The news arrived at
the time of a biennial festival in honor of Bacchus, a period when Thra-
cian women were expected to leave their husbands and perform secret
rites in the forest (cf.
the time of a biennial festival in honor of Bacchus, a period when Thra-
cian women were expected to leave their husbands and perform secret
rites in the forest (cf.
Ovid - 1934 - Metamorphoses in European Culture - v2
In the Ibis, Ovid himself named Marsyas and re-
called a few of the circumstances. Lucan, remembering both Ovid and
the historians, declared that Marsyas was defeated and was mourned
at Celaenae. Lewis Morris retold the entire story, in idealized form. In
his version Marsyas was a young poet who did not attain perfection in
his art yet died gladly after hearing the supreme achievement of Apollo.
Regarding the nature of his death, Morris spoke vaguely of cruel stripes.
Ovid had said nothing of the lyre and had spoken of Marsyas as
being defeated in a contest with the flute. Readers unacquainted with
Greek versions of the myth would imagine that both Apollo and Marsyas
were flute players. Statius appears to have been misled by the passage,
for he gave the same impression. Dante supposed that Apollo was an
unrivalled player on the flute. At the beginning of his Paradiso he prayed
Apollo to enter his breast and breathe music as wonderful as that which
brought destruction to Marsyas. Chaucer in the House of Fame not
only repeated this error but added another. Ovid, naming the satyr only
once, had used an unfamiliar Greek accusative, Marsya. Dante had
given the Italian form, which happened to be essentially the same. And
so Chaucer declared that Apollo had vanquished a certain presumptuous
woman called Marcia!
Ovid had spoken of the satyr's entire body as becoming a single
wound. This description often was remembered. In the Ibis Ovid re-
ferred to Marsyas and used it again. He associated it with the dying
Hippolytus (Bk. 15), and in a final Pontic Epistle he declared that it
was true of himself. Lucan observed that, when Tullus fell victim to a
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? MARSYAS
serpent called the haemorrhosis, he bled at every pore and his whole
body became a wound. Tasso in his Aminta applied the description
metaphorically to a satyr, and in the Jerusalem Delivered he applied it
literally to the brave Svenn, who fell overwhelmed by the swords of
countless Moslems.
Ovid's final incident, the lament for the satyr and the transforma-
tion, attracted still other poets. Matthew Arnold, retelling the story in
his drama Empedocles, followed chiefly Greek versions; but Ovid sug-
gested his beautiful account of the grief experienced by young Olympus.
And Camoens told how nymphs, mourning for lovely Inez, created a
river of tears which still courses through her gardens and bears the name
Amouro.
Painters of the Renaissance and later times took great interest in
Ovid's myth. Following his suggestion, they pictured Marsyas as a satyr
and were inclined to give him a half animal form -- with hoofs, shaggy
legs, and strangely brute-like expression. Both Rubens and Jordaens
depicted Marsyas playing the flute. Perugino and Correggio showed the
contest, and Raphael treated it in an unfinished design. Other painters
dealt with the vengeance of Apollo. The ancients had thought of Mar-
syas as bound to a tree, but in the Metamorphoses Ovid had not men-
tioned the circumstance. Modern painters did not indicate it, and fre-
quently they pictured the satyr as lying on the ground, fastened to
stakes. Like Ovid, they showed the progress of the torture, with ap-
palling realism. This theme attracted Biliverti, Domenichino, Guido
Reni, Barbiere, and Ribera. The myth was treated also by Giordano,
Langhetti, and Guercino. But the only great painting is that of Claude
Lorrain.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK SIX
Pelops
After hearing the fate of the Lycians and of Marsyas, Ovid tells
us, the Thebans continued mourning the death of King Amphion and
his children. The people had no sympathy for Niobe, whom they re-
garded as entirely to blame. Yet there was present one person who still
wept for her, and this was Niobe's illustrious brother Pelops.
The Iliad had mentioned him as a king of the Greeks and ancestor
of Agamemnon. Many subsequent authors declared him to be a son of
Tantalus and made him the theme of numerous tales.
Some related that Tantalus conceived the idea of insulting the gods
by inviting them to a banquet and serving human flesh. For this purpose
he secretly killed his own child, Pelops, and boiled his flesh. Most of the
gods discovered the nature of the banquet and refused it. But Ceres,
inadvertent because of her grief at the loss of Proserpina (cf. Bk. 5),
ate the flesh of the left shoulder. Indignant at the fiendish trick, the
gods condemned Tantalus to torture in Hades and restored the life of
Pelops, replacing the lost shoulder with a new one made of ivory. Pindar
denied this tale; but the Manual and others accepted it, and Vergil de-
clared in the Georgics that it had become familiar to everyone.
Pindar and Sophocles recorded that, when Pelops became a man,
he departed from his native Lydia to Pisa in Elis. This idea won gen-
eral acceptance, and various reasons were given for his leaving Asia.
Pindar and many others agreed that he went to Pisa as a suitor of the
princess Hippodamia. Although a number of youths had courted her,
all had failed, because her father had required them to engage with him
in a chariot race and had defeated them and put them to death. Pelops
won the race, and the father himself was destroyed. The victor then be-
came ruler not only of Pisa but also of all southern Greece, which took
from him the name Peloponnesus. Both Pindar and the Manual told the
tale at some length, and Vergil mentioned it as universally known.
Ovid assumed that his readers were familiar with Pelops as a ruler
of southern Greece. If Pelops was son of Tantalus, he must be brother
of Niobe. It might be reasonable to imagine him at the time of her de-
struction as still ruling south of the Isthmus of Corinth, and it would
be natural for him to visit Thebes and lament for Niobe's untimely death.
Ovid stated that he did this and that in the course of his grief he drew
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? PELOPS
aside the clothing to beat his breast and revealed the famous ivory
shoulder. Ovid had told already of Lycaon's offering Jupiter human
flesh, so he did not repeat the similar myth of Tantalus. And he was
careful to avoid associating the contemporary Pelops with the ancient
quest of Proserpina. But he reminded his readers briefly of the prin-
cipal circumstances. Later he again mentioned the eating of Pelops in
his Ibis.
Up to the end of the account of Pelops, Ovid pursued a theme be-
gun in his Fifth Book and recorded examples of mortals punished for
their impiety to the gods. Pelops himself had not shown impiety, but his
ivory shoulder would remind Ovid's readers of the malefactor Tantalus
and the famous punishment in Hades (cf. Athamas, Bk. 4). With this
tale Ovid ended the series. In the story which followed he turned to the
mythical history of Athens.
The medieval French poet, Chretien de Troyes, elaborated Ovid's
account of Pelops in a narrative called Death of the Shoulder. Marlowe
spoke of the white shoulder of Pelops as rivalled by the whiteness of
Leander's neck.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK SIX
Tekeus and Philomela
After the transformation of Daphne (Bk. 1) Ovid had imagined
that many river deities assembled to condole with Daphne's father, but
the river Inachus was absent. Ovid had explained his absence by the
story of Io. After the death of King Amphion and his family, Ovid
imagined that a number of cities despatched envoys to condole with
Pelops. Ovid recorded the names of eleven cities, often enlivening the
catalogue by a descriptive epithet or an allusion to a well known mytho-
logical event. Most of them were located in the Peloponnesus; a few
were situated north of the Isthmus of Corinth, among them Calydon,
later famed for the Calydonian boar (Bk. 8). Athens was not repre-
sented. Ovid explained the absence of her envoys by peril of imminent
war. Athens was relieved only by aid of Tereus, king of Thrace. By
this means Ovid passed to the famous myth of Tereus and Philomela.
In several parts of the world men have tried to account for what
they regarded as the melancholy notes of some bird. In Africa they ex-
plained the notes of the honeyeater by a tradition that she was a mother
lamenting the death of her son. In Greece the nightingale was thought
to warble sadly among dense leaves. And, although only the male bird
sings, the nightingale too was thought to be a mother grief-stricken at
the loss of her offspring. Sophocles in his Electra and Vergil in the
Georgics described her as lamenting because she had lost her family of
nestling birds. But usually the Greeks offered a different explanation.
The nightingale seemed often to repeat the sounds "Ity, Ity. " Many
Greeks interpreted them as a boy's name and declared that she once had
been a human mother who lost her only son.
The tale had several versions. According to the earliest account,
Aedon (Nightingale) was daughter of King Pandareos of Crete, an ally
of Tantalus. She married Zethus, a prince of Thebes and brother of
King Amphion. That made her a sister-in-law of Niobe. Aedon had one
child, Itylus, but Niobe had many children and so acquired far more
honor and prestige. Aedon became so envious that she attempted to kill
Niobe's oldest child. By mistake she killed her own. In order to ban-
ish her intense grief, Jupiter changed Aedon into a nightingale, which
mourns but is immune to sorrow. To this version the Odyssey referred
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? TEREUS AND PHILOMELA
at considerable length. The story was recorded by Pherecydes and was
repeated by Euripides in his drama I no.
Other birds have attracted the attention of primitive men by red
markings on the plumage of their breasts, and these markings have been
thought to be stains of blood. In the Yukon valley this idea was associ-
ated with the martin, in Rumania with the bullfinch and with one variety
of swallow, and in Greece it was associated with a kind of swallow which
nested under roofs, twittering plaintively, and which was welcomed as
the harbinger of spring. Often the swallow's ruddy breast and the night-
ingale's mournful song were attributed to the same tragic events.
This version of the tale differed much from the first. Aedon now
had a sister named Chelidona (Swallow). Aedon married an artist named
Polytechnus, and their son had the briefer name of Itys. Husband and
wife lived together in harmony until they impiously declared themselves
happier than Jupiter and Juno. The divinities were displeased and in-
volved them in a quarrel. Polytechnus, impelled chiefly by spite, rav-
ished Chelidona. Then Aedon and Chelidona obtained a terrible revenge.
They secretly killed Itys and served him as food to his father. Jupiter,
anxious to prevent further atrocity, transformed all three into birds:
Aedon became a nightingale, Chelidona a swallow, and Polytechnus a
woodpecker. This account circulated orally until Alexandrian times and
then was recorded with some further details by Boeus.
A third version of the tale agreed on the whole with the second but
added a number of circumstances. It mentioned localities. Aedon and
Chelidona were natives of Ephesus. Polytechnus, after marrying Aedon,
departed with her across the bay to live in Colophon. After husband and
wife had quarreled, the third version added a number of circumstances
about the crime of Polytechnus. Aedon bade him fetch her a slave girl.
Proceeding to Ephesus, he pretended that his wife was anxious to have
her sister visit her and so persuaded Chelidona's father to let him take
her away. After ravishing Chelidona, he warned her on pain of death to
be silent. Then he required her to put on the dress of a slave girl and
presented her in mockery to his wife. Later Aedon, overhearing Cheli-
dona's lament, learned of the crime. The new version added further cir-
cumstances to the account of the transformations. After serving the
gruesome meal, the sisters fled to Ephesus and were metamorphosed
there. Polytechnus, following them, was transformed into a pelican.
This form of the tale attracted little notice, but it may have influenced
another version which became the most famous of all.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK SIX
The fourth version introduced many further changes. The two sis-
ters now were called Procne and Philomela and were daughters of the
Athenian king, Pandion. Procne married a Tracian king, Tereus, son
of Mars. Their child was Itys. In the new story the idea of impious
boasting disappeared, and nothing was said about a quarrel between
husband and wife. The tragedy was due wholly to violent lust of Tereus
for Philomela. For this cause he ravished her and the sisters planned
their terrible revenge. Procne became the nightingale. Philomela be-
came the swallow, which according to some authorities continues to re-
peat the name Tereu, Tereu in a voice of plaintive reproach.
Hesiod, alluding to the tale, observed that late in February Pan-
dion's daughter, the swallow, appears with her plaint at dawn. Sappho
spoke of the swallow as Philomela, Pandion's daughter. Aeschylus in his
Agamemnon likened Cassandra to the tawny nightingale lamenting Itys.
In the Suppliants he noted that Tereus became a hawk, which continu-
ally pursues the nightingale, -- an idea repeated much later by Hyginus.
In the Electra of Sophocles the heroine compared her grief to the sor-
row both of Niobe and of the bird always wailing for Itys. The same
twofold comparison was borrowed afterwards by Propertius.
Sophocles told the whole story in his Tereus, a tragedy which now
is lost. He recorded the tale as follows. Tereus married Procne and de-
parted with her to Thrace. At some time after the birth of Itys, Procne
asked her husband to bring Philomela there for a visit. Sailing to
Athens, he obtained Pandion's consent and brought Philomela to the
Thracian shores. But, yielding to sudden and violent lust, he conveyed
her to a residence in the country and ravished her. To prevent her
divulging the crime, he cut out her tongue. Then, arranging to have
Philomela's presence kept secret, he departed to his home and told
Procne that, when he arrived in Athens, Philomela was dead. Procne
supposed this to be true. But Philomela recorded her story by weaving
letters in a cloak, and sent it covertly to Procne.
The news arrived at
the time of a biennial festival in honor of Bacchus, a period when Thra-
cian women were expected to leave their husbands and perform secret
rites in the forest (cf. Pentheus, Bk. 3). Taking advantage of the occa-
sion, Procne brought Philomela secretly to the palace. They served
Tereus the horrible feast and fled to Daulia, a Tracian colony at the
foot of Mt. Parnassus. Too late Tereus discovered the crime. He pur-
sued and overtook the sisters, and they prayed for escape in the form
of the well known birds. Tradition had made Tereus a hawk. Sophocles
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? TEREUS AND PHILOMELA
declared that he was a hawk only in the earlier months of the year. In
the autumn, he said, Tereus became a fierce-looking, crested bird called
the hoopoe.
This drama of Sophocles won great success and influenced nearly
all later treatments of the theme. Accius adapted it for the Roman
stage and also borrowed for his Philoctetes a passage in which Tereus
plotted against the unsuspecting Philomela.
Subsequent authors rejected the idea that Tereus became a hawk.
They spoke of him as changing permanently to hoopoe. At first they
were content with more or less lengthy allusion to the myth. Euripides
mentioned it both in his Rhesus and in his Hercules Furens and Aristotle
alluded to the version of Sophocles in his treatise called Rhetoric. Aris-
tophanes too alluded in the Birds to the play of Sophocles and invented
a sequel. Going in quest of the hoopoe, two Athenian adventurers found
this bird arrayed as a caricature of the one described in the tragedy.
The hoopoe spoke of himself as reconciled with his wife, the nightingale,
and as living harmoniously with her, while both mourned for their lost
Itys. He summoned his wife in a beautiful song, which Euripides after-
wards echoed in a chorus of his tragedy Helen. * The nightingale replied
and later appeared and played an overture to the chorus of birds.
The Manual recounted the story briefly, agreeing in the main with
Sophocles, but it added that Tereus won the hand of Procne because he
helped Athens in a war against Thebes. The Manual said nothing of
Procne's asking that Tereus bring Philomela to Thrace and nothing of
her taking advantage of a Bacchic festival. f
Earlier Roman poets often alluded to the story. In general they
followed Sophocles and the Manual. Catullus, mourning the death of
his brother, compared himself to the Daulian bird mourning Itylus.
Vergil told in his Culex how the gnat found in Hades the ghosts of
Pandion's daughters lamenting Itys. In his Ciris Scylla claimed kinship
with the birds, because her aunt was Procne. In the Aeneid Dido thought
of punishing the desertion of Aeneas by serving to him the flesh of his
son. Horace observed in his Art of Poetry that a metamorphosis of
Procne was an event unsuitable for representation on the stage.
Vergil thought it incongruous, for the swallow to be Philomela
* This was the only recorded instance, where a Greek tragic poet imitated an
author of comedy.
t The tale of Philomela as recorded by Sophocles and the Manual may have af-
fected a similar myth of Harpalyce, which was told in Alexandrian times by Eupho-
Tion and was repeated by Parthenius.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK SIX
(Lover of Song). It was true, as Greek mythographers pointed out,
that Philomela lost her tongue and so might be able to utter nothing but
unmusical twitterings. Nevertheless Vergil felt that she ought to be-
come the nightingale, and frequently he indicated that she did. Procne,
mother of Itys, then became the swallow. In the Aetna Vergil noted that
Philomela sings in the wood, her sister lives under roofs, and Tereus fre-
quents lonely fields. In the Sixth Eclogue he spoke of Philomela as pre-
paring the feast for Tereus and then speeding on wings to the wilderness.
And in the Georgics he compared Orpheus to Philomela weeping on a
poplar branch by night and filling the region with her melancholy song.
Horace, following Vergil's example, described the swallow as lamenting
Itys, because she had taken a disastrous vengeance on the king.
Ovid shared the general interest in the tale of Philomela. At first
he used the Greek version. In his Amores and his Epistle of Sappho,
Procne still became the nightingale. But later Ovid usually followed
Vergil. In the Art of Love, the Fasti, and the Tristia he indicated
clearly that Procne, wife of Tereus, became the swallow.
In the Metamorphoses Ovid took suggestions both from Sophocles
and from the Manual but added much of his own invention.
With the Manual Ovid agreed that Tereus relieved Athens from the
dangers of war. But he thought it unlikely that her enemy should be the
Thebans, who were now mourning the loss of their royal family, and he
imagined instead a barbarian host from across the sea. He agreed with
the Manual that aid afforded by Tereus occasioned Pandion's giving him
his daughter in marriage, but he added that Tereus had the further ad-
vantages of prominence, wealth, and descent from Mars.
The marriage was to end in disaster. Ovid imagined that it was at-
tended by portents of evil. At the wedding of Orpheus and Eurydice
(Bk. 10), he was to note the ominous circumstance that Hymen ap-
peared with no hallowed words and with a smoky torch. The marriage
of Tereus and Procne was to be even more unhappy and would require
still worse omens. In the Culex, Vergil, referring to the ill-starred wed-
ding of the Danaids, had observed that the Fury, Erinys, presided in-
stead of Hymen. In the Heroides Ovid carried the idea still further. He
spoke of weddings at which all the deities who usually attended a mar-
riage were absent and hostile deities appeared instead. This, he declared,
was true at the wedding of Tereus and Procne. Juno, Hymen, and the
Graces were absent; Furies attended with funeral torches. Before the
suicide of Dido, Vergil had observed that a screech owl sat on her roof
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? TEREUS AND PHILOMELA
and uttered long, wailing cries. Ovid imagined a similar portent of ill,
both at the wedding and at the birth of the child Itys. The ominous cry
of the screech owl, Ovid mentioned again in the tale of Julius Caesar
(Bk. 15).
These many supernatural warnings Ovid introduced with good
effect. But he might well have strengthened them with other warnings of
a more natural sort. The tragedy was to be caused by violent lust of
Tereus, and in Ovid's opinion this fatal passion did not appear unac-
countably or only on one occasion, but was characteristic of Tereus and
even of Thracians in general. Ovid mentioned these ideas later. But he
might well have done so at the time of the wedding. This would have
heightened the sense of future ill. And it would have had another desir-
able result. To the unprejudiced reader Ovid at first gave a favorable
impression of Tereus. The Thracian had saved Athens from barbarians.
He rejoiced as a good husband should, in his marriage and the birth of
his child. After these events he lived quietly with Procne for five years,
and then at her wish he promptly undertook a voyage in quest of her
sister. But to give a favorable impression was contrary to Ovid's usual
practice in the case of his villains, and it does not appear to have been
his intention in that of Tereus. Later he suggested by many details that
Tereus was detestable and, if possible, worthy of his fate. If at the time
of the wedding Ovid had suggested his real character, that would have
given the whole story a stronger and more consistent effect.
The many ill omens were overlooked, Ovid continued, and all went
well until the boy Itys had reached the age of five. Sophocles had shown
Procne persuading Tereus to revisit Athens and bring Philomela for a
sojourn in Thrace. Ovid repeated the incident, and he implied that
Tereus undertook the journey at once. In an age of uncharted seas and
of much lawlessness and war, such a voyage was attended with difficulty
and peril, as Ovid was soon to imply. The conduct of Tereus might seem
remarkably obliging.
Ovid appears to have invented the circumstances under which
Tereus became infatuated with Philomela. Arriving in Athens, he said,
the Thracian was on the point of telling Pandion the cause of his visit,
when Philomela appeared -- rich in attire, still richer in beauty. Ovid
added, not very helpfully, that she resembled a naiad or a dryad--if such
beings could be given civilized refinement and dress. Philomela's coming
interrupted the parley and gave Tereus leisure to observe her. Ovid im-
plied that he never had seen her, which would seem improbable. Ovid
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK SIX
appears to have imagined that six years earlier she was only a child and
attracted no attention.
At once, Ovid tells us, Tereus was seized with a violent passion.
Ovid likened it to fire in a field of ripe grain, a comparison which he had
used in his Epistle of Sappho. He likened it also to fire in dry leaves, or
fire in a stack of hay. Sophocles appears to have dwelt on the idea of
lust. Ovid followed his example. Philomela's beauty, he said, might have
occasioned this. But such passion was characteristic of Tereus and of
Thracians in general. Tereus thought of seducing Philomela by gifts to
her attendants and to herself or of abducting her forcibly and incurring
the risk of war. He found it prudent, however, to begin by telling Pan-
dion the request of Procne. All this, Ovid supposed to have passed
through the mind of Tereus before he resumed the conversation with
Pandion. But he allowed the reader to become confused regarding both
time and place.
Evidently Ovid imagined Tereus as an artful pleader, who could
summon both eloquence and tears, when the occasion demanded them.
And on this occasion his zeal gained him credit for being an affectionate
husband. Pandion was reluctant. Such a journey was perilous, espe-
cially so in the case of a young and beautiful princess; and Philomela
was his favorite child, the solace of his old age. But Philomela herself
pleaded with him to consent -- for the sake of her happiness. Indicating
the sad irony of this, Ovid observed that her affectionate pleas in-
creased the lawless fury of Tereus. Pandion yielded, and Philomela re-
joiced at what she regarded as good fortune for her sister and herself.
Ovid indicated briefly the evening banquet, the night, and the wake-
ful lust of Tereus. The next morning had been appointed for the voyage.
Ovid showed Pandion reminding Tereus that he yielded only to the re-
quest of both daughters and a loved son-in-law, charging him solemnly
to watch over Philomela with a father's care, and urging him to return
with her as soon as possible. Pandion then required Tereus and Philo-
mela to promise that they would heed his wishes. And he sent greetings
to Procne and the little Itys. Ovid added that Pandion felt a presenti-
ment of evil, as the ship departed. The barbarous Tereus rejoiced to see
Philomela cut off from all escape and kept her always in view, gloating
as an eagle might gloat over the hare which he has dropped into his eyrie.
Ovid then returned to the story as told by Sophocles and the
Manual. Both authorities indicated that Tereus conveyed Philomela
secretly to a residence in the country. Ovid said that, after landing at
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? TEREUS AND PHILOMELA
the Thracian port, Tereus proceeded at once to a lonely habitation in
the forest; and, to suggest the brutal eagerness of the Thracian, he added
that Tereus dragged Philomela thither. The building, Ovid tells us later,
had walls of stone. It seems to have been a place well known to Tereus
and perhaps even to Procne. And it was situated within a few miles of
their palace, for the distance could be traversed easily on foot. Evi-
dently there were quarters near by for guards and at least one attendant;
but ordinarily the habitation itself was vacant and gave an ominous im-
pression of solitude. Ovid may have thought of it as a hunting lodge for
the Thracian king. Hither Tereus brought Philomela, terrified and in-
quiring anxiously for her sister.
Sophocles and the Manual had indicated a few of . . the incidents
which followed, and Sophocles may have recorded them in some detail.
Ovid gave vividness to the repulsive event. Barring the door, he said,
Tereus announced his purpose and ravished the unprotected Philomela,
while she called for help to her absent father and sister and to the all-
seeing gods. For a time she remained panic-stricken, as a lamb torn by
the teeth of a wolf or a dove bloody from claws of some bird of prey.
Then, grown desperate, she denounced his treachery and crime. She
would proclaim his guilt, either to men or to the forest and the gods.
Both angered and frightened, Tereus bound her arms and drew his
sword. Believing that she was to die, Philomela rejoiced and offered her-
self for the thrust. But Tereus forcibly drew out her tongue and cut it
off with the sword.
In the case of Emathion (Bk. 5) Ovid had observed that, after his
head was cut off, the tongue still uttered curses. In the case of Philo-
mela, even the tongue by itself gave evidence of conscious life. Vergil
had told in the Aeneid how the severed right hand of Garides sought its
master and the dying fingers twitched and clung to the sword. Similar,
but even more pathetic, was the behavior of Philomela's severed tongue.
It trembled on the dark earth, murmured, twitched convulsively, and
with a dying effort sought the feet of its mistress. Ovid added also the
unfortunate suggestion that in moving it writhed like the severed tail of
a snake.
Even after this atrocity, Ovid continued, Tereus did not spare
Philomela; but, if we may credit report, he violated her again and again.
Ovid implied that he did so on the same occasion, and he may have been
willing by this means to heighten the reader's detestation of Tereus.
But later he implied the following sequence of events. Believing that
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK SIX
Philomela was unable to reveal the crime, Tereus arranged to have her
kept a prisoner in the lodge and then departed to his palace. After-
wards, however, he returned from time to time and repeatedly outraged
his helpless victim.
Following Sophocles and the Manual, Ovid declared that Philo-
mela wove her story in a cloak. But he recorded the facts ambiguously,
so that a reader unacquainted with the Greek versions would be uncer-
tain whether she told the tale in woven letters or in pictures. Without
letting her attendant know about the message, she persuaded her by
signs to bear the cloak as a gift to Procne. Presumably the attendant
could not read. After learning her sister's fate, the Thracian queen was
speechless with; grief and rage. Ovid noted that she forgot all scruples
in her eagerness for revenge.
According to Sophocles, the news arrived at the time of a Bacchic
festival, and Procne took advantage of the occasion in order to recover
her sister.
called a few of the circumstances. Lucan, remembering both Ovid and
the historians, declared that Marsyas was defeated and was mourned
at Celaenae. Lewis Morris retold the entire story, in idealized form. In
his version Marsyas was a young poet who did not attain perfection in
his art yet died gladly after hearing the supreme achievement of Apollo.
Regarding the nature of his death, Morris spoke vaguely of cruel stripes.
Ovid had said nothing of the lyre and had spoken of Marsyas as
being defeated in a contest with the flute. Readers unacquainted with
Greek versions of the myth would imagine that both Apollo and Marsyas
were flute players. Statius appears to have been misled by the passage,
for he gave the same impression. Dante supposed that Apollo was an
unrivalled player on the flute. At the beginning of his Paradiso he prayed
Apollo to enter his breast and breathe music as wonderful as that which
brought destruction to Marsyas. Chaucer in the House of Fame not
only repeated this error but added another. Ovid, naming the satyr only
once, had used an unfamiliar Greek accusative, Marsya. Dante had
given the Italian form, which happened to be essentially the same. And
so Chaucer declared that Apollo had vanquished a certain presumptuous
woman called Marcia!
Ovid had spoken of the satyr's entire body as becoming a single
wound. This description often was remembered. In the Ibis Ovid re-
ferred to Marsyas and used it again. He associated it with the dying
Hippolytus (Bk. 15), and in a final Pontic Epistle he declared that it
was true of himself. Lucan observed that, when Tullus fell victim to a
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? MARSYAS
serpent called the haemorrhosis, he bled at every pore and his whole
body became a wound. Tasso in his Aminta applied the description
metaphorically to a satyr, and in the Jerusalem Delivered he applied it
literally to the brave Svenn, who fell overwhelmed by the swords of
countless Moslems.
Ovid's final incident, the lament for the satyr and the transforma-
tion, attracted still other poets. Matthew Arnold, retelling the story in
his drama Empedocles, followed chiefly Greek versions; but Ovid sug-
gested his beautiful account of the grief experienced by young Olympus.
And Camoens told how nymphs, mourning for lovely Inez, created a
river of tears which still courses through her gardens and bears the name
Amouro.
Painters of the Renaissance and later times took great interest in
Ovid's myth. Following his suggestion, they pictured Marsyas as a satyr
and were inclined to give him a half animal form -- with hoofs, shaggy
legs, and strangely brute-like expression. Both Rubens and Jordaens
depicted Marsyas playing the flute. Perugino and Correggio showed the
contest, and Raphael treated it in an unfinished design. Other painters
dealt with the vengeance of Apollo. The ancients had thought of Mar-
syas as bound to a tree, but in the Metamorphoses Ovid had not men-
tioned the circumstance. Modern painters did not indicate it, and fre-
quently they pictured the satyr as lying on the ground, fastened to
stakes. Like Ovid, they showed the progress of the torture, with ap-
palling realism. This theme attracted Biliverti, Domenichino, Guido
Reni, Barbiere, and Ribera. The myth was treated also by Giordano,
Langhetti, and Guercino. But the only great painting is that of Claude
Lorrain.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK SIX
Pelops
After hearing the fate of the Lycians and of Marsyas, Ovid tells
us, the Thebans continued mourning the death of King Amphion and
his children. The people had no sympathy for Niobe, whom they re-
garded as entirely to blame. Yet there was present one person who still
wept for her, and this was Niobe's illustrious brother Pelops.
The Iliad had mentioned him as a king of the Greeks and ancestor
of Agamemnon. Many subsequent authors declared him to be a son of
Tantalus and made him the theme of numerous tales.
Some related that Tantalus conceived the idea of insulting the gods
by inviting them to a banquet and serving human flesh. For this purpose
he secretly killed his own child, Pelops, and boiled his flesh. Most of the
gods discovered the nature of the banquet and refused it. But Ceres,
inadvertent because of her grief at the loss of Proserpina (cf. Bk. 5),
ate the flesh of the left shoulder. Indignant at the fiendish trick, the
gods condemned Tantalus to torture in Hades and restored the life of
Pelops, replacing the lost shoulder with a new one made of ivory. Pindar
denied this tale; but the Manual and others accepted it, and Vergil de-
clared in the Georgics that it had become familiar to everyone.
Pindar and Sophocles recorded that, when Pelops became a man,
he departed from his native Lydia to Pisa in Elis. This idea won gen-
eral acceptance, and various reasons were given for his leaving Asia.
Pindar and many others agreed that he went to Pisa as a suitor of the
princess Hippodamia. Although a number of youths had courted her,
all had failed, because her father had required them to engage with him
in a chariot race and had defeated them and put them to death. Pelops
won the race, and the father himself was destroyed. The victor then be-
came ruler not only of Pisa but also of all southern Greece, which took
from him the name Peloponnesus. Both Pindar and the Manual told the
tale at some length, and Vergil mentioned it as universally known.
Ovid assumed that his readers were familiar with Pelops as a ruler
of southern Greece. If Pelops was son of Tantalus, he must be brother
of Niobe. It might be reasonable to imagine him at the time of her de-
struction as still ruling south of the Isthmus of Corinth, and it would
be natural for him to visit Thebes and lament for Niobe's untimely death.
Ovid stated that he did this and that in the course of his grief he drew
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? PELOPS
aside the clothing to beat his breast and revealed the famous ivory
shoulder. Ovid had told already of Lycaon's offering Jupiter human
flesh, so he did not repeat the similar myth of Tantalus. And he was
careful to avoid associating the contemporary Pelops with the ancient
quest of Proserpina. But he reminded his readers briefly of the prin-
cipal circumstances. Later he again mentioned the eating of Pelops in
his Ibis.
Up to the end of the account of Pelops, Ovid pursued a theme be-
gun in his Fifth Book and recorded examples of mortals punished for
their impiety to the gods. Pelops himself had not shown impiety, but his
ivory shoulder would remind Ovid's readers of the malefactor Tantalus
and the famous punishment in Hades (cf. Athamas, Bk. 4). With this
tale Ovid ended the series. In the story which followed he turned to the
mythical history of Athens.
The medieval French poet, Chretien de Troyes, elaborated Ovid's
account of Pelops in a narrative called Death of the Shoulder. Marlowe
spoke of the white shoulder of Pelops as rivalled by the whiteness of
Leander's neck.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK SIX
Tekeus and Philomela
After the transformation of Daphne (Bk. 1) Ovid had imagined
that many river deities assembled to condole with Daphne's father, but
the river Inachus was absent. Ovid had explained his absence by the
story of Io. After the death of King Amphion and his family, Ovid
imagined that a number of cities despatched envoys to condole with
Pelops. Ovid recorded the names of eleven cities, often enlivening the
catalogue by a descriptive epithet or an allusion to a well known mytho-
logical event. Most of them were located in the Peloponnesus; a few
were situated north of the Isthmus of Corinth, among them Calydon,
later famed for the Calydonian boar (Bk. 8). Athens was not repre-
sented. Ovid explained the absence of her envoys by peril of imminent
war. Athens was relieved only by aid of Tereus, king of Thrace. By
this means Ovid passed to the famous myth of Tereus and Philomela.
In several parts of the world men have tried to account for what
they regarded as the melancholy notes of some bird. In Africa they ex-
plained the notes of the honeyeater by a tradition that she was a mother
lamenting the death of her son. In Greece the nightingale was thought
to warble sadly among dense leaves. And, although only the male bird
sings, the nightingale too was thought to be a mother grief-stricken at
the loss of her offspring. Sophocles in his Electra and Vergil in the
Georgics described her as lamenting because she had lost her family of
nestling birds. But usually the Greeks offered a different explanation.
The nightingale seemed often to repeat the sounds "Ity, Ity. " Many
Greeks interpreted them as a boy's name and declared that she once had
been a human mother who lost her only son.
The tale had several versions. According to the earliest account,
Aedon (Nightingale) was daughter of King Pandareos of Crete, an ally
of Tantalus. She married Zethus, a prince of Thebes and brother of
King Amphion. That made her a sister-in-law of Niobe. Aedon had one
child, Itylus, but Niobe had many children and so acquired far more
honor and prestige. Aedon became so envious that she attempted to kill
Niobe's oldest child. By mistake she killed her own. In order to ban-
ish her intense grief, Jupiter changed Aedon into a nightingale, which
mourns but is immune to sorrow. To this version the Odyssey referred
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? TEREUS AND PHILOMELA
at considerable length. The story was recorded by Pherecydes and was
repeated by Euripides in his drama I no.
Other birds have attracted the attention of primitive men by red
markings on the plumage of their breasts, and these markings have been
thought to be stains of blood. In the Yukon valley this idea was associ-
ated with the martin, in Rumania with the bullfinch and with one variety
of swallow, and in Greece it was associated with a kind of swallow which
nested under roofs, twittering plaintively, and which was welcomed as
the harbinger of spring. Often the swallow's ruddy breast and the night-
ingale's mournful song were attributed to the same tragic events.
This version of the tale differed much from the first. Aedon now
had a sister named Chelidona (Swallow). Aedon married an artist named
Polytechnus, and their son had the briefer name of Itys. Husband and
wife lived together in harmony until they impiously declared themselves
happier than Jupiter and Juno. The divinities were displeased and in-
volved them in a quarrel. Polytechnus, impelled chiefly by spite, rav-
ished Chelidona. Then Aedon and Chelidona obtained a terrible revenge.
They secretly killed Itys and served him as food to his father. Jupiter,
anxious to prevent further atrocity, transformed all three into birds:
Aedon became a nightingale, Chelidona a swallow, and Polytechnus a
woodpecker. This account circulated orally until Alexandrian times and
then was recorded with some further details by Boeus.
A third version of the tale agreed on the whole with the second but
added a number of circumstances. It mentioned localities. Aedon and
Chelidona were natives of Ephesus. Polytechnus, after marrying Aedon,
departed with her across the bay to live in Colophon. After husband and
wife had quarreled, the third version added a number of circumstances
about the crime of Polytechnus. Aedon bade him fetch her a slave girl.
Proceeding to Ephesus, he pretended that his wife was anxious to have
her sister visit her and so persuaded Chelidona's father to let him take
her away. After ravishing Chelidona, he warned her on pain of death to
be silent. Then he required her to put on the dress of a slave girl and
presented her in mockery to his wife. Later Aedon, overhearing Cheli-
dona's lament, learned of the crime. The new version added further cir-
cumstances to the account of the transformations. After serving the
gruesome meal, the sisters fled to Ephesus and were metamorphosed
there. Polytechnus, following them, was transformed into a pelican.
This form of the tale attracted little notice, but it may have influenced
another version which became the most famous of all.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK SIX
The fourth version introduced many further changes. The two sis-
ters now were called Procne and Philomela and were daughters of the
Athenian king, Pandion. Procne married a Tracian king, Tereus, son
of Mars. Their child was Itys. In the new story the idea of impious
boasting disappeared, and nothing was said about a quarrel between
husband and wife. The tragedy was due wholly to violent lust of Tereus
for Philomela. For this cause he ravished her and the sisters planned
their terrible revenge. Procne became the nightingale. Philomela be-
came the swallow, which according to some authorities continues to re-
peat the name Tereu, Tereu in a voice of plaintive reproach.
Hesiod, alluding to the tale, observed that late in February Pan-
dion's daughter, the swallow, appears with her plaint at dawn. Sappho
spoke of the swallow as Philomela, Pandion's daughter. Aeschylus in his
Agamemnon likened Cassandra to the tawny nightingale lamenting Itys.
In the Suppliants he noted that Tereus became a hawk, which continu-
ally pursues the nightingale, -- an idea repeated much later by Hyginus.
In the Electra of Sophocles the heroine compared her grief to the sor-
row both of Niobe and of the bird always wailing for Itys. The same
twofold comparison was borrowed afterwards by Propertius.
Sophocles told the whole story in his Tereus, a tragedy which now
is lost. He recorded the tale as follows. Tereus married Procne and de-
parted with her to Thrace. At some time after the birth of Itys, Procne
asked her husband to bring Philomela there for a visit. Sailing to
Athens, he obtained Pandion's consent and brought Philomela to the
Thracian shores. But, yielding to sudden and violent lust, he conveyed
her to a residence in the country and ravished her. To prevent her
divulging the crime, he cut out her tongue. Then, arranging to have
Philomela's presence kept secret, he departed to his home and told
Procne that, when he arrived in Athens, Philomela was dead. Procne
supposed this to be true. But Philomela recorded her story by weaving
letters in a cloak, and sent it covertly to Procne.
The news arrived at
the time of a biennial festival in honor of Bacchus, a period when Thra-
cian women were expected to leave their husbands and perform secret
rites in the forest (cf. Pentheus, Bk. 3). Taking advantage of the occa-
sion, Procne brought Philomela secretly to the palace. They served
Tereus the horrible feast and fled to Daulia, a Tracian colony at the
foot of Mt. Parnassus. Too late Tereus discovered the crime. He pur-
sued and overtook the sisters, and they prayed for escape in the form
of the well known birds. Tradition had made Tereus a hawk. Sophocles
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? TEREUS AND PHILOMELA
declared that he was a hawk only in the earlier months of the year. In
the autumn, he said, Tereus became a fierce-looking, crested bird called
the hoopoe.
This drama of Sophocles won great success and influenced nearly
all later treatments of the theme. Accius adapted it for the Roman
stage and also borrowed for his Philoctetes a passage in which Tereus
plotted against the unsuspecting Philomela.
Subsequent authors rejected the idea that Tereus became a hawk.
They spoke of him as changing permanently to hoopoe. At first they
were content with more or less lengthy allusion to the myth. Euripides
mentioned it both in his Rhesus and in his Hercules Furens and Aristotle
alluded to the version of Sophocles in his treatise called Rhetoric. Aris-
tophanes too alluded in the Birds to the play of Sophocles and invented
a sequel. Going in quest of the hoopoe, two Athenian adventurers found
this bird arrayed as a caricature of the one described in the tragedy.
The hoopoe spoke of himself as reconciled with his wife, the nightingale,
and as living harmoniously with her, while both mourned for their lost
Itys. He summoned his wife in a beautiful song, which Euripides after-
wards echoed in a chorus of his tragedy Helen. * The nightingale replied
and later appeared and played an overture to the chorus of birds.
The Manual recounted the story briefly, agreeing in the main with
Sophocles, but it added that Tereus won the hand of Procne because he
helped Athens in a war against Thebes. The Manual said nothing of
Procne's asking that Tereus bring Philomela to Thrace and nothing of
her taking advantage of a Bacchic festival. f
Earlier Roman poets often alluded to the story. In general they
followed Sophocles and the Manual. Catullus, mourning the death of
his brother, compared himself to the Daulian bird mourning Itylus.
Vergil told in his Culex how the gnat found in Hades the ghosts of
Pandion's daughters lamenting Itys. In his Ciris Scylla claimed kinship
with the birds, because her aunt was Procne. In the Aeneid Dido thought
of punishing the desertion of Aeneas by serving to him the flesh of his
son. Horace observed in his Art of Poetry that a metamorphosis of
Procne was an event unsuitable for representation on the stage.
Vergil thought it incongruous, for the swallow to be Philomela
* This was the only recorded instance, where a Greek tragic poet imitated an
author of comedy.
t The tale of Philomela as recorded by Sophocles and the Manual may have af-
fected a similar myth of Harpalyce, which was told in Alexandrian times by Eupho-
Tion and was repeated by Parthenius.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK SIX
(Lover of Song). It was true, as Greek mythographers pointed out,
that Philomela lost her tongue and so might be able to utter nothing but
unmusical twitterings. Nevertheless Vergil felt that she ought to be-
come the nightingale, and frequently he indicated that she did. Procne,
mother of Itys, then became the swallow. In the Aetna Vergil noted that
Philomela sings in the wood, her sister lives under roofs, and Tereus fre-
quents lonely fields. In the Sixth Eclogue he spoke of Philomela as pre-
paring the feast for Tereus and then speeding on wings to the wilderness.
And in the Georgics he compared Orpheus to Philomela weeping on a
poplar branch by night and filling the region with her melancholy song.
Horace, following Vergil's example, described the swallow as lamenting
Itys, because she had taken a disastrous vengeance on the king.
Ovid shared the general interest in the tale of Philomela. At first
he used the Greek version. In his Amores and his Epistle of Sappho,
Procne still became the nightingale. But later Ovid usually followed
Vergil. In the Art of Love, the Fasti, and the Tristia he indicated
clearly that Procne, wife of Tereus, became the swallow.
In the Metamorphoses Ovid took suggestions both from Sophocles
and from the Manual but added much of his own invention.
With the Manual Ovid agreed that Tereus relieved Athens from the
dangers of war. But he thought it unlikely that her enemy should be the
Thebans, who were now mourning the loss of their royal family, and he
imagined instead a barbarian host from across the sea. He agreed with
the Manual that aid afforded by Tereus occasioned Pandion's giving him
his daughter in marriage, but he added that Tereus had the further ad-
vantages of prominence, wealth, and descent from Mars.
The marriage was to end in disaster. Ovid imagined that it was at-
tended by portents of evil. At the wedding of Orpheus and Eurydice
(Bk. 10), he was to note the ominous circumstance that Hymen ap-
peared with no hallowed words and with a smoky torch. The marriage
of Tereus and Procne was to be even more unhappy and would require
still worse omens. In the Culex, Vergil, referring to the ill-starred wed-
ding of the Danaids, had observed that the Fury, Erinys, presided in-
stead of Hymen. In the Heroides Ovid carried the idea still further. He
spoke of weddings at which all the deities who usually attended a mar-
riage were absent and hostile deities appeared instead. This, he declared,
was true at the wedding of Tereus and Procne. Juno, Hymen, and the
Graces were absent; Furies attended with funeral torches. Before the
suicide of Dido, Vergil had observed that a screech owl sat on her roof
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? TEREUS AND PHILOMELA
and uttered long, wailing cries. Ovid imagined a similar portent of ill,
both at the wedding and at the birth of the child Itys. The ominous cry
of the screech owl, Ovid mentioned again in the tale of Julius Caesar
(Bk. 15).
These many supernatural warnings Ovid introduced with good
effect. But he might well have strengthened them with other warnings of
a more natural sort. The tragedy was to be caused by violent lust of
Tereus, and in Ovid's opinion this fatal passion did not appear unac-
countably or only on one occasion, but was characteristic of Tereus and
even of Thracians in general. Ovid mentioned these ideas later. But he
might well have done so at the time of the wedding. This would have
heightened the sense of future ill. And it would have had another desir-
able result. To the unprejudiced reader Ovid at first gave a favorable
impression of Tereus. The Thracian had saved Athens from barbarians.
He rejoiced as a good husband should, in his marriage and the birth of
his child. After these events he lived quietly with Procne for five years,
and then at her wish he promptly undertook a voyage in quest of her
sister. But to give a favorable impression was contrary to Ovid's usual
practice in the case of his villains, and it does not appear to have been
his intention in that of Tereus. Later he suggested by many details that
Tereus was detestable and, if possible, worthy of his fate. If at the time
of the wedding Ovid had suggested his real character, that would have
given the whole story a stronger and more consistent effect.
The many ill omens were overlooked, Ovid continued, and all went
well until the boy Itys had reached the age of five. Sophocles had shown
Procne persuading Tereus to revisit Athens and bring Philomela for a
sojourn in Thrace. Ovid repeated the incident, and he implied that
Tereus undertook the journey at once. In an age of uncharted seas and
of much lawlessness and war, such a voyage was attended with difficulty
and peril, as Ovid was soon to imply. The conduct of Tereus might seem
remarkably obliging.
Ovid appears to have invented the circumstances under which
Tereus became infatuated with Philomela. Arriving in Athens, he said,
the Thracian was on the point of telling Pandion the cause of his visit,
when Philomela appeared -- rich in attire, still richer in beauty. Ovid
added, not very helpfully, that she resembled a naiad or a dryad--if such
beings could be given civilized refinement and dress. Philomela's coming
interrupted the parley and gave Tereus leisure to observe her. Ovid im-
plied that he never had seen her, which would seem improbable. Ovid
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK SIX
appears to have imagined that six years earlier she was only a child and
attracted no attention.
At once, Ovid tells us, Tereus was seized with a violent passion.
Ovid likened it to fire in a field of ripe grain, a comparison which he had
used in his Epistle of Sappho. He likened it also to fire in dry leaves, or
fire in a stack of hay. Sophocles appears to have dwelt on the idea of
lust. Ovid followed his example. Philomela's beauty, he said, might have
occasioned this. But such passion was characteristic of Tereus and of
Thracians in general. Tereus thought of seducing Philomela by gifts to
her attendants and to herself or of abducting her forcibly and incurring
the risk of war. He found it prudent, however, to begin by telling Pan-
dion the request of Procne. All this, Ovid supposed to have passed
through the mind of Tereus before he resumed the conversation with
Pandion. But he allowed the reader to become confused regarding both
time and place.
Evidently Ovid imagined Tereus as an artful pleader, who could
summon both eloquence and tears, when the occasion demanded them.
And on this occasion his zeal gained him credit for being an affectionate
husband. Pandion was reluctant. Such a journey was perilous, espe-
cially so in the case of a young and beautiful princess; and Philomela
was his favorite child, the solace of his old age. But Philomela herself
pleaded with him to consent -- for the sake of her happiness. Indicating
the sad irony of this, Ovid observed that her affectionate pleas in-
creased the lawless fury of Tereus. Pandion yielded, and Philomela re-
joiced at what she regarded as good fortune for her sister and herself.
Ovid indicated briefly the evening banquet, the night, and the wake-
ful lust of Tereus. The next morning had been appointed for the voyage.
Ovid showed Pandion reminding Tereus that he yielded only to the re-
quest of both daughters and a loved son-in-law, charging him solemnly
to watch over Philomela with a father's care, and urging him to return
with her as soon as possible. Pandion then required Tereus and Philo-
mela to promise that they would heed his wishes. And he sent greetings
to Procne and the little Itys. Ovid added that Pandion felt a presenti-
ment of evil, as the ship departed. The barbarous Tereus rejoiced to see
Philomela cut off from all escape and kept her always in view, gloating
as an eagle might gloat over the hare which he has dropped into his eyrie.
Ovid then returned to the story as told by Sophocles and the
Manual. Both authorities indicated that Tereus conveyed Philomela
secretly to a residence in the country. Ovid said that, after landing at
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? TEREUS AND PHILOMELA
the Thracian port, Tereus proceeded at once to a lonely habitation in
the forest; and, to suggest the brutal eagerness of the Thracian, he added
that Tereus dragged Philomela thither. The building, Ovid tells us later,
had walls of stone. It seems to have been a place well known to Tereus
and perhaps even to Procne. And it was situated within a few miles of
their palace, for the distance could be traversed easily on foot. Evi-
dently there were quarters near by for guards and at least one attendant;
but ordinarily the habitation itself was vacant and gave an ominous im-
pression of solitude. Ovid may have thought of it as a hunting lodge for
the Thracian king. Hither Tereus brought Philomela, terrified and in-
quiring anxiously for her sister.
Sophocles and the Manual had indicated a few of . . the incidents
which followed, and Sophocles may have recorded them in some detail.
Ovid gave vividness to the repulsive event. Barring the door, he said,
Tereus announced his purpose and ravished the unprotected Philomela,
while she called for help to her absent father and sister and to the all-
seeing gods. For a time she remained panic-stricken, as a lamb torn by
the teeth of a wolf or a dove bloody from claws of some bird of prey.
Then, grown desperate, she denounced his treachery and crime. She
would proclaim his guilt, either to men or to the forest and the gods.
Both angered and frightened, Tereus bound her arms and drew his
sword. Believing that she was to die, Philomela rejoiced and offered her-
self for the thrust. But Tereus forcibly drew out her tongue and cut it
off with the sword.
In the case of Emathion (Bk. 5) Ovid had observed that, after his
head was cut off, the tongue still uttered curses. In the case of Philo-
mela, even the tongue by itself gave evidence of conscious life. Vergil
had told in the Aeneid how the severed right hand of Garides sought its
master and the dying fingers twitched and clung to the sword. Similar,
but even more pathetic, was the behavior of Philomela's severed tongue.
It trembled on the dark earth, murmured, twitched convulsively, and
with a dying effort sought the feet of its mistress. Ovid added also the
unfortunate suggestion that in moving it writhed like the severed tail of
a snake.
Even after this atrocity, Ovid continued, Tereus did not spare
Philomela; but, if we may credit report, he violated her again and again.
Ovid implied that he did so on the same occasion, and he may have been
willing by this means to heighten the reader's detestation of Tereus.
But later he implied the following sequence of events. Believing that
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK SIX
Philomela was unable to reveal the crime, Tereus arranged to have her
kept a prisoner in the lodge and then departed to his palace. After-
wards, however, he returned from time to time and repeatedly outraged
his helpless victim.
Following Sophocles and the Manual, Ovid declared that Philo-
mela wove her story in a cloak. But he recorded the facts ambiguously,
so that a reader unacquainted with the Greek versions would be uncer-
tain whether she told the tale in woven letters or in pictures. Without
letting her attendant know about the message, she persuaded her by
signs to bear the cloak as a gift to Procne. Presumably the attendant
could not read. After learning her sister's fate, the Thracian queen was
speechless with; grief and rage. Ovid noted that she forgot all scruples
in her eagerness for revenge.
According to Sophocles, the news arrived at the time of a Bacchic
festival, and Procne took advantage of the occasion in order to recover
her sister.
