimed the skin for the Curetes. In the
sequel Nicander combined some ideas from the Iliad with others from
Phrynichus. When Meleager killed his uncles, Althaea was content at
first with cursing him, and Meleager refused to fight. But when the
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK EIGHT
Curetes threatened Calydon, he attacked them again, and Althaea
burned the brand. All Meleager's brothers fell in battle.
Euripides in his tragedy Meleager brought in a new idea. The
prehistoric Greeks had worshipped a divine huntress not only under the
name of Diana but also under the name of Atalanta. In time they dis-
tinguished between the two and regarded Diana as a goddess and
Atalanta as a mortal. Like the nymph Callisto (Bk. 2), she was asso-
ciated with Diana's sacred animal, for she was reported to have been
nursed by a she bear, and, like Callisto, she grew up a virgin huntress
attending Diana. Atalanta was localized either in Arcadia or in Boeo-
tia. Most Greek authors thought of her as inhabiting the Arcadian
village of Tegea near Mt. Maenalus. Euripides imagined her as coming
from there to join the Calydonian hunt and as having an important part
in the fate of Meleager.
The hero, he said, was dissatisfied with Cleopatra. Falling in love
with Atalanta, he confided to his mother that he desired to marry her
and obtain fine children. Althaea opposed the plan and protested not
only to Meleager but also to Atalanta. The maiden assured Althaea
that she wished to remain a virgin huntress but added that her mode of
life should qualify one to bear fine children. Meleager's uncles learned of
his fondness for Atalanta, and they too opposed it. Before telling of the
hunt, Euripides included a brief list of the assembled heroes. Atalanta,
he said, was the first to wound the boar, and Meleager killed it.
Euripides gave a new account of the quarrel. The other hunters
had no objection to Meleager's taking the spoils, and they freely
awarded them to him. But they objected to his showing fondness for
Atalanta. When Meleager presented the spoils to her, his uncles took
them away. She appealed for redress to Meleager. Euripides gave a
new account of the death of the uncles. Meleager did not kill them un-
wittingly in a subsequent war but knowingly in the quarrel over spoils.
While he was returning to Calydon, Althaea learned their fate. She
debated with herself the contrary claims of her brothers and her son.
Deciding in favor of the brothers, she threw the brand in the fire. Too
late she repented and offered her dying son the compensation of honors
after death. Meleager declined them. Although Althaea longed to kill
herself, she lacked the courage to do it. Accius afterwards made an
adaptation of Euripides for the Roman stage. Of his work there re-
mains only a part of Althaea's soliloquy.
In the Phoenissae Euripides spoke of Atalanta as herself killing
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? MELEAGER AND ATALANTA
the boar with arrows, an idea not mentioned elsewhere. He added that
after the hunt she returned to Arcadia and still was living there when
her son, Parthenopaeus, joined the expedition of the Seven against
Thebes. Callimachus referred to the boar hunters as finding no fault
with Atalanta's ability as a huntress. He noted that Atalanta took the
boar's head back to Tegea and that it still was there in his own time.
Pausanias observed that it remained in Tegea until it was carried to
Rome in the reign of Augustus.
The Manual, recording the tale of Meleager, gave both an older
version resembling that of the Iliad and a newer version resembling that
of Euripides. In the latter it introduced a number of important changes.
Meleager was thought by some to have been a child of Mars. Soon after
his birth the three Fates visited Althaea and informed her that her son
was destined to be famous and brave and to perish with a brand which
was consuming in the fire.
The Manual introduced a new account of the havoc wrought by the
monster. The boar prevented grain from being sown and destroyed
both domestic animals and human beings. The list of hunters became
very long and included not only the name of each hero but also his
parentage and native district. Four uncles of Meleager were mentioned
as taking part. After naming Atalanta, the Manual observed that some
called her the daughter of Schoeneus*. Before the heroes set out on
their dangerous quest, King Oeneus entertained them nine days.
Although the Manual spoke of Meleager's love for Atalanta, it
said nothing of opposition by his mother and uncles and gave a different
cause for the tragedy. Some of the hunters were displeased at the idea
of Atalanta's sharing in a venture which they thought suitable only for
men. Before commencing the hunt, two heroes, Cepheus and Ancaeus,
protested vigorously. They were natives of Tegea, fellow townsmen of
Atalanta. Both Apollonius and the Manual had mentioned Ancaeus as
taking a rather prominent part in the voyage of the Argo. For the time,
Meleager overcame their opposition. In recording the hunt the Manual
seems to have amplified the account of Euripides. Two hunters, Hyleus
and Ancaeus, fell victims to the fury of the beast. A third named Eury-
tion was killed accidentally by Peleus. The arrow of Atalanta struck
in the monster's back, that of Amphiariaus pierced an eye, and Meleager
drove a spear through the creature's flank into a vital spot. When
*The complete list of hunters is lost. A brief selection from it survives in the
work of Apollodorus and a longer selection in that of Hyginus.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK EIGHT
Meleager gave the spoils to Atalanta, the smoldering jealousy of the
other hunters broke out anew. Leading the opposition, the uncles de-
clared that, if Meleager did not want the spoils for himself, their claim
stood next in order of merit. After the death of Meleager, both Atalanta
and Cleopatra hanged themselves.
Sophocles had noted that Meleager's sisters mourned his death until
two of them became guinea fowl, which were known from this event by
the name of Meleagrides. The Manual alluded vaguely to their trans-
formation. Nicander gave a precise account. These two sisters, he
observed, were named Eurymede and Melanippe. Diana transformed
the girls by striking them with a wand and then transported them to a
distant island of Leros, near the shores of Caria. In this new home they
continued to mourn annually for the death of Meleager. Diana had in-
tended to metamorphose two other sisters, Deianira and Gorge, but
refrained at the wish of Bacchus.
The tale of Meleager interested many Greek painters and sculp-
tors. Some of them delighted in picturing the hero, often with an allu-
sion to the monster boar. Others presented the hunt itself. Scopas
carved the subject on a pediment of Athena's temple at Tegea. Many
sculptors used the theme to adorn Greek and Roman sarcophagi. Still
other artists showed Meleager disputing with his uncles or Althaea
burning the brand, and in portraying either subject they often repre-
sented the three Furies attending. A Neapolitan vase pictured the dying
Meleager surrounded by his family.
The older poets of Rome made few allusions to the story. Vergil in
his Aeneid showed Juno reminding herself that Diana was able to obtain
vengeance on the people of Calydon. Propertius declared that in the
Roman domain a mother never kindles fire to destroy her absent son.
Ovid recalled the tale on many occasions. In his Epistles of Acon-
tius and Cydippe he mentioned the neglect of Diana and spoke of the
goddess as causing ferocity not only in the boar but also in Althaea. In
the Epistle of Phaedra he spoke of Meleager's yielding to the charms of
Atalanta. In his Ibis he alluded to Meleager's death by the fatal brand.
In the Metamorphoses Ovid retold the whole story. Beginning with
the harvest festival of Oeneus, he used freely both the Iliad and the
Manual. Ovid implied that Oeneus did not err through mere forgetful-
ness ; and, by indicating the care with which other deities were honored,
he emphasized the neglect of Diana. In describing the monster, Ovid
may have followed suggestions of Euripides, but he added striking
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? MELEAGER AND ATALANTA
details of his own. The boar, he said, was as large as the biggest bull of
Epirus, a region mentioned first by Aristotle for the remarkable size
of its cattle. The monster had red, fiery eyes and a high, unbending
neck. Its bristles stood out like spear shafts. The tusks were as long as
those of an Indian elephant. Foam drifted back from the jaws and
flecked its broad shoulders, and its hot breath shrivelled the leaves. *
In describing the devastation, Ovid recalled both the Iliad and the
Manual but chose details of his own. The boar wrought havoc from
early spring until the end of summer. It trampled both sprouting and
ripe grain, overthrew the loaded grape vines, and ruined the fruitful
olive trees. Neither dogs nor shepherd could protect the sheep, and fierce
bulls could not protect the cattle. The terrified people left their homes
and took refuge in the city.
Following the Manual, Ovid gave a list of hunters, sometimes re-
cording them by name and at other times designating them only by
their country or family connection. He did not repeat the whole list
given in the Manual but selected enough names to indicate a large, illus-
trious company. Ovid prudently spoke of only two uncles, Toxeus and
Plexippus, as engaging in the hunt. The name Toxeus had been given
sometimes to a brother of Meleager, but Ovid seems to have been alone
in giving it to an uncle. Twenty-four other heroes Ovid took from the
Manual. t Prominent among them were Jason, Ancaeus, and the twin
sons of Leda, Castor and Pollux. These two Ovid spoke of later as
riding white horses. The idea was suggested by a familiar representa-
tion of them on Roman coins, but it was made unlikely by the circum-
stances of the hunt. Probably Ovid took also from the Manual the names
of nine other hunters, including the youthful Nestor, but we find them
only in Ovid's account.
Ovid's predecessors merely included the name and parentage of
Atalanta at some convenient point in their catalogue of hunters. Ovid
saw a chance to do better. Vergil, enumerating the Italian leaders op-
posed to Aeneas, had reserved for his emphatic final position the war-
*Ovid seems to have imagined the creature as breathing fire. The idea of fire-
breathing animals occurred often in Greek lore. It appeared regularly in the tale of
Jason taming the Colchian bulls (cf. Bk. 7), and some authors included it in three
labors of Hercules: the conquests of Diomed's horses, the Cerynitian hind, and the
Cretan Bull (cf. Bk. 9). Lucretius attributed fiery breath to the horses, Quintus
Smyrnaeus attributed it to the hind and the bull.
t Fifteen names agree with those listed both by Apollodorus and by Hyginus.
Three others, including the seer Amphiaratis, agree only with the list of Apollodorus.
Seven names, including Iolaiis and the uncle Plexippus, agree only with the list of
Hyginus.
191
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK EIGHT
rior maiden Camilla and had added a brilliant description of her beauty
and her effect on the spectators. Vergil set her apart and gave her
special distinction. Ovid followed Vergil's example. But, since he was
going to speak later of Atalanta as unpopular with many of the hunt-
ers, he told only of her effect on Meleager.
He spoke of Atalanta as native to Tegea in southern Arcadia,
although afterwards he inconsistently mentioned her as coming from
the north Arcadian village of Nonacris. In describing her appearance
he seems to have remembered the huntress Diana of Alexandrian sculp-
ture. He noted that Atalanta's face was maidenly for a boy and boyish
for a maiden. Ovid indicated that she was a daughter of the Arcadian
Iasus. Evidently he desired his readers to think of her as different from
Atalanta, daughter of the Boeotian Schoeneus, whom he was to speak
of later as marrying Hippomenes (Bk. 10).
Wishing the reader to sympathize with Meleager, Ovid avoided
until late in the tale any mention of his wife. The hero, he said, loved
Atalanta at once but modestly concealed his passion from her. By
observing that some god was unfavorable, Ovid suggested a tragic out-
come. He did not make it clear what was to be the cause. Euripides
had supposed that Meleager's relatives were opposed to Atalanta as the
hero's prospective wife. Ovid seemed at first to reject this opinion. He
implied that Meleager concealed his love for Atalanta from his mother
and his uncles, indicating -- to make the idea plausible -- a briefer in-
terval of preparation than the nine days recorded by the Manual. But
later, during the quarrel, he recalled Euripides and showed the uncles
alluding in a derogatory manner to the hero's love affair.
