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Max. , 12, 6). -- Philemon began to exhibit comedy
during the reign of Alexander, a little earlier than
Menander, and before the 113th Olympiad. He died
in the reign of the second Antigonus, son of Deme-
trius. It has been said above that he lived to the age
of ninety-seven years; Suidas, however, makes it nine-
ty-six, and other authorities ninety-nine. (Diod. ,
Eclog. , lib. 23, ed. Bip. , vol. 9, p. 318. -- Clinton's
Fasti Hellenici, id ed. , p. 157. ) The fragments of
Philemon are usually printed along with those of Me-
nander. The best edition of these conjointly is that
? I Meineke, Berol. , 1823, 8vo. (Theatre of the Greeks,
p. 121, ed. 4. )--II. A son of the preceding, slso a
comic poet, and called, for distinction' sake, Philemon
? ? tne younger (6 reurepoe. --Athen. , 7, p. 291, d. ).
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? PHIUPPUS.
PHILIPPU8.
fa. ner Argxus, about 649 B. C. according to some
chronologers, and reigned, as Eusebius states, thirty-
eight years, but, according to Dexippus, tlnity-livc.
(Eutcb. , p. 57. -- Dczipp. , ap. Syncill. , p. 802, teq. )
These numbers, however, are obviously manufactured
by chronologers, upon no certain or positive testimony,
? nice none ousted. (Clinton, Fast. Hell. , vol. 1, p.
221. )--II. The second of the name was the son of
Amyntas II. of Macedonia. This latter monarch left
three sons at tho time of his death, under the care of
:htir mother Eurydice. Of these, Alexander, the el-
dest, had just attained to man's estate ; but Perdiccaa,
and Philip the youngest of the three, were still under
age. Alexander, who appears to have been a prince
of great promise, had scarcely ascended the throne,
when he lost his life by the hand of an assassin.
(Uwd. Sic. , 15, 71. ) During his reign, however,
abort as it was, he was engaged in a contest with
Ptolemy of Alorus. We do not know whether Ptole-
my was in any way related to the royal family, nor
whether he laid claim to the crown. But it seems
clear that he was favoured by the queen Eurydice,
the widowed mother, and was probably her paramour.
According to Diodorus and Plutarch, Pelopidas, the
Tneban commander, came into Macedonia to arbitrate
between Alexander and Ptolemy, and Philip was one
of the hostages delivered on this occasion to the um-
pire. As this, however, is expressly contradicted by
the testimony of tho contemporary orator . Eschines,
who relates tint Philip was still in Macedonia at the
time of his elder brother's death, Mr. Thirlwall in-
clines to tje following opinion: According to Plu-
tarch, aftcv the murder of Alexander, which must have
happened a very short time after the compromise, Pe-
lopulas, who was in Thessaly, on his second expedi-
tion ugainst the tyrant of Phera, was invited into
Marcdon a by the friends of the deceased king, and
obliged Ptolemy to enter into an engagement to pre-
serve the crown for the younger brothers. Ptolemy,
it is said, gave fifty hostages as a security for the per-
formance of his promises, among whom was his own
sod Philoxenus. It seems more natural, according to
Mr. Thirlwall, that Philip should have been committed
to the custody of the Thebans under these circum-
stances, than on the occasion of the contest between
Ptolemy and Alexander. (History of Greece, vol. 5,
p. 163. ) Ptolemy kept possession of the government
three years: Diodorus simply says that he reigned so
long: probably, however, he never assumed any other
'. ule than that of regent, though he may have had no
intention of ever resigning his power to the rightful
heir. And it was, perhaps, as much in self-defence, as
to avenge his brother's murder or his mother's shame,
that Perdiccas killed him. Concerning the reign of
Perdiccas III. we have but very scanty information.
He was slain in battle by the Illyrians. in the fifth
year of his rule, leaving behind him an infant son by
the name of Amyntas. At the time of this event
Philip was twenty-three years of age. Diodorus sup-
poses that he was still at Thebes, but that, on receiv-
ing intelligence of his brother's death, he made his es-
cape and suddenly appeared in Macedonia (16, 2). It
is not difficult to understand how the story may have
taken this form: a hostage so important, it might ea-
sily be supposed by writers acquainted with his subse-
3uenl history, would not have been willingly eurren-
ered by the Thebans; it is certain, however, from
? ? belter authority, that he had been already restored
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? PHILIPPUS.
PK UPPfJS.
M the purposes of bis lofty ambition. A moral esti-
mate of such a man's character is comprised in the bare
mention of his ruling passion, and cannot be enlarged
by any investigation into the motives of particular ac-
tions; and it is scarcely worth while to consider him
in any other light I ban as an instrument of Providence
for fixing the destiny of nations. --It was in the 105th
Olympiad, and about 360 B. C. , that Philip took charge
of the government of Macedonia, not as monarch, but
is the nearest kinsman, and as guardian of the royal
infant, tho son of his brother Perdiccas. The situa-
t ji in which he was now placed was one of great
apparent difficulty and danger, and the throne which
he had to defend was threatened by enemies in many
quarters, by the victorious Illyrians as well as by the
Pajonians, and lastly by an Athenian force, which was
destined to place Argaeus, a pretender to tho crown,
on the throne of Macedon. The Illyrians, happily,
did not press their advantage; and the Pasonians were
induced to desist from hostilities by skilful negotia-
tions, and secret presents made to their leaders. The
Athenians were encountered in the field, and, after sus-
taining a defeat, were forced to surrender. (Diod.
Sic. , 16, 3. ) Philip, however, generously granted
them their liberty, and immediately sent a deputation
to Athens with proposals of peace, which were gladly
accepted. (Dcmoslk. tit Arittocr. , y 144. ) By the
death of the reigning prince of Pajonia that country
was soon after annexed to the dominion of Philip, but
whether by right of succession or by conquest we are
not informed. He next directed his arms against the
Illyrians, who were totally routed after a severe con-
flict. The loss of the enemy is said to have amounted
to 7000 men; and they were compelled to accept the
terms of peace imposed by the conqueror. They ceded
to bim all that they possessed east of the Lake of Lych-
Ditis, and thja not only gave him the command of the
principal pass by which they had been used to penetrate
into Macedonia, but opened a way by which he might
? t any time descend through their own territory to the
chores of the Adriatic. (Consult Leake's Northern
Greece, vol. 3, p. 321. ) It may safely be presumed
that, after this brilliant success, Philip no longer hesi-
tated to assume the kingly title. His usurpation, for
auch it appears to have been according to the laws of
Macedon, was, however, most probably sanctioned by
the unanimous consent of both the army and nation.
How secure he felt himself in their affections is mani-
fest from his treatment of his deposed nephew. He
was so little jealous of him, that he brought him to his
court, and, in time, bestowed the hand of one of his
daughters upon him. (Polyan. , 8, 60. -- Arrian,
Exp. Ai, 1, 5. --Atkenteus, 13, p. 657. ) The trans-
fer of the crown was so quiet and noiseless that it
seems not to have reached the cars of the Athenian
orators, whose silence may, at all events, be admitted
as a proof that there was nothing in the transaction on
which they could ground a charge against Philip. --His
victory over the Illyrians is connected by Diodorus
with the institution of the Macedonian phalanx, which
he is said to have invented. The testimony of the
ancients on this point has been very confidently reject-
ed in modern timea, without any just reason. We
may indeed doubt whether this body, as it existed in
the beginning of Philip's reign, differed in any impor-
tant feature from that which was already familiar to
tb* Greeks, or, at least, from the Theban phalanx. But
? ? it is another question whether the Macedonian armies
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? PHIL1PPUS.
PHIUPPUS
iced >he security of his dominions, gavo up the town
to plunder, and reduced the inhabitants to slavery.
Intimidated by these reverses, the Athenians, not long
after, sought a reconciliation with Philip, and sent a
deputation, consisting of eleven of their most distin-
guished orators and statesmen, among whom were
Machines, Demosthenes, and Ctesiphon, to negotiate
a treaty. (JEtchin. , dt Fals. Leg. , p. 30. ) These
ambassadors were most graciously received by Philip,
and on his sending envoys to Athens, with full power
to settle the preliminaries, peace was concluded. (De-
motth. , it Leg. , p. 414. ) Philip was now enabled to
terminate the Sacred War, of which he had been in-
vited to take the command, by the general voice of
the Amphictyonic assembly. (Vid. Phccis. ) Hav-
ing passed Thermopylae without opposition, he entered
Phocis at the head of a considerable army, and was
enabled to put an end at once to this obstinate strug-
gle without farther bloodshed. He was now unan-
imously elected a member of the Amphictyonic coun-
cil, after which he returned to Macedon, having reaped
in this expedition a vast accession of fame and popu-
'arity, as the defender and supporter of religion. The
success of Philip in this quarter was calculated, how-
ever, to awaken the jealousy and fears of Athens, and
the party which was adverse to his interests in that
city took advantage of this circumstance to urge the
people to measures that could end only in a renew-
al of hostilities with Macedon. The Athenian com-
manders in Thrace were encouraged to thwart and
oppose Philip in all his undertakings, and secretly to
favour those towns which might revolt from him. Ac-
cordingly, when that monarch was engaged in besie-
fing the cities of Perinthus and Selymbria, near the
[ellespont, the Athenians on several occasions assist-
ed them with supplies, and did not scruple even to
make incursions into the Macedonian territory from
the Chersonese. These measures could not fail to
rouse the indignation of Philip, who, finally abandon-
ing his projects on the Hellespont, turned his thoughts
entirely to the overthrow of the Athenian power.
Meanwhile another Sacred War had arisen, which,
though of trifling magnitude in itself, produced very
important results to two of the leading states of Greece.
The Amphissians, who belonged to the Locri Ozola;,
had occupied by force, and cultivated a portion of the
territory of Cirrha, which had been declared accursed
by the Amphictyones, and unfit for culture. This act of
defiance necessarily called for the interference of that
assembly; and as it waa to be feared that the people
of Amphissa would be supported by Athens and other
states, it was determined to elect Philip general of the
Amphictyonic council, and to commit to him the sole
Jirection of tho measures to be pursued. (JEsehin.
in Cles. , p. 71. --Dcm. , de Cor. ) The Amphissians
were, of course, easily reduced and punished; but the
Athenians, who had avowedly favoured their cause,
found themselves too far implicated to recede with
honour upon the near approach of Philip. Finding,
therefore, that ho had already occupied Elatea, which
commanded the principal pass into Phocis, the coun-
cil was summoned, and it was determined to mus-
ter all the forces of the republic, and, if possible, to in-
duce the Thebans to espouse their interests. An em-
bassy was accordingly despatched to Thebea, at the
head of which was Demosthenes; and such was the
effect of their great orator's eloquence, that he suc-
? ? ceeded in persuading the Bceotians to join the Athe-
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? PHILIPPUS.
toul I have l. ad any influence over him; but it seems
that Philip did not disdain to gain him for bis own ends,
and to co nmunicate his designs to him, and employ
nim as his agent. The manner in which Philip finally
treated hi) conquered enemies excited general sur-
prise, anil has earned, perhaps, more praise than it de-
serves. He dismissed the Athenian prisoners without
ransom, several of them even newly clothed, and all
with their baggage; and rent Antipaler, accompanied,
Justin aays, by Alexander, to bear the bones of their
ilesd. whom he had himself honoured with funeral rites
[Polyb. , 5, Id), to Athens, with offers of peace, on
terms such as an Athenian would scarcely have ven-
tured to propose to him. The commonwealth was re-
quired, indeed, to resign a part of its foreign posses-
sions, perhaps all hut the Chersonesus, Leinnos, Im-
bros, and Samos (Plut. , Vit. Alex. , 28); but it was
left in undisturbed possession of all its domestic re-
sources, and its territory was even enlarged by the ad-
dition of Oropus, which Thebes was forced to resign.
(Fausan. , 1, 34. ) The value of these concessions
was greatly enhanced by comparison with the condi-
tions on which peace was granted to the Thebans.
They were obliged to ransom not only their prisoners,
but their dead.
Not only Oropus, but the sovereignty
of the Boeotian towns waa taken from them. Platea
and Orchomcnus were restored to as many as could
be found of their old inhabitants: at least they were
filled with an independent population implacably hos-
tile to Thebes. But this was the lightest part of her
punishment. She lost not only power, but freedom.
She was compelled to admit a Macedonian garrison
into the citadel, and to recall her exiles. The gov-
ernment was lodged in their hands: a council of three
hundred, selected from them, was invested with su-
preme authority, both legislative and judicial. (Jus-
tix, 9, 4. ) Philip's treatment of the Athenians has
been commonly accounted ma;;n inimous. It may in-
deed be said, that in them he die honour to the manly
resistance of open enemies, white in the case of the
Thebans he punished treachery and ingratitude, and,
knowing tho people to be generally hostile to him, he
crushed the power of the state, and used the faction
which depended on him as the instrument of his ven-
geance. On the other hand, it must be remembered
that, win n this was done, he had the less reason to
dread the hostility of Athens : he might safely concil-
iate the favour of the Greeks by a splendid example
of lenity and moderation. It is not improbable that
this was the course to which he was inclined by his
own prepossessions. But, had it been otherwise, there
were reasons enough to deter so wary a prince from
violent measures, which would have driven the Athe-
nians to despair. He had probably very early intelli-
gence of the preparations lor defence which they had
begun while they expected an invasion. He might,
indeed, hove ravaged Attica, and have carried on a
Decclean war: but it was by no means certain that
he could make himself master of the city and Piraus:
and nothing but a very clear prospect of immediate
success could have rendered the attempt advisable.
The danger of a failure, and even the inconvenience
of delay, was far greater than tho advantage to be
reaped from it. Philip's offers were gladly, if not
thankfully received at Athens; and he now saw his
toad open to the Peloponnesus. Proceeding to Cor-
inth, whither he had invited all the states of Greece
to send their deputies, he held a congress, as in the
? ? time of the ancient league against Persia. The avow-
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? PHIUPrUS.
PHILIPPUs
*t out of which he was drinking at his head. The
hall became a scene of tumult. Philip started from
His couch, and, instead of rebuking Attalus, drew his
swonl and rushed at his son; but, before be reached
him, stumbled and fell. Alexander, before he with-
drew, is said to have pointed to his father as he lay
on the floor, with the taunt: "See the man who would
aaes over from Europe to Asia, upset in crossing from
ire couch to another. " (Flut. , Vit. Alex. , 9. --Athe-
naus, 13, p. 557. ) The quarrel did not end with the
ntoxicalion of the evening, as the offence which had
been given to the prince was much deeper than the
momentary provocation. He and his mother quitted
the kingdom; sho found shelter at the court of her
brother Alexander, who, after the death of Arybas, had
succeeded, through Philip's intervention, to the throne
of Epirus, having supplanted . Eacides, the lawful heir.
Alexander took up his abode in Illyria. and Philip was
obliged at last to employ the good offices of a Corin-
thian, named Demaratus, to induce his son to return
to Macedonia. (P/af. , Vit. Alex. , 9. ) It was not so
easy to appease Olympias: and it was most likely with
a view to baffle her intrigues that Philip negotiated a
match between his brother-in-law and their daughter
Cleopatra. When the brother-in-law had been gained
by this offer, his sister saw that she must defer her re-
venge, and returned, apparently reconciled, to her hus-
band's court. These unhappy differences, and perhaps
the continued apprehension of hostile movements on
the aide of Illyria and Epirus, may have been the causes
which prevented Philip from crossing over to Asia in
person in 337 B. C. In the courae of this year, how-
ever, he sent over a body of troops, under the command
of Parmenio, Amyntas, and Attalus (whom, perhaps,
he was glad to remove in this honourable manner from
his court), to the western coast of Asia, to engage the
Greek cities on bis side, and to servo as a rallying
point for all who were disaffected to the Persian gov-
ernment. It was in thia same year that Pixodarus,
the Vf urper of the Carian throne, sought the alliance
of Philip, and proposed to give his eldest daughter to
Aridaeus, Philip's son by his Larissssan wife, Philinna,
a youth of imbecile intellect. Olympias was, or af-
fected to be, alarmed by this negotiation; several of
Alexander's young companions snared her suspicions,
and their insinuations persuaded him that the intended
marriage was a step by which Philip designed to raise
Aridsus to the throne. Under this impression he
despatched Thcssalus, a Greek player, who was ex-
erciaing his profession at the Macedonian court, on a
secret mission to Caria, to induce Pixodarus to break
off the match with Aridanis and to transfer his daugh-
ter's hand to Alexander himself. Pixodarus joyfully
accepted the prince's offer. But Philip, having dis-
covered the correspondence, shamed his son out of his
suspicions by an indignant expostulation, which he ad-
dressed to him in the presence of his young friend,
Parmenio's son, Philotas, on the unworthincss of the
connexion which he was about to form with a barbarian,
who was not even an independent prince, but a Persian
vassal. Alexander dropped the project, which had so
strongly excited his father's resentment, that the latter
wrote to Corinth to demand that Thessalus should be
sent to him in chains, and banished four of Alexander's
companions, Harpalus, Nearchus, Phrygius, and Ptol-
eniceus, from Macedonia: to one of them the beginning
of a wonderful elevation. So passed the year 337.
? ? Towards the end of the next spring, Philip's prepara-
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? PH1LIPPUS
PHILIPrUS.
iwt even an ass laden with gold could mount to it, we
niav ,n well believe the anecdote which relates of him,
that he replied to his counsellors who urged him to
tieal Athens with rigcur, that they were advising him
to destroy the theatre of his glory. (Plut. , Reg. et
Inp. Apopkth. , 11. ) The many examples of gener-
ous forbearance leported in Plutarch's collection of his
apophthegms cannot be all groundless fictions: and
the less restraint he set on many of his passions, the
mote amiable appears, by contrast, the self-control
which ha exercised, when lie was tempted to an un-
just or harsh use of his power. He is one of the men
of whom we wish to know more, whose familiar let-
tors and conversation must have been worth preserv-
ing. But even the history of his outward life is like
an ancient statue, made up of imperfect and ill-ad-
justed fragment*. He left the task of his life un-
finished, and his death must have appeared to his
contemporaries premature. We must rather admire
the peculiar felicity of the juncture at which he was
removed to make room for one better fitted for the
work. What he had done, his successor would per-
haps not have accomplished so well. What he med-
itated was probably much less than his son effect-
ed, and yet more than he himself would havo brought
to pass. If he had begun his enterprise, he would
most likely have done little more than mar some
splendid pages in the history of tho world. (Thirl-
vcall'n History of Greece, vol. 6, p. 69. -- Cramer's
Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 174. )--III. The third of the
name, was more commonly known by the name of
Aridxus. (Vid. Aridaeus. )--IV. One of the sons of
Alexander, slain by order of Olympias. -- V. The
fifth of the name, was the eldest son of Cassander,
and succeeded his father on the throne of Maccdon
? bout 298 B. C. He was carried off by sickness after
a reign of one year. (Justin, 15, 4. --Id. , 16, I. )--
VI. The sixth of the name, was still an infant at the
death of his father, Demetrius III. of Maccdon. He
was left under the care of his uncle Antigonus Doson,
who,, being guardian of his nephew, became, in fact,
the reigning sovereign. (Polyb. , 2, 45. --Plut. , Vit.
Aral. --Justin, 28, 3. ) Antigonus ruled over Mace-
don for the space of twelve years, when his exertions
in defeating the Illyrians, who had made an inroad
into his territories, caused the bursting of a blood-
vessel, which terminated his existence. (Polyb. , 2,
70. ) His nephew Philip, though only fifteen years of
age, now assumed the reins of government, and showed
himself deficient neither in energy nor talents. Adopt-
ing the policy of his wise and able predecessor in pro-
tecting the Achaeans against the ambitious designs of
the . 'Ktolians, who were now become one of the most
powerful states of Greece, he engaged in what Polyb-
ius has termed the Social War, during which ho ob-
tained several important successes, and effectually re-
pressed the daring spirit of that people. (Polyb. , lib.
i (I 6. ) The great contest which was now waging
in Italy, between Hannibal and the Romans, naturally
attracted the attention of the King of Maccdon; and
it appears from Polybius and Livy that he actually
entered into an alliance with the Carthaginian gen-
eral. By securing, however, the co-operation of the
. 'Ktolians, the Romans were enabled to keep in check
the forces of Philip; and, on the termination of the
struggle with Carthage, sought to avenge the injury
the prince had meditated by invading his hereditary
? ? dominions. Philip, for two campaigns, resisted the
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? PHILIPPUS.
rn I
ported that Gordian had died of illness, and that the
choice of the army had fallen upon him. Arganthis,
king of Scythia, was encouraged to advance by the
tidings of the death of Misitheus; but Philip, sacri-
ficing the interests of the state to his own, and paying
no regard to this new invasion, hastened to secure his
election at Rome, where he nrofessed to venerate the
st*tue3 of Gordian, who had been deified by the sen-
ate. The fickle multiude were amused and concili-
ated by one of those juggles of public pageantry which
ire found to be so useful in turning the attention of
the people from the flagitiousness of their rulers. The
thousandth anniversary of the building of Rome was
celebrated by splendid games, and by combats in the
amphitheatre. But the claim of the " Arabian" to the
empire of Rome was disputed by Decius, who had
been sent to quell a sedition in Pannonia, and who
joined the revoltera. Philip lost a battle near Verona,
and this event was to hi* solders the signal for bis
assassination (AD. 249). His son was slain in the
Pretorian camp. (Capitol. , Vit. Gord. Tert. , 29,
Mcqq. --Aurel. Vict. , I. e. -- Casaub. , it iis qui post
Gord. Tert. , prineipes fuere, v iv. )--VIII. An Acar-
r. anian, and physician to Alexander the Great. When
that monarch had been aeized with a fever, after ba-
thing, while overheated, in the cold stream of the
Cydnus, and most of his medical attendants despaired
of his life, Philip, who stood high in his confidence,
undertook to prepare a medicine which would relieve
him. In the mean while, a letter was brought to the
king from Parmenio, informing him of a report, that
Philip had been bribed by Darius to poison him. Al-
exander, it is said, had the letter in his hand when the
physician came in with the draught, and, giving it to
him, drank the potion while the other read; a theatri-
cal scene, as Plutarch unsuspectingly observes, but
one which would not have been invented except for
such a character, and which Arrian was therefore in-
duced, though doubtingly, to record. The remedy,
or Alexander's excellent constitution, prevailed over
r'ie disease; but it was long before he had regained
sufficient strength to resume his march. (Plut. , Vit.
Alex. --Arrian, Exp. Al. , 3, 4,13, teqq. ) The whole
story is now regarded as a very apocryphal one. We
cannot very well understand what Parmenio was doing,
that he did not come hitnself instead of writing. One
sees from Curtius (3, 6) how the narrative was em-
bellished. In Arrian, Parmenio's letter only mentions
a report which he had heard, that Philip had been
bribed. In Curtius, it is asserted that he had been
promised one thousand talents, and the hand of the
sister of Darius. There was certainly some confu-
sion between this story and that of Alexander the
Lyncestian. Seneca (de Ira, 2, 23) says, that it was
Olympias who sent the warning letter about Philip.
(TkirlwaWs History of Greece, vol. 6, p. 173. )--IX.
A pretender to the crown of Macedonia, after the
overthrow of Perseus. He is commonly known by
the appellation of "Pseudophilippus. " His true
name was Andriscus. (Kid. Andriscus. ) -- X. The
Greek translator of the work of Horapollo. From the
internal evidence afforded by the translation itself, he
is supposed to have lived a century or two later than
Horapollo; and at a time when every remnant of ac-
tual knowledge of the subject, on which Horapollo
treats, must have vanished. (Cory, Hieroglyphics of
Horapollo, pref, p. ix. )--XI. A comic poet of Athens,
? ? son of Aristophanes. He does not appear to have in-
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? PHI
PHI
been collected :>y Gollcr, in ais work "De situ ci Ori-
pine Syracusarum," p. 177. -- M. Sevin, in his "Re-
cherches sur (a vie el les l;rits de PhiJislus" (Mem.