d and
governor
of the city.
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Tuesday 21 sha'ba? n 588, which corresponds to 1 September (1192). The truce lasted three years and eight months. They believed that the breathing-space coincided with their arrival by sea and the possibility of continuous reinforcements of men arriving and settling there. So they stipulated a general truce by land and sea, plains and mountains, desert and cit- ies. The Franks were assigned the land from Jaffa to Caesarea and from Acre to Tyre. The Franks, even when abandoning land formerly held by them, appeared happy and content, and included Tripoli and Antioch in the terms, and the near and distant provinces.
CHAPTER SEVEN
The gallant Marquis of Montferrat did not see this peace, nor did he grasp the royal crown that he had coveted. There is a certain disagreement in the Muslim texts about who armed the assassins who killed him at Tyre in April 1192: Baha? ' ad-Din and 'Ima? d ad-Din expressly name Richard of England (into whose negotiations Conrad, as we have seen, insinuated himself with his own scheme, repeating the personal approach made to Saladin by the Count of Tripoli before Hitti? n), whereas Ibn al-Athi? r suggests Saladin himself, attempting to kill Conrad and Richard at the same time. This seems very unlikely (consider on this point 'Ima? d ad-Din's persuasive suggestion that Conrad died at an inopportune moment for the Muslims), but the episode is strangely reflected, in a manner that reinforces suspicion of Saladin, in a later account, corrupted by legend, of the murder of a Frankish King at Acre enjoined upon the faithful by the Watcher of the Mountain to please his friend the Sultan. This strange text, which here follows accounts by 'Ima? d ad-Din and Ibn al-Athi? r, is from an Isma'ilite source: an anecdotal and edifying biography of the contemporary Grand Master of the Assassins, Rashid ad-Din Sina? n. In fact the assassins tried more than once to kill Saladin, whose rigid orthodoxy was irreconcilable with their heterodox beliefs.
THE ASSASSINATION OF CONRAD OF MONTFERRAT ('IMA? D AD-DIN, 420-2)
On Tuesday 13 rabi? ' II (588/28 April 1192) he was entertained by the Bishop of Tyre and ate his last meal, for his last day was come. He who would cut off all his hope was even now at the door. He was condemned to Hell, where (the angel) Malik was awaiting his arrival, and Tartarus was on the watch for his coming; the deepest circle of Hell-fire was burning, the blaze blazed and the flame flamed as it waited for him. The moment was at hand when the abyss would receive him and the fires of Hell would burn for him, and the Angels of Justice were even now building the foul place where they would torment him. Hell had already opened its seven gates, gaping to engorge him. Meanwhile he lounged carelessly on his couch eating his food. He ate and made his collation, unaware of the precipice ahead of him; he ate and drank, sated and solaced himself, and went out and rode his horse. Suddenly two men fell upon him like two mangy wolves and with their daggers stopped his movement and struck him down near those shops. Then one of them fled and entered a church, having put out that vile soul. The Marquis, at death's door, but still with a flicker of life in him, said 'Take me into the church', and they took him in thinking that he was safe there. But when that one of the two murderers saw him, he fell on him to finish him off and struck him again, blow on blow. The Franks seized the two companions, and found that they were two apostates of the Brotherhood of Isma'ilites. 1 They asked them
1
I. e. the Assassins, considered to be outside the Faith by orthodox Muslims.
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who had commanded them to commit this murder, and the assassins said it was the king of England. They also said that they had been Christians for six months and had begun a life of asceticism and purification, frequenting churches and living lives of rigorous piety. One was in service with Ibn Barza? n and one with the Prince of Sidon so that they could both be close to the Marquis, ensuring his confidence in them by their constant presence. Then they seized hold of his saddle-bow and slaughtered him. They were both subjected to cruel punishments and were reduced to the depths of degradation. An extraordinary case of two Unbelievers shedding an Unbeliever's blood, two criminals killing a criminal!
When the Marquis was dead and hung head downward in Hell, the King of England assumed control of Tyre and conferred it upon Count Henry,2 arranging it all with him. Henry married the Marquis' wife on the same night,1 maintaining that he had first right to the dead man's wife. She was pregnant, but this-did not prevent his uniting himself with her, something even more disgusting than the coupling of the flesh. I asked one of their courtiers to whom paternity would be awarded and he said: 'It will be the Queen's child. ' You see the licentiousness of these foul Unbelievers!
The death of the Marquis in such circumstances was of little benefit to us, although he was one of the ringleaders of error, because he was one of the King of England's enemies, his rival for the kingdom and the throne and his competitor in all and for all. He was in con- tact with us in the hope of our help to get back what the King had taken from him. When- ever the King of England heard that the Marquis' ambassador was at the Sultan's court he at once sent messages full of humility and docility, and resumed negotiations for peace, and it was possible to hope that light would dawn on his night of error. When the Marquis was killed the fear in his heart was calmed, his troubled disquiet vanished, he became serene again, his affairs returned to normal and the evil he represented for Isla? m increased. In his opposition to the Marquis he had taken the part of the old King (Guy), showing him the affection of a loving relative and investing him with the island of Cyprus and all its territory, attempting by his appointment to cure all its ills. Once the Marquis was dead he realized that he had been wrong to support Guy, and was afraid that he would have to fly from his hostility and that he was not secure from attack by him. When his enemy vanished he found his calm again, tranquillity returned, his madness ebbed, his wrath dispersed, his good fortune excited him and he poured out all the brutality of the fountain of unbelief. In spite of all this he did not break off relations with Guy or discard him, but continued to send him pleasing messages and to try to charm and beguile him.
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, XII, 51)
In this year, on 13 rabi? ' II, the Frankish Marquis, the ruler of Tyre--God damn him! --was killed. He was the greatest devil of all the Franks. The cause of his death was Saladin's negotiation with Sina? n,1 leader of the Isma'ilites, to send a man to kill the King of England; if he then killed the Marquis he would get 2,000 dinar. It was not possible to kill the King of England, and it did not seem to Sina? n to be in their interests, in that it would free Saladin
Henry of Champagne.
He became governor of Tyre and married Isabella on the same night.
The Old Man of the Mountain, or Grand Master of the Assassins; see the next section.
2 1 1
Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 143
of all worry about the Franks and he would then turn on the Isma'ilites themselves. On the other hand, he was anxious to have the money, and so he resolved to organize the death of the Marquis. He sent two men in monk's robes, who entered the service of Ibn Barza? n of ar-Ramla and the Prince of Sidon. They stayed with them for six months, showing great devotion, and the Marquis felt secure and confident with them. After this time the Bishop of Tyre held a banquet for the Marquis. He went, ate at his table, drank his wine, and then left. The two Batinites2 fell on him and inflicted mortal wounds upon him, then one of them fled and went into a church to hide. When he realized that the Marquis had been brought into the same church to have his wounds bandaged he fell on him and killed him. After his death the two assassins were also killed. The Franks attributed the murder to a command from the King of England, so that he could be sole ruler of Palestine. When he was dead Count Henry, a Frankish Count from abroad, became governor of Tyre and married the Queen (Conrad's widow) the same night, and consummated the marriage with her although she was pregnant, this being no impediment to marriage among them.
This Count Henry was a nephew of the King of France on his father's side and of the King of England on his mother's. He was to rule the Frankish parts of Palestine after the English King's return home, and he lived until 594 (1197), when he fell from a balcony and died. He was a capable man, pleasant and tolerant. When the King of England left for home, Henry sent a messenger to Saladin to conciliate him and win his goodwill. He asked him for the gift of a robe of honour, and said: 'You know that to put on the qaba? and the sharbu? sh1 is not approved of among us, but I would put them on if they came from you, because of the regard I have for you. ' Saladin sent him sumptuous robes of honour, among them a qaba? and a sharbu? sh, and he wore them in Acre.
(MANAQIB RASHID AD-DIN, 463-6)
A trusted and virtuous Companion told us that when Saladin took Acre a Frankish King came against him from overseas with an army that attacked Acre and took it, killing all the Muslims there. Then a tent was put up for him opposite Saladin's and his army took up its position facing Saladin's army, so that war between them was imminent. Saladin no longer knew how to get rid of him. Then our Lord, who at that time was at the Fortress of Kahf2 said--peace be to us from him! --3 'Our friend Saladin is now in a difficulty. ' So he called two of his assassins whom he had taught to speak the Frankish language, and when they came he had them given two Frankish costumes and two Frankish swords. Then he said: 'Go to King Saladin with my letter. Go by night to such and such a place'--and he told them where to spend each night--'You will arrive at Acre on such and such a day at the hour of noon. If you do not arrive on the appointed day and hour you will not achieve your aim.
Another name for the Isma'ilites, or Self-Sacrificers, or Assassins. Literally 'followers of esoteric doctrines'.
The qaba? is a sort of cassock, open at the front. The sharbu? sh is a tall triangular biretta. Both were part of Oriental costume of the period.
One of the Isma'ilite forts near Baniya? s in northern Syria. 'Our Lord' is the Old Man of the Mountain, Rashid ad-Din Sina? n, whose deeds are celebrated in this text.
Note the heterodox formula used in place of the orthodox 'peace be upon him'.
2
1
2
3
144 Arab Historians of the Crusades
When the time comes, God willing, and you are presented to Saladin, salute him from me, assure him of my regard, and hand over my letter. When he has read it and absorbed it and understood its meaning, tell him that I have sent you to his enemy the King of the Franks, to kill him that night. Leave Saladin at sunset, leave the (Muslim) army and approach the Frankish army along the seashore, mingling with them in the darkness of night. Find your way by night to the King's pavilion, and when you have found him, drunk and sleepy, with head drooping and no one at his side, cut off his head and take his sword-belt and sword. If anyone addresses you reply in Frankish, and no one will notice what you are doing. When you get back to Saladin, set the head before him with the sword-belt and sword. He will immediately attack the Frankish army, drive them off, cut them to pieces, please God, and kill many of them, and he will be victorious and happy. Then he will want to recompense you, and will ask you to express whatever desires you may have. You will not ask for gold, silver or any such thing, but will say simply: 'We are men who have thrown away our lives to obey God and have left behind the world and all its possessions and renounced them. We therefore desire none of them, but for one thing: when we left our families, our children had no flour. Would the King make a gift of some flour to each of us, that is all. ' 'We obey,' answered the two assassins, and left our Lord Rashid ad-Din Sina? n--peace be to us from him! --and went to Acre, obeying all the instructions given to them and acting according to all his precepts. They reached Acre precisely at the moment, and presented themselves to Saladin, handed over the letter, saluted him from their Lord, and said: 'Our Lord has commanded us to kill the Frankish King today, and has told us the precise moment, saying that we shall find him at that moment with his face on the ground, drunk, with no one at his side. He also said that if we do not find him precisely at the appointed moment we shall be unable to do anything, and shall not even reach him. '
When Saladin heard the speech they made he was very much cheered by it, and treated them with great honour. They stayed with him until the sun began to set, and then put their Frankish costumes on again and spoke to one another in the Frankish language. Saladin was amazed by the clothing and the language they used. He smiled, amused by the plan. The two set out and moved away from the two armies, then they turned toward the seashore and the Frankish army, and mixed with the soldiers in the darkness of night. They drew close to the (enemy) King, and at the time and moment appointed went in to Richard and found him dead asleep with his head on the ground, as the Lord had said, drunk, and without a living soul near him. They cut off his head, put it in a sack, took his sword and sword-belt, left the Frankish camp quickly and soon reached Saladin again. They put the head down before him with the sword and belt. He kissed both their foreheads and ordered the army to saddle up at once. He himself leapt into the saddle and attacked the Frankish army, putting it to flight, cutting it to pieces and almost exterminating it. Happy and content, the victorious conqueror, he asked for the two Faithful, and when they appeared he rose in their honour, showed them every courtesy, and his viziers and courtiers likewise rose to their feet. Then he gave them robes of honour, made them sit beside him, and said: 'Tell me whatever you desire, ask me for whatever you want. My duty is to content you. ' They replied: 'God with His angels assist Your Majesty and cast your enemies into Hell! This world is nothing, and whoever deludes himself will repent when penitence is of no avail. We are of those who have turned away from worldly goods and renounced them. In truth, we ask nothing but two portions of flour, one for each of us, for our families. '
Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 145
Then the Sultan Saladin ordained that in each province near the forts of the Company1 of right guidance ten villages should be inscribed (as tributaries), and that in every city a 'House of the Company' should be built as a centre for the Company of right guidance. So in Cairo, Damascus, Hims, Hama? t, Aleppo and other centres this was done, and all the houses are known by the name of 'the Company'. As well as this he loaded the two Breth- ren with gifts and sent a splendid gift to our Lord Rashid ad-Din.
1
Literally, mission, propaganda (da'wa), meaning here the Isma'ilite sect. 'Propaganda' would serve very well also a little further on, where the author speaks of the sect's centres in various cities.
CHAPTER EIGHT
Saladin's illness and death, shortly after the truce with the Franks, are described in the most minute detail by the faithful Baha? ' ad-Din. Disregarding a certain pettiness and pedantry common to n early all these Muslim sources, his account reveals a sincere devotion to its hero, and recognition that he was an exceptional person who won the regard of both East and West. His pious end, and the complete attachment to the spirit and letter of his Faith that marked Saladin's real life, banish Lessing's fantasies of the liberal and enlightened ruler.
SALADIN'S ILLNESS AND DEATH (BAHA? ' AD-DIN, 361-9)
On the Friday evening he felt a great weariness, and even before midnight had an attack of bilious fever, more evident internally than externally. On the morning of Saturday 16 safar 589/ 21 February 1193 he woke up feeling weak and with traces of fever, but this was not apparent to the ordinary observer. The qadi al-Fadil and I presented ourselves, together with his son al-Malik al-Afdal, and we spent a long time with him. He complained of a disturbed night, and spoke cheerfully with us until almost midday. Then we left him, but we left our hearts with him. He invited us to a luncheon presided over by al-Malik al-Afdal; al-Fadil never attended luncheons, so he retired, and I went to the southern chamber where the meal was served. Al-Malik al-Afdal sat in his father's place. Then I too retired, unable to remain because of the turmoil in my soul; and indeed several people wept, taking as a sinister omen the sight of the son in the Sultan's place.
From that time the illness grew more serious. We continued to present ourselves regu- larly morning and evening, and the qadi al-Fadil and I were admitted at various times during the day when the sickness abated somewhat. His illness was in the head; one of the signs that his life was now at an end was the absence of his personal doctor, who knew his constitution and looked after him at home and when he was travelling. The doctors decided to bleed him and did so on the fourth day, but the illness grew worse and the humours of his body, of which the dry predominated, began to fail. The progress of the illness eventually produced an extreme weakness.
On the sixth day we sat him up, supporting his back on a cushion, and sent for warm water for him to drink, shortly after he had drunk an emollient medicine. He found the water too hot and complained of it, so a second cup was brought, which he found too cold, but without becoming enraged or crying out. He simply said: 'Dear God, can no one produce water of the right temperature? ' At this the qadi and I left the room, weeping hot tears, and the qadi said to me: 'What a spirit Isla? m is about to lose! By Allah, any other man would have thrown the cup at the head of whoever brought it. . . . '
Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 147
On the sixth, seventh and eighth days the illness grew steadily worse, obscuring the lucidity of his mind. On the ninth day he lost consciousness and could not take his potion. Great fear spread through the city: the merchants, terrified, began to remove their wares from the markets,1 and everyone was overcome by sadness and grief beyond words.
The qadi al-Fadil and I sat together every night until almost a third of the night had passed, and we would then present ourselves at the Palace gates and if the way were clear would go in to him to see how he was before retiring, or else we would get news of his condition and then retire. We would find people standing and waiting for us to come out, to judge his condition from our faces as we passed. On the tenth day he was twice given an enema, which gave him some relief, and he was able to take a little barley water. This news caused great public rejoicing. As usual, we waited until a part of the night had gone by and then went to the Palace gate, where we met Jama? l ad-Daula Iqba? l. We asked him to tell us what was happening, and he went in and sent al-Malik al-Mu'azzam Turansha? h to tell us that Saladin had begun to sweat at the legs. We gave thanks to God, and begged al- Malik al-Mu'azzam to feel the rest of his body and let us know how the sweating went. He examined him and came out to tell us that Saladin was sweating freely, so we went away very much relieved. But on the morning of the eleventh day of his illness, Tuesday 26 safar, when we came to the gate to ask for news we were told that he was sweating so copiously that it soaked the mattress and the matting and even the ground, and that the violence of his thirst was beyond belief, and caused the doctors to abandon hope.
When al-Malik al-Afdal saw his father's condition and was convinced that there was no hope he hurriedly arranged for the oaths of loyalty to be taken. 1 He held audience for the purpose in the Palace of Ridwa? n, so called because he2 had lived there. He sent for the qadis and had ready a brief formula comprising an oath of loyalty to the Sultan as long as he lived and to al-Afdal after his father's death. He apologized for this in public, saying that the Sultan was worse and that he did not know what would happen but this was simply a precautionary measure following normal procedure among rulers. The first to be called on to take the oath was Sa'd ad-Din Mas'u? d, brother of Badr ad-Din Maudu?
d and governor of the city. He took the oath immediately, without making any conditions. Then it was the turn of Nasir ad-Din of Sahyu? n, who took the oath on condition that the fortress he held should continue in his hands. Next came Sabiq ad-Din of Shaizar, who omitted the divorce clause,1 with the excuse that he never used that formula in an oath. Then came Khushtari? n Husa? in al-Hakkari, then Nushirwa? n az-Zarzari, who made it a condition that he should
The ruler's death was often the occasion of riots and looting.
The details that follow show clearly the fragility of these empires based on an archaic military feudalism, when they found themselves without an energetic character like Saladin, or later al- 'Adil and al-Kamil, as ruler. All the prccautions taken here by the first-born, al-Afdal, to secure the succession in Syria and the dominant position throughout the Ayyubid empire fell to the ground chiefly because of the independence of the ami? rs, whose only aim was personal advantage and privilege. The future betrayed the hopes of this and all Saladin's sons, and the primacy passed to his brother al-Malik al-'Adil.
Ami? r of Aleppo during the First Crusade.
A common feature of Muslim oaths was for the taker to declare that if he broke his word his wives would be repudiated by him.
1 1
2 1
148 Arab Historians of the Crusades
receive a satisfactory fief, then 'Alka? n and Mankala? n. At this point luncheon was served and everyone ate. Proceedings were resumed in the afternoon. Maimu? n al-Qasri and the old man Shams ad-Din Sunqur presented themselves, and said: 'We swear on condition that we are never asked to draw sword against any of your brothers', undertaking instead to defend their states. Maimu? n al-Qasri said the same. Sunqur refused for a while to take the oath, then he said: 'You will receive my word as governor of Natru? n, on condition that I keep the city. ' Then it was Sa'ama's turn, and he said: 'I have no fief: tell me what I have to swear by', and after some argument finally took the oath on condition that a satisfactory fief were given him. Sunqur the Disfigured took the oath on condition that he received satisfaction, and so did Aibek the Snub-nosed, who omitted the divorce clause. Finally came Husa? m ad- Din Bishara, leader of them all. Al-Afdal had not summoned any of the Egyptian ami? rs or asked anything of them,2 but only made those mentioned take the oath so as to have things in order. I may have omitted the names of one or two more obscure ami? rs. The formula of the oath was; 'First, from this moment I dedicate and consecrate all my deepest feeling to al-Malik an-Nasir for as long as he lives, binding myself to sacrifice in the defence of his state myself, my possessions, my sword and my men, in obedience to his orders and await- ing his pleasure; and after him to his son al-Afdal 'Ali and his heirs. In God's name I shall be loyal to him, defend his state and territory with my person, my wealth, my sword and my men, and obey his command and prohibition. This I both profess openly and inwardly adhere to. God is the guarantee of what I say. '
The night before Wednesday 27 safar 589, which was the twelfth of his illness, the Sul- tan's condition deteriorated, his strength diminished and the women who tended him would not allow us to visit him. That night the qadi al-Fadil, Ibn az-Zaki (qadi of Damascus) and I met together. Ibn az-Zaki did not usually come at this hour, and al-Malik al-Afdal invited us to spend the night with him. This did not seem a good idea to al-Fadil, as people were waiting for us to leave the citadel, and he was afraid that if we did not emerge alarmist rumours would run through the city and looting would follow. He advised us therefore to go down, and suggested that Shaikh Abu Ja'far, ima? m of al-Kallasa,1 should be sent for. He was a good man, and could spend the night in the citadel in order to be at hand if God called Saladin to him that night. He would be able to keep the women away from Saladin, and to recall to him the formulas of the Muslim faith and the name of God. This was done, and we went away, each ready to offer his life for Saladin's. He passed the night, being now near his end, with Shaikh Abu Ja'far, who recited the Qur'a? n at his bed-head and recalled Almighty God's name to his mind. On the night of the ninth day he had lost conscious- ness, recovering it only for brief intervals, and Shaikh Abu Ja'far told us that when he reached the passage: 'He is God, than whom there is no god, knower of the unseen and of the seen'2 he heard the Sultan reply 'True'. It was an extraordinarily opportune recovery of consciousness and an act of divine providence toward him, God be praised for it! He breathed his last after the hour of the morning prayer on Wednesday 27 safar 589/4 March 1193. The qadi al-Fadil came into his room just after dawn at the precise moment of his
In fact al-Afdal's direct sovereignty, as Saladin's heir, was valid only in Syria, the heir to Egypt being Saladin's brother al-'Adil.
A small sanctuary near the Great Mosque of Damascus.
Qur'a? n LIX, 22.
2
1 2
Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 149
death, and when I arrived he had already passed into the bosom of divine grace. I was told that when Shaikh Abu Ja'far reached the words of the Qur'a? n; 'There is no other God but He, and in Him is my trust,1 the Sultan smiled, his face illumined, and he gave up his spirit to his Lord.
The day of his death was a day of grief for Isla? m and the Muslims, the equal of which they had not known since the days of the right-guided Caliphs. The citadel, the city and-the entire world were overcome with a grief beyond words, and, by God, I had heard before of people who have desired to ransom those dear to them with their own lives, and had thought it just a figure of speech, not to be taken literally, but on that day I knew that if it had been possible to ransom him with our lives I and several others would have been ready. His son al-Malik al-Afdal held audience in the north chamber to receive condolences, and the gate of the city was shut to all but the ami? rs closest to the family, and to the scholars and divines. It was a weary day; everyone was so deep in his own grief and sorrow and misery that he could pay attention to no one else. No poet's recital or preacher's discourse was of any use. His sons went out among the people crying out for pity; the sight of them was enough to make one's heart die of pain, and so it went on until after the midday prayer. Then we occupied ourselves with washing his body and clothing it in the funeral shroud, but we could use only equipment worth almost nothing for the purpose, unless we resorted to borrowing--even to the straw with which the clay is washed. 2 The lawyer ad-Da? ula'i washed his body; I was invited to be present, but had not the strength of heart to witness such a scene. After the midday prayer he was carried out in a coffin draped simply with a length of material procured, like the other materials needed to shroud him, by the qadi al- Fadil from permitted sources known to him. 1 When men saw the dead Sultan being borne away, voices and lamentations rose on high. Men's grief was so great that it overcame them, and distracted them even from the prayer recited over him by men clothed in sack- cloth. The first to act as ima? m was the qadi Muhyi ad-Din ibn az-Zaki. Then the body was carried back to the palace in the garden where he had lain during his illness and was buried in the west pavilion. He was laid in his tomb at about the hour of the evening prayer; God sanctify his spirit and illumine his sepulchre!
1 2
1
Qur'a? n IX, 130.
Another example of Saladin's extreme austerity and probity. The function of straw and clay in the funeral ritual I do not know.
The 'permitted', i. e. judicially impeccable, origin of the sources of food and of all the objects used by the faithful in life and death is a constant preoccupation of Muslim piety and casuistry.
Part Three
THE AYYUBIDS AND THE INVASION OF EGYPT
CHAPTER ONE
While the Fourth Crusade turned its attention to Constantinople (1203), Isla? m had another fifteen years of truce, which enabled al-Malik al-'Adil to unite his brother Saladin's kingdom firmly under his own control and to organize as one empire the Ayyubid domains from Egypt to Mesopotamia. The new Crusade had its eyes on Egypt itself, as the heart of Muslim resistance at a time when the Mongol threat loomed in the East, soon to grow to its full, terrible stature. Ibn al-Athi? r, with his usual breadth of vision, rises above the level of a local chronicler to consider the fate of Isla? m as a whole, and perceives the gravity of the double threat. He expresses it both in his dramatic description of the Mongol invasion and in this history of the Fifth Crusade, uniting in one cogent account the four years of the Egyptian campaign (1217-21). As a complement to Ibn al-Athi? r's account we include that of Ibn Wasil, an Ayyubid historian until recently almost inaccessible in his original form and therefore little studied.
The Fifth Crusade
THE FRANKS GATHER IN SYRIA, MARCH ON EGYPT AND TAKE DAMIETTA, WHICH IS RECOVERED BY THE MUSLIMS
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, XII, 208-9)
From beginning to end this episode lasted for four years less one month. We shall speak of it at this point (614/1217) because it was in this year that the Franks appeared, and we shall give the whole account as a continuous narrative because its various phases followed one another without intervals. In this year, then, the Frankish reinforcements arrived from overseas, from Rome and the other countries west and north of us, all under the control of the Lord of Rome (the Pope), who held a very high place in their society, so that they dared not disobey him or stray from the path ordained by him for good or ill. He sent the armies from his own states under a group of commanders, and ordered the other Frankish Kings either to go in person or to send an army. They obeyed his command and assembled in Acre, on the coast of Syria. 1
With King John of Brienne, Andrew of Hungary, Hugh of Cyprus, etc.
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152 Arab Historians of the Crusades
THE FRANKS BESIEGE AND TAKE DAMIETTA
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, XII, 210-3)
When the Franks returned from the siege of at-Tur2 they camped at Acre until the beginning of 615, and then set out for Damietta by sea, reaching it in safar/May 1218, and anchored at al-Jiza. The Nile was between them and Damietta, and one of its branches flowed into the sea near the city. At this point a tall and well-fortified tower had been built by the Egyptians, with massive iron chains slung across the river to the walls of Damietta to prevent ships arriving from the sea from travelling up the Nile into Egypt. The Franks disembarked at al-Jiza, with the Nile between them and Damietta, and built a wall on their side and dug out a trench to defend themselves from attack. Then they began to assault Damietta. They built siege-engines and mobile towers that they moved on ships to attack and seize the tower, which was full of defenders. Al-Malik al-Kamil, the son of al-Malik al-'Adil and ruler of Damietta and all Egypt, had camped in a place called 'Adiliyya, near Damietta, and sent continuous supplies of troops to Damietta to prevent the enemy from landing on his territory. The Franks, despite the unremitting attack on the tower, had no success and suffered the destruction of their own engines and machines of war. In spite of this they persevered in their attack, but spent fourteen months in unsuccessful attempts before they finally succeeded and cut the chains so that their ships could enter the Nile and they could step safely ashore on to Egyptian soil. Al-Malik al-Kamil then had a great bridge built to prevent their getting any further up the Nile, and it cost them a fierce battle to break through it. Then he took a large number of cargo vessels and sank them in the Nile to impede the Franks' passage upstream. The Franks fell back on a canal called al-Azraq, through which the Nile used to flow in earlier times; they dredged it and deepened it upstream of the sunken ships, diverted the river into this channel to the sea, and sent their ships up that way as far as a place called Bura, also in the area of al-Jiza, facing the place where al-Malik al-Kamil was encamped, to attack him from there, for they had no other way of reaching him to attack him, as Damietta was situated between them and him. When they reached Bura they found themselves face to face with him and began to attack him across the river. Their repeated assaults had, however, no success, and made no impression on the situation at Damietta, which was being reinforced and supplied uninterruptedly, and had the Nile between itself and the Franks. The city stood safe and unharmed, its gates open, and suffered no hardship or damage from the siege.
Then in jumada II 615/August 1218, by God's decree, al-Malik al-'Adil died, as we shall describe, God willing. His death lowered public morale for he was the real Sultan and although his sons bore kingly titles they were subordinate to his command, by grace of which they governed the various provinces. 1 In this situation, under enemy attack, he died. One of the ami? rs of Egypt was a man called 'Ima? d ad-Din Ahmad ibn 'Ali, known as Ibn al-Mashtu? b, a Hakkarite Kurd. He was the leader of the Egyptian ami? rs and had a great following among them, especially among the other Kurds, who all obeyed him docilely.
A Muslim fort near Acre.
Al-'Adil had succeeded in uniting under his supreme command the various domains of his brother Saladin.
2 1
Part Three: The Ayyubids and the Invasion of Egypt 153
Ibn al-Mashtu? b hatched a plot with the other ami? rs to depose al-Malik al-Kamil in favour of his brother al-Malik al-Fa'iz ibn al-'Adil, and through him to control the whole country. When al-Kamil heard the news he abandoned his position and went by night with a small detachment to a village called Ashmu? n Tanna? h, near which he made his camp. The army, its Sultan gone, was left to look after itself. No one gave a moment's thought to his nearest neighbour. They could only carry a little of the lightest gear in the way of tents, provisions, arms and equipment, so they left the rest where it was: stores, arms, horses and tents, and made their way toward al-Kamil.
The following morning the Franks could not see a single Muslim on the river-bank where they were used to seeing them. At first they were unsure what had happened, but when information reached them later on they crossed the Nile unopposed, without any incidents or any need to defend themselves, and set foot on the soil of Damietta. This was on 20 dhu l-qa'da 615/ 8 February 1219. They collected enormous, incalculable quantities of booty from the Muslim camp. Al-Malik al-Kamil was inclined to leave Egypt, for he did not trust a single member of his army and the Franks had seized everything without any effort or work on their part. But God was gracious to the Muslims, and al-Malik al-Mu'azzam Isa, the son of al-'Adil,1 arrived two days after this, while everything was in turmoil. His arrival cheered and strengthened his brother, who held his position with renewed courage. Ibn al-Mashtu? b, driven out into Syria, came to an understanding with al-Malik al-Ashraf and went to join his army.
When the Franks crossed to Damietta all the Arab nomads of the various tribes united to pillage the area around the city. They cut the roads and indulged in the most ruinous sort of brigandage, which caused the Muslims more damage than it did the Franks themselves. The gravest disadvantage that the people of Damietta suffered was their lack of any local militia, for until then the Sultan and his troops had been within reach of the city to defend it from an enemy, but when this catastrophe occurred no soldiers were sent in to garrison the city. This was the fault of Ibn al-Mashtu? b, whose just punishment was not long delayed, for he met a violent end, as we shall describe later, God willing. So the Franks laid siege to Damietta and attacked it by land and sea. They dug a trench in their usual way to defend themselves from Muslim attacks. After a prolonged struggle the defenders reached the end of their resources. They were almost without food, and exhausted by unending battle. The Franks were sufficiently numerous to take turns at the fighting, but Damietta lacked the soldiers to make this possible. In spite of this they held out amazingly and suffered great losses from death in battle, wounds and sickness. The siege lasted until 27 sha'ba? n 616/8 November 1219, when the survivors, few in number and without provisions, were unable any longer to defend their city. So they surrendered the city to the Franks in exchange for their lives. Some left, some stayed, unable to move; the city's inhabitants were scattered.
1 Sultan of Damascus.
154 Arab Historians of the Crusades
THE MUSLIMS RECONQUER DAMIETTA FROM THE FRANKS
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, XII, 213-6)
The Franks settled in Damietta after the conquest and sent out raiding parties into all the surrounding territories to pillage and slaughter. The population evacuated the region, and the Franks began to set things in order and to fortify the citadel most carefully in an effort to make it impregnable. Al-Malik al-Kamil for his part was stationed close to the enemy, on the borders of his own territory, ready to defend it. When the Franks at home learnt that the Franks had seized Damietta they hurried there from all directions, so that it became a centre for them when they emigrated. Al-Malik al-Mu'azzam returned to Syria and destroyed (the walls of) Jerusalem in dhu l-qa'da of that year, because of the general fear of the Franks. 1 The entire Muslim world, men and territories, seemed likely at this moment to be lost to the East on the one hand and the West on the other: from the East came the Tartars, who reached Ira? q, Azarbaija? n, Arra? n and other provinces, as we shall narrate, God willing; while from the West came the Franks, who took a city like Damietta in Egypt because of its lack of fortifications to protect it from an enemy. All the rest of Egypt and Syria was on the point of collapse and everyone was terrified of the invaders and went in anticipation of disaster night and day. The population of Egypt was even ready to evacuate the country for fear of the enemy, but 'It was no time to escape',2 surrounded as they were on all sides by the enemy. If al-Kamil had allowed them, they would have abandoned the country altogether, but impeded as they were they stood firm. Al-Malik al-Kamil sent a stream of letters to his two brothers al-Malik al-Mu'azzam of Damascus and al-Malik al-Ashraf who ruled the Jazira, Armenia and the rest, imploring their help and begging them to come in person, or at least to send him their troops. The Lord of Damascus went himself to al-Ashraf, but found him unable to send help to their brother because many of his vassals were in a state of rebellion, as will be explained under the year 615, following the death of al-Malik al-Qahir, ruler of Mosul. He therefore excused him and returned home, and the situation facing al-Malik al-Kamil remained unchanged.
Then the rebellions in al-Malik al-Ashraf's kingdom were put down and the rebellious Princes restored to obedience. This was accomplished by 618, at which time al-Malik al-Kamil was still confronting the Franks. At the beginning of 618 al-Kamil learnt that al-Ashraf's troubles had subsided and so he sent to his brothers to ask their help. The ruler of Damascus once again begged his brother to set out, and he did in fact start for Damascus with the troops at his disposal, commanding the rest to join him there, where he would halt and wait for them. Some of his ami? rs and courtiers advised him to send the troops on and return home himself, for fear of an uprising there, but he rejected their advice: 'I have set out on a Holy War,' he said, 'and must carry it through to the end. ' So he set off for Egypt.
The Franks with all their forces came out of Damietta to confront al-Malik al-Kamil. The two armies encamped facing one another but separated by a tributary of the Nile
Because he was afraid that he might have to hand the Holy City back to them (it was in fact offered to them at one point), and wanted at least to destroy its military significance.
Qur'a? n XXXVIII, 2.
1
2
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known as Bahr Ashmu? n. The Franks attacked the Muslims with catapults and ballistas, and were, like everyone else, sure that they would gain control of the whole of Egypt. When al-Ashraf reached Egypt his brother al-Kamil learnt of his arrival and set out to meet him, delighting both himself and the other Muslims by this meeting, which all hoped would lead to success and (final) victory. (Even) al-Mu'azzam of Damascus came to Egypt and made for Damietta, thinking that his two brothers and their armies would already have laid siege to it. Others say that he heard that the Franks were making for Damietta1 and went in that direction to confront them while the two brothers fell on them from behind; but God knows best. When al-Ashraf and al-Kamil met they decided to make for a branch of the Nile known as Bahr al-Mahalla, which they did, and pressed the Franks more and more closely. The Muslim galleys came down the Nile, attacked the Frankish fleet and took three ships with all their crew, cargo and arms. This delighted and encouraged the Muslims, who saw it as a good omen and drew from it the strength they needed to overcome the enemy.
Meanwhile ambassadors passed between the two sides to discuss the terms of the peace. The Muslims offered the Franks Ascalon, Tiberias, Sidon, Ja? bala, Laodicea and all Saladin's conquests except al-Karak, in return for Damietta,1 but the Franks refused and asked for 300,000 dinar as indemnity for the destruction of the walls of Jerusalem, to be used to rebuild them, and made no further moves, except to say that they could not give up their claim to al-Karak.
