Meursius
(Mis-
Dorians, bas proved this point beyond all doubt.
Dorians, bas proved this point beyond all doubt.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - b
(Müll.
Dor.
The Spartans were to be warriors and nothing liv. 4. $ 3. ) The king Archidamus, for instance, was
3
## p. 855 (#871) ############################################
LYCURGUS.
855
LYCURGUS.
esteem.
fined because he married a short woman (Plut. de division of the army, and a political body, bound
Exlucat. 2), from whom no kings, but only kinglings together by the ties of friendship and mutual
(Baginiokot), could be expected. To the matri-
The youths and boys used to eat se-
monial alliance so little sanctity was attached for parately from the men in their own divisions. For
its own sake, that it was sacrificed without scruple a concise view of the Spartan system of education
to maxims of state policy or private expediency see Thirlwall’s Hist. of Greece, vol. i. P.
327.
(Plut. Lyc. 15; comp. Polyb. in Mai's Nov. Col. The organisation of the Spartan army, the climax
Vet. Scriptor. ii. p. 384. ); a regular family life was of all their political institutions and social arrange-
rendered impossible by the husband's continual ab- ments, which we have now reviewed, is treated of
sence from home, either in the gymnasia, or at the in the Dict. of Ant. , so that we can here dispense
chase, or at the Syssitia and Leschae. Women with a repetition of its details. It was more perfect
were excluded from the common meals of the men than any other in Greece, and procured to Sparta
It was considered disreputable for the husband to an authority among Greeks and barbarians, which
be seen much in the company of his wife (Xen. de the envy and hatred of her bitterest enemies could
Rep. Lac. i. 5); his whole existence was engrosscd not but acknowledge. As long as Sparta could
by his public duties. The chief and only object of supply her armies with sufficient number of
marriage was the procreation of a healthy offspring genuine Spartan citizens they were invincible ; but
to supply the state with good citizens. Hence the decline of her free population necessarily drew
those regulations, so shocking to our feelings, which after it that of her military strength, and after the
authorised a weak or old husband to admit a strong days of Leuctra and Mantineia she never rose to
man to his matrimonial rights; or those which that eminence she had proudly occupied after the
provided a widow, who had not yet any children, battle of Plataene or Aegos-potami.
to supply her husband's place with a man (proba- We now return to the more immediate subject
bly a slave), and to produce heirs and successors to of this article, and inquire how far the framing of
the deceased. (Xen. Rep. Lac. i 6; Müll. Dor. iii. the constitution of Sparta must be attributed to
10. $ 4). In Sparta it was considered an act of Lycurgus. This inquiry is not a useless speculation,
magnanimity that, when Leonidas was sent to but will serve to throw additional light on the cha-
Thermopylae, he left as a legacy to his wife, Gorgo, racter of that extraordinary political organisation,
the maxim, “Marry nobly, and produce a noble as we shall have to determine whether it was a
offspring” (Plut. de Herod. Malim. 32, p. 321, spontaneous result of the Dorian character and the
Lac. Apophth. p. 216, fr. p. 355); and when Acro- peculiar circumstances of the Spartan Dorians, or
tatus had fought bravely in the war against Pyr- whether it was stamped upon them by the hand of
rhus, the women followed him through the town ; a superior genius, without whose interference the
and some of the older ones shouted after him:
course of political development would have run in
“Go, Acrotatns, enjoy yourself with Chelidonis, a different direction.
and beget valiant sons for Sparta. ” (Plut. Pyrrh. We have said already that the ancients were
28. )
unanimous in regarding Lycurgus not only as a
We cannot blame the Spartans so much for the real historical person, but also as the originator of
laws which disposed of the hands of heiresses all the institutions of Sparta. But their testimony
without in the least taking notice of their individual in this respect proves too much. One need only
inclinations. The laws regarding this point were read Xenophon's little work, De Republica Lace-
pretty nearly alike in most ancient Greek states, daemoniorum, in order to see the absurdity of
as every where the maintenance of the existing ascribing every thing to the lawgiver. According
families and properties was considered of primary to this view, the Spartans must have lived before
importance to the welfare of the state. Hence at Lycurgus without all law, custom, and government,
Sparta the next in kin had a right and was bound which we know is not true, and cannot be true, or,
to marry an heiress, and to continue her father's what would be more wonderful still, Lycurgus bad
family. (Müll. Dor, iii. 10. § 4. )
the power of sweeping away every ancient custom,
But that branch of social life in which Sparta and supplanting it by a whole system of new
stood most aloof from the rest of Greece and the foreign regulations. To adduce a few instances of
world was the education of her citizens, young and this erroneous view, we will mention the institution
old ; for the education of the Spartan was not of the popular assembly, which is ascribed to Ly-
confined to his youth, but extended nearly through- curgus (Plut. Lyc. 6). There cannot be any doubt
out his whole life. The syssitia, or, as they were that an assembly of the people existed in Sparta
called at Sparta, phiditia, the common meals, may from the first, as well as in all other Greek states,
be regarded as an educational institution ; for at even in the heroic ages. A still more essential
these meals subjects of general interest were dis- part of every Greek commonwealth was the council
cussed and political questions debated, so that they of elders, and yet this also is ascribed to Lycurgus.
were not a bad school in politics and laws for the (Plut. Lyc. 5. ) But it is quite ridiculous to say,
citizens. The discussions on these occasions may that Lycurgus abolished gold and silver money;'
have been a sort of compensation for the silence and enacted that iron should be the only currency.
that was imposed on the popular assembly; they The first money in Greece was coined about the
may to some extent have answered the purpose of eighth Olympiad by Pheidon, tyrant of Argos.
the Roman contiones, and of the public press of (Müll
. Aeginetica, p. 57. ) This was silver money.
our days. And they were the more efficient for Gold money was first coined in Asia. The Spartan
such purposes, as friends and relations generally, state at the time of Solon possessed not gold enough
to the number of fifteen, formed companies for to gild the face of the statue of Apollo at Thornax,
dining together at one table, into which companies and sent to Croesus to buy it. (Herod. i. 69. ) A
fresh members were only admitted by unanimous similar mistake is made when the institution of
election. These étaipiai (as they were called by the ephors is ascribed to Lycurgus. (Herod. i.
the Dorians in Crete) formed a sort of elementary | 05; Xen. de Rep. Laced. 8. $ 3. ) Other accounts
31 4
## p. 856 (#872) ############################################
856
LYCURGUS.
LYCURGUS.
mention the king Theopompus as the author of | feeling of his countrymen. Now it is evident that
this magistracy. (Plut. Luc. 7; Arist. Pol. v. 9. ) the power of any individual lawgiver must in this
But neither of the two statements is correct. The point be very limited, since these things are only
office of ephors was common to several Doric states. the outward appearance of a nation's character,
They were originally officers of police, exercised a which it would be just as easy to alter by legal
civil jurisdiction in minor cases (Mill. Dor. iii. 7), enactments as a negro lawgiver might by the same
and were doubtlessly coeval with the first origin of means change the black colour of his countrymen
the Spartan state.
or their woolly hair. No power on earth could
Such considerations have induced modern critics induce the population of any town or village in
to examine more carefully the truth of every se- modern Europe to adopt the manner of life of the
parate statement, in order thus to arrive at a more ancient Spartans, granting that this were otherwise
correct notion of the influence of the individual possible; and we are equally positive in asserting
mind of a lawgiver on the spirit of the Spartan that the influence of Lycurgus on the chancur oi
constitution. Some critics have gone quite to the his countrymen, however great it may have been,
extreme, and, placing Lycurgus in the same category could never materially alter their peculiar mode of
with Theseus or Romulus, have entirely denied his life.
historical existence, alleging the authority of llcl- 3. The difficulty of influencing a political com-
Janicus, the most ancient writer on Sparta, who munity in almost every concern of public and
ascribes the Spartan institutions to l'rocles and private life by legal enactments is still further in-
Eurysthenes, without even mentioning the name of creased, if we consider the means at the disposal of
Lycurgus. (Strab. viii. p. 366. ) Other reasons a lawgiver in the time of Lycurgus. We know
alleged for this view are contained in the divine well the difficulty there is in putting in force a
honours paid to Lycurgus at Sparta, and the sig- single new law. What could Lycurgus have
nificant name of Eunomus, his father, nephew, or done without all the means of modern times, with-
brother, according to different accounts. We are out a nicely arranged administration, without even
not inclined to go all the length of this argument; the art of writing? This art, although existing at
we allow with the soberest modern historians the that time, was not used for fixing and preserving the
reality of Lycurgus, but in order to limit the ex- laws of Lycurgus. A particular rhetra forbade the
aggerations of the ancients, we adduce the follow- use of it. (Plut. Lyc. 13. ) The laws were trans-
ing considerations, which tend to show that by far mitted by word of mouth, and existed only in the
the greater part of the regulations which are com- memory and hearts of the citizens. Is it possible
monly ascribed to Lycurgus arose, independently that a great number of them could originate at
of him, by the spontaneous development of the once ? We know a few of the rhetrae ascribed to
commonwealth of Sparta.
Lycurgus. They lay down simply the broad fun-
1. It is a general and obvious remark, that damental features of the constitution. All the
people have a propensity to ascribe to prominent detail, it appears, was left to be regulated by the
individuals the sayings and doings of a great many prevailing sentiment among the Spartans.
less celebrated persons, and to make these indi- 4. What we have said with regard to the tend-
viduals the representatives of whole ages. This ency of all the institutions of Sparta, viz. that
propensity is more especially peculiar to an age of their object was to keep down a large subject
primitive simplicity, ignorance, and poetry. A population, and that they were necessary for this
prosaical, analysing, scientific research, dispels such purpose, is at the same time an argument for
delusions. We no longer imagine that Romulus doubting the influence of Lycurgus. Sparta as-
selected out of his motley crowd of fugitives some sumed from the time of the invasion of Peloponnesus
few whom he made patricians, nor that he devised the attitude of a conqueror. The Helots existed
the division of the people into tribes and curiae, before the time of Lycurgus, and consequently also
nor that Numa invented religious rites wholly the contrivances of the Spartan state to keep them
anomalous with the existing institutions; we know in subjection. The only thing that we can allow
now that the twelve tables of the decem virs con- is, that before the time of Lycurgus these insti-
tained little, if anything, that was new, and only tutions were in a state of development, and varying
reduced to a concise, fixed form the laws which at various times and occasions ; and that they
were formerly only partially and imperfectly written were finally settled in the reform which the whole
down.
If we lived in an age similar to the early state underwent through Lycurgus. We hear of
period of Grecian history, there can be no doubt disorders that prevailed at Sparta, of quarrels be-
that the Code Napoleon would soon be regarded in tween the community (people) and the king (Plut.
the same light in which the ancients regarded the Luc. 2), of the tyranny of king Charilaus (Arist.
legislation of Lycurgus. It would be considered Pol. v. 10. $3), which was put an end to by the
to have entirely emanated from one individual establishment of an aristocracy; at the same time
niind, without having any connection with previous we read of an equal division of land, so opposed to
institutions. Such being the case, we naturally the spirit of aristocracy. The easiest explanation
hesitate before we admit all that we hear about the of these traditions is that given by bishop Thirlwall
legislation of Lycurgus.
(Hist. of Gr. vol. i. p. 297), that the quarrels were
2. Our doubts will be reasonably confirmed by not among the Spartans themselves, but between
the observation, that the chief part of that reform them and the Laconian provincials, many of whom
which is ascribed to Lycurgus consists not in de were only recently subjected, or still independent.
finite regulations concerning the functions of the “ It seems not improbable that it was reserved for
various magistrates, the administration, criminal or Lycurgus finally to settle the relative position of
civil law, in short, the purely political organisation the several classes” (p. 300). This theory appears
of the state ; but in the peculiar direction he is the more correct, as it is evident from the com-
said to have given to the nature of private life, to parison of other Dorian states in Peloponnesus and
the manners and custonis, modes of thinking and Crete, that the peculiar character of the Dorian
## p. 857 (#873) ############################################
LYCURGUS.
857
LYCURGUS.
.
rare developed itself purely only in those countries in the Spartan constitution is in its origin inde-
where, as in Crete, the Dorians were prevented pendent of Lycurgus. llis merit consists partly in
from mixing with other races. In proportion as fixing the institutions he found, or in re-establish-
they amalgamated with the conquered the Dorian ing older regulations, which began to give way,
character disappeared, as, for instance, in Corinth, partly in restoring peace by his personal influence,
Argos, and Messenia. If therefore Sparta owed to and aiding in establishing or restoring that equal
Lycurgus the confirmation of her political ascend- division of property, and that subjection of the
ency over her subjects, and was thus enabled to conquered under the conquerors, which were es-
preserve and develope the original Dorian cha. sential for preserving the Doric character in its
racter, it is explained how Lycurgus could be purity.
regarded as the originator of things which in reality The ancient literature on Lycurgus is chiefly
he was only accessory in npholding.
contained in Plutarch's Lycurgus and Institutu Lu-
5. There is one consideration more to corroborate conica ; Xenophon, de Republica Luccducmoniur.
the view which we take of Lycurgus. We have excellent edition by Fr. Haase, 1833) ; Aristotle's
just mentioned, that the institutions of Sparta were Politics, ii. 6. Comprehensive collections of all the
originally not peculiar to her alone, but were materials are those of Nic. Cragins (ie Popull.
common to the whole Dorian race. Müller, in his Lacedaem. Genev. 1593), and T.
Meursius (Mis-
Dorians, bas proved this point beyond all doubt. cellanca Laconici, Amst. 1661, and De Remo
He adduces Pindar (iii. 1. § 7), who mentions Laconico, Ultraj. 1687 ; also in Gronov. Thesuur).
(Pyth. i. 61) that Hieron the Syracusan wished to Of more recent date are Arnold's 2nd appen-
establish the new city of Aetna upon the genuine dix to his Thucydides, on the Spartun Consti-
Doric principles. He founded it “with Jucaren- tution ; a review of this by G. C. Lewis, in the
built freedom, according to the laws of the lyllean Philological Museum, vol. i. ; Manso's Sparta,
model,” i. e. after the example of the Spartan con- 1800; Müller's Dorians; Wachsmuth, Hellen.
stitution ; " for the descendants of Pamphilus and Allerth. $ 55; Hermann's Political Antiq. , where,
of the Heracleiduc, who dwell under thic brow of $ 23, the whole literature is given at full length;
Taygetus, wish always to retain the Doric institutions and Grote's History of Greece, vol. ij. c. 6. [W. 1. ]
of Aegimius. " This passage is as decisive as can LYCURGUS (ukollpros). ). An Athenian,
be to prove that the laws of Sparta were considered son of Aristoluïdas, was the leader of the liigh oli-
the true Doric institutions. (Comp. Hermann, garchical party, or the party of the plain, while
Pol. Ant. § 20, 1. ) Müller has enlarged upon those of the const and the highlands were headed
this subject by tracing remnants of the same Doric respectively by Megacles, the Alcmaconid, and
institutions in other Doric states, where, as we Peisistratus. The government having been usurped
have seen, they are found effaced more or less, by Peisistratus, in B. c. 560, Megacles and Lycur-
through the admission of strangers to the right of gus coalesced and drove him out in B. C. 554. But
citizenship. But in Crete these institutions were they then renewed their dissensions with one
preserved in their full purity to such an extent, another, and the consequence was the restoration
that the ancients unanimously made Lycurgus of Peisistratus, in B. c. 548, by marriage with the
borrow part of his laws from his Cretan kinsmen. daughter of Megacles. He treated the lady, how-
(Strab. X. p. 737, a. ; Hoeck, Kreta, iii. p. 11. ) ever, as only nominally his wife, and the Alcmaeo-
There existed in that island Helots (called apauia- nidae, indignant at the insult, again made common
ται or μνώται), subject provincials (υπήκοοι), εys- cause with Lycurgus, and expelled Peisistratus for
sitia, all nearly on the same principles as in Sparta. the second time, in B. c. 517. (Her. i. 59, &c. )
The Cretan education resembled that of Sparta in 2. A Lacedaemonian, who, though not of the
every feature, in short, the whole aspect of political, royal blood, was chosen king, in B. c. 220, together
and still more that of social life, was the same in with Agesipolis III. , after the death of Cleonienes;
both countries, whence Plato called their laws in the words of Polybius, " by giving a talent to
ådendous vóuous. (Plat. de Leg. ii. p. 683, a; comp. each of the Ephori, he became a descendant of
Arist. Pol. ii. 7. $ 1. ) But, far from discovering Heracles and king of Sparta. " It was not long
in this circumstance a proof that Sparta borrowed before he deposed his colleague and made himself
her laws froin Crete, we recognise in those of the sole sovereign, though under the control of the
latter country only another independent develop- Ephori. Placed on the throne by the party favour-
ment of the Doric institutions (Herm. Pol. Ant. $ able to Aetolin, he readily listened to the instiga-
20,10), without however denying that of which we tions of Machatas, the Aetolian envoy, to make
have no positive proof, that Lycurgus in his reform war on Philip V. of Macedon, and the Achaeans.
may have had in view the similar organisation of Having invaded Argolis and taken several towns,
the kindred tribe. (Müll. Dor. iii. 1. & 8. ) For he laid siege to the fortress named Athenaeum, in
this purpose it can be indifferent to us whether, as the district of Belbina, claimed by the Megalopo-
Müller thinks, the Dorians migrated into Crete litans as their territory, and took it in consequence
from the district of mount Olympus long before the of the dilatory conduct of Aratus, to whom it
Trojan war, so that Minos would be a Dorian, and looked for succour, B. C. 219. In the same year
his legislation founded on Doric principles (Müll. he barely escaped with his life from the conspiracy
in. 1. 9), or whether the Dorians only came into of Cheilon, and fled for refuge to Pellene on the
Crete sixty or eighty years after their conquest of western frontier of Laconia. In B. c. 218 he made
Peloponnesus under Pollis and Althaemenes (Diod. an incursion into Messenia, simultaneously with
iv. 60, v. 80), according to Hoeck (Kreta, ii. the invasion of Thessaly by Dorimachus, the Aeto-
lian, in the hope of drawing Philip away from the
To sum up our opinion in a few words, we would siege of Palus in Cephallenia ; but Philip, while
say that, although we do not deny the historical he himself invaded Aetolia, desired Eperatus, the
reality of Lycurgus, or his character as a legislator Achacan general, to go to the relief of the Messe-
of Sparta, yet we consider that every thing essential | niins. Lycurgus effected little in Messenia, and
p. 15).
## p. 858 (#874) ############################################
858
LYCURGUS.
LYCUS.
was equally unsuccessful in the same year, in an full of anecdotes and characteristic features o.
attempt which he made on the citadel of Tegen, Lycurgus, from which we must infer that he was
and also in his endeavour to intercept and defeat one of the noblest specimens of old Attic virtue,
Philip in the passes of the Menelaïon, on his return and a worthy contemporary of Demosthenes. He
from his invasion of Laconia. Not long after, he often appeared as a successful accuser in the Athe.
was falsely accused to the Ephori of revolutionary nian courts, but he himself was as often accused
designs, and was obliged to flee to Actolia for by others, though he always, and even in the last
safety. In the following year, however (B. c. 217), days of his life, succeeded in silencing his enemics.
the Ephori discovered the groundlessness of the Thus we know that he was attacked by Philinus
charge and recalled him ; and soon after he made (llarpocrat. s. v. Sewpixá), Deinarchus (Dionys.
an inrond into Messenin, in which he was to have Dinarch. 10), Aristogeiton, Menesaechmus, and
been joined by Pyrrhias, the Aetolian general, but others. He died while holding the office of To-
the latter was repulsed in his attempe to pass the otaths of the theatre of Dionysus, in B. c. 3:23. A
frontier, and Lycurgus returned to Sparta without fragment of an inscription, containing the account
having effected and thing. lle died about B. C. which he rendered to the state of his administration
210, and Machanidas then made himself tyrant of the finances, is still extant. At his death he left
(Pol. iv. 2, 35-37, 60, 81, v. 5, 17, 21-233, 29), behind three sons, by his wife Callisto, who were
91, 92 ; Paus. iv. 29; Liv. xxxiv. 26. ) Lycurgus severely persccuted by Menesaechmus and Thra-
left a son named Pelops, who was put to death by sycles, but were defended by Hyperides and De-
Nabis, B. C. 205. (Diod. Eac de Virt. et l'it. p. mocles. (Plut. l. c. p. 812, &c. ) Among the
570 ; Vales, and Wess. ad loc. ) [E. E. ) honours which were conferred upon him, we may
LYCURGUS (Aukvūpyos), an Attic orator, was mention, that the archon Anaxicrates ordered a
born at Athens about B. C. 396, and was the son bronze statue to be erccted to him in the Cerita
of Lycophron, who belonged to the noble family of meicus, and that he and his eldest son should be
the Eteobutadae. (Plut. Vit. X. Orat. p. 841; entertained in the prytaneium at the public ex-
Suidas, s. v. Avkoupyos ; Phot. Bibl. Cod. 268, pense.
p. 496, &c. ) In liis early life he devoted himself The ancients mention fifteen orations of Ly-
to the study of philosophy in the school of Plato, curgus as extant in their days (Plut. l. c. p. 813 ;
but afterwards became one of the disciples of Iso- | Phot. l. c. p. 496, b), but we know the titles of at
crates, and entered upon public life at a compara- least twenty. (Westermann, Gesch. d. Griech.
tively early age. He was appointed three successive Beredt. , Beilage vi. p. 296. ) With the exception,
times to the office of Taulas tſis kolvñs apogówou, however, of one entire oration against Leocrates,
i. e. manager of the public revenue, and held his and some fragments of others, all the rest are lost,
office each time for five years, beginning with B. C. so that our knowledge of his skill and style as an
337. The conscientiousness with which he dis- orator is very incomplete. Dionysius and other
charged the duties of this office enabled him to ancient critics draw particular attention to the
raise the public revenue to the sum of 1200 talents. ethical tendency of his orations, but they censure
This, as well as the unwearied activity with which the harshness of his metaphors, the inaccuracy in
he laboured both for increasing the security and the arrangement of his subject, and his frequent
splendour of the city of Athens, gained for him the digressions. His style is noble and grand, but
universal confidence of the people to such a degree, neither elegant nor pleasing. (Dionys. Vet. Script.
that when Alexander the Great demanded, among cens. v. 3; Hermogen. De Form. Orat.
The Spartans were to be warriors and nothing liv. 4. $ 3. ) The king Archidamus, for instance, was
3
## p. 855 (#871) ############################################
LYCURGUS.
855
LYCURGUS.
esteem.
fined because he married a short woman (Plut. de division of the army, and a political body, bound
Exlucat. 2), from whom no kings, but only kinglings together by the ties of friendship and mutual
(Baginiokot), could be expected. To the matri-
The youths and boys used to eat se-
monial alliance so little sanctity was attached for parately from the men in their own divisions. For
its own sake, that it was sacrificed without scruple a concise view of the Spartan system of education
to maxims of state policy or private expediency see Thirlwall’s Hist. of Greece, vol. i. P.
327.
(Plut. Lyc. 15; comp. Polyb. in Mai's Nov. Col. The organisation of the Spartan army, the climax
Vet. Scriptor. ii. p. 384. ); a regular family life was of all their political institutions and social arrange-
rendered impossible by the husband's continual ab- ments, which we have now reviewed, is treated of
sence from home, either in the gymnasia, or at the in the Dict. of Ant. , so that we can here dispense
chase, or at the Syssitia and Leschae. Women with a repetition of its details. It was more perfect
were excluded from the common meals of the men than any other in Greece, and procured to Sparta
It was considered disreputable for the husband to an authority among Greeks and barbarians, which
be seen much in the company of his wife (Xen. de the envy and hatred of her bitterest enemies could
Rep. Lac. i. 5); his whole existence was engrosscd not but acknowledge. As long as Sparta could
by his public duties. The chief and only object of supply her armies with sufficient number of
marriage was the procreation of a healthy offspring genuine Spartan citizens they were invincible ; but
to supply the state with good citizens. Hence the decline of her free population necessarily drew
those regulations, so shocking to our feelings, which after it that of her military strength, and after the
authorised a weak or old husband to admit a strong days of Leuctra and Mantineia she never rose to
man to his matrimonial rights; or those which that eminence she had proudly occupied after the
provided a widow, who had not yet any children, battle of Plataene or Aegos-potami.
to supply her husband's place with a man (proba- We now return to the more immediate subject
bly a slave), and to produce heirs and successors to of this article, and inquire how far the framing of
the deceased. (Xen. Rep. Lac. i 6; Müll. Dor. iii. the constitution of Sparta must be attributed to
10. $ 4). In Sparta it was considered an act of Lycurgus. This inquiry is not a useless speculation,
magnanimity that, when Leonidas was sent to but will serve to throw additional light on the cha-
Thermopylae, he left as a legacy to his wife, Gorgo, racter of that extraordinary political organisation,
the maxim, “Marry nobly, and produce a noble as we shall have to determine whether it was a
offspring” (Plut. de Herod. Malim. 32, p. 321, spontaneous result of the Dorian character and the
Lac. Apophth. p. 216, fr. p. 355); and when Acro- peculiar circumstances of the Spartan Dorians, or
tatus had fought bravely in the war against Pyr- whether it was stamped upon them by the hand of
rhus, the women followed him through the town ; a superior genius, without whose interference the
and some of the older ones shouted after him:
course of political development would have run in
“Go, Acrotatns, enjoy yourself with Chelidonis, a different direction.
and beget valiant sons for Sparta. ” (Plut. Pyrrh. We have said already that the ancients were
28. )
unanimous in regarding Lycurgus not only as a
We cannot blame the Spartans so much for the real historical person, but also as the originator of
laws which disposed of the hands of heiresses all the institutions of Sparta. But their testimony
without in the least taking notice of their individual in this respect proves too much. One need only
inclinations. The laws regarding this point were read Xenophon's little work, De Republica Lace-
pretty nearly alike in most ancient Greek states, daemoniorum, in order to see the absurdity of
as every where the maintenance of the existing ascribing every thing to the lawgiver. According
families and properties was considered of primary to this view, the Spartans must have lived before
importance to the welfare of the state. Hence at Lycurgus without all law, custom, and government,
Sparta the next in kin had a right and was bound which we know is not true, and cannot be true, or,
to marry an heiress, and to continue her father's what would be more wonderful still, Lycurgus bad
family. (Müll. Dor, iii. 10. § 4. )
the power of sweeping away every ancient custom,
But that branch of social life in which Sparta and supplanting it by a whole system of new
stood most aloof from the rest of Greece and the foreign regulations. To adduce a few instances of
world was the education of her citizens, young and this erroneous view, we will mention the institution
old ; for the education of the Spartan was not of the popular assembly, which is ascribed to Ly-
confined to his youth, but extended nearly through- curgus (Plut. Lyc. 6). There cannot be any doubt
out his whole life. The syssitia, or, as they were that an assembly of the people existed in Sparta
called at Sparta, phiditia, the common meals, may from the first, as well as in all other Greek states,
be regarded as an educational institution ; for at even in the heroic ages. A still more essential
these meals subjects of general interest were dis- part of every Greek commonwealth was the council
cussed and political questions debated, so that they of elders, and yet this also is ascribed to Lycurgus.
were not a bad school in politics and laws for the (Plut. Lyc. 5. ) But it is quite ridiculous to say,
citizens. The discussions on these occasions may that Lycurgus abolished gold and silver money;'
have been a sort of compensation for the silence and enacted that iron should be the only currency.
that was imposed on the popular assembly; they The first money in Greece was coined about the
may to some extent have answered the purpose of eighth Olympiad by Pheidon, tyrant of Argos.
the Roman contiones, and of the public press of (Müll
. Aeginetica, p. 57. ) This was silver money.
our days. And they were the more efficient for Gold money was first coined in Asia. The Spartan
such purposes, as friends and relations generally, state at the time of Solon possessed not gold enough
to the number of fifteen, formed companies for to gild the face of the statue of Apollo at Thornax,
dining together at one table, into which companies and sent to Croesus to buy it. (Herod. i. 69. ) A
fresh members were only admitted by unanimous similar mistake is made when the institution of
election. These étaipiai (as they were called by the ephors is ascribed to Lycurgus. (Herod. i.
the Dorians in Crete) formed a sort of elementary | 05; Xen. de Rep. Laced. 8. $ 3. ) Other accounts
31 4
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856
LYCURGUS.
LYCURGUS.
mention the king Theopompus as the author of | feeling of his countrymen. Now it is evident that
this magistracy. (Plut. Luc. 7; Arist. Pol. v. 9. ) the power of any individual lawgiver must in this
But neither of the two statements is correct. The point be very limited, since these things are only
office of ephors was common to several Doric states. the outward appearance of a nation's character,
They were originally officers of police, exercised a which it would be just as easy to alter by legal
civil jurisdiction in minor cases (Mill. Dor. iii. 7), enactments as a negro lawgiver might by the same
and were doubtlessly coeval with the first origin of means change the black colour of his countrymen
the Spartan state.
or their woolly hair. No power on earth could
Such considerations have induced modern critics induce the population of any town or village in
to examine more carefully the truth of every se- modern Europe to adopt the manner of life of the
parate statement, in order thus to arrive at a more ancient Spartans, granting that this were otherwise
correct notion of the influence of the individual possible; and we are equally positive in asserting
mind of a lawgiver on the spirit of the Spartan that the influence of Lycurgus on the chancur oi
constitution. Some critics have gone quite to the his countrymen, however great it may have been,
extreme, and, placing Lycurgus in the same category could never materially alter their peculiar mode of
with Theseus or Romulus, have entirely denied his life.
historical existence, alleging the authority of llcl- 3. The difficulty of influencing a political com-
Janicus, the most ancient writer on Sparta, who munity in almost every concern of public and
ascribes the Spartan institutions to l'rocles and private life by legal enactments is still further in-
Eurysthenes, without even mentioning the name of creased, if we consider the means at the disposal of
Lycurgus. (Strab. viii. p. 366. ) Other reasons a lawgiver in the time of Lycurgus. We know
alleged for this view are contained in the divine well the difficulty there is in putting in force a
honours paid to Lycurgus at Sparta, and the sig- single new law. What could Lycurgus have
nificant name of Eunomus, his father, nephew, or done without all the means of modern times, with-
brother, according to different accounts. We are out a nicely arranged administration, without even
not inclined to go all the length of this argument; the art of writing? This art, although existing at
we allow with the soberest modern historians the that time, was not used for fixing and preserving the
reality of Lycurgus, but in order to limit the ex- laws of Lycurgus. A particular rhetra forbade the
aggerations of the ancients, we adduce the follow- use of it. (Plut. Lyc. 13. ) The laws were trans-
ing considerations, which tend to show that by far mitted by word of mouth, and existed only in the
the greater part of the regulations which are com- memory and hearts of the citizens. Is it possible
monly ascribed to Lycurgus arose, independently that a great number of them could originate at
of him, by the spontaneous development of the once ? We know a few of the rhetrae ascribed to
commonwealth of Sparta.
Lycurgus. They lay down simply the broad fun-
1. It is a general and obvious remark, that damental features of the constitution. All the
people have a propensity to ascribe to prominent detail, it appears, was left to be regulated by the
individuals the sayings and doings of a great many prevailing sentiment among the Spartans.
less celebrated persons, and to make these indi- 4. What we have said with regard to the tend-
viduals the representatives of whole ages. This ency of all the institutions of Sparta, viz. that
propensity is more especially peculiar to an age of their object was to keep down a large subject
primitive simplicity, ignorance, and poetry. A population, and that they were necessary for this
prosaical, analysing, scientific research, dispels such purpose, is at the same time an argument for
delusions. We no longer imagine that Romulus doubting the influence of Lycurgus. Sparta as-
selected out of his motley crowd of fugitives some sumed from the time of the invasion of Peloponnesus
few whom he made patricians, nor that he devised the attitude of a conqueror. The Helots existed
the division of the people into tribes and curiae, before the time of Lycurgus, and consequently also
nor that Numa invented religious rites wholly the contrivances of the Spartan state to keep them
anomalous with the existing institutions; we know in subjection. The only thing that we can allow
now that the twelve tables of the decem virs con- is, that before the time of Lycurgus these insti-
tained little, if anything, that was new, and only tutions were in a state of development, and varying
reduced to a concise, fixed form the laws which at various times and occasions ; and that they
were formerly only partially and imperfectly written were finally settled in the reform which the whole
down.
If we lived in an age similar to the early state underwent through Lycurgus. We hear of
period of Grecian history, there can be no doubt disorders that prevailed at Sparta, of quarrels be-
that the Code Napoleon would soon be regarded in tween the community (people) and the king (Plut.
the same light in which the ancients regarded the Luc. 2), of the tyranny of king Charilaus (Arist.
legislation of Lycurgus. It would be considered Pol. v. 10. $3), which was put an end to by the
to have entirely emanated from one individual establishment of an aristocracy; at the same time
niind, without having any connection with previous we read of an equal division of land, so opposed to
institutions. Such being the case, we naturally the spirit of aristocracy. The easiest explanation
hesitate before we admit all that we hear about the of these traditions is that given by bishop Thirlwall
legislation of Lycurgus.
(Hist. of Gr. vol. i. p. 297), that the quarrels were
2. Our doubts will be reasonably confirmed by not among the Spartans themselves, but between
the observation, that the chief part of that reform them and the Laconian provincials, many of whom
which is ascribed to Lycurgus consists not in de were only recently subjected, or still independent.
finite regulations concerning the functions of the “ It seems not improbable that it was reserved for
various magistrates, the administration, criminal or Lycurgus finally to settle the relative position of
civil law, in short, the purely political organisation the several classes” (p. 300). This theory appears
of the state ; but in the peculiar direction he is the more correct, as it is evident from the com-
said to have given to the nature of private life, to parison of other Dorian states in Peloponnesus and
the manners and custonis, modes of thinking and Crete, that the peculiar character of the Dorian
## p. 857 (#873) ############################################
LYCURGUS.
857
LYCURGUS.
.
rare developed itself purely only in those countries in the Spartan constitution is in its origin inde-
where, as in Crete, the Dorians were prevented pendent of Lycurgus. llis merit consists partly in
from mixing with other races. In proportion as fixing the institutions he found, or in re-establish-
they amalgamated with the conquered the Dorian ing older regulations, which began to give way,
character disappeared, as, for instance, in Corinth, partly in restoring peace by his personal influence,
Argos, and Messenia. If therefore Sparta owed to and aiding in establishing or restoring that equal
Lycurgus the confirmation of her political ascend- division of property, and that subjection of the
ency over her subjects, and was thus enabled to conquered under the conquerors, which were es-
preserve and develope the original Dorian cha. sential for preserving the Doric character in its
racter, it is explained how Lycurgus could be purity.
regarded as the originator of things which in reality The ancient literature on Lycurgus is chiefly
he was only accessory in npholding.
contained in Plutarch's Lycurgus and Institutu Lu-
5. There is one consideration more to corroborate conica ; Xenophon, de Republica Luccducmoniur.
the view which we take of Lycurgus. We have excellent edition by Fr. Haase, 1833) ; Aristotle's
just mentioned, that the institutions of Sparta were Politics, ii. 6. Comprehensive collections of all the
originally not peculiar to her alone, but were materials are those of Nic. Cragins (ie Popull.
common to the whole Dorian race. Müller, in his Lacedaem. Genev. 1593), and T.
Meursius (Mis-
Dorians, bas proved this point beyond all doubt. cellanca Laconici, Amst. 1661, and De Remo
He adduces Pindar (iii. 1. § 7), who mentions Laconico, Ultraj. 1687 ; also in Gronov. Thesuur).
(Pyth. i. 61) that Hieron the Syracusan wished to Of more recent date are Arnold's 2nd appen-
establish the new city of Aetna upon the genuine dix to his Thucydides, on the Spartun Consti-
Doric principles. He founded it “with Jucaren- tution ; a review of this by G. C. Lewis, in the
built freedom, according to the laws of the lyllean Philological Museum, vol. i. ; Manso's Sparta,
model,” i. e. after the example of the Spartan con- 1800; Müller's Dorians; Wachsmuth, Hellen.
stitution ; " for the descendants of Pamphilus and Allerth. $ 55; Hermann's Political Antiq. , where,
of the Heracleiduc, who dwell under thic brow of $ 23, the whole literature is given at full length;
Taygetus, wish always to retain the Doric institutions and Grote's History of Greece, vol. ij. c. 6. [W. 1. ]
of Aegimius. " This passage is as decisive as can LYCURGUS (ukollpros). ). An Athenian,
be to prove that the laws of Sparta were considered son of Aristoluïdas, was the leader of the liigh oli-
the true Doric institutions. (Comp. Hermann, garchical party, or the party of the plain, while
Pol. Ant. § 20, 1. ) Müller has enlarged upon those of the const and the highlands were headed
this subject by tracing remnants of the same Doric respectively by Megacles, the Alcmaconid, and
institutions in other Doric states, where, as we Peisistratus. The government having been usurped
have seen, they are found effaced more or less, by Peisistratus, in B. c. 560, Megacles and Lycur-
through the admission of strangers to the right of gus coalesced and drove him out in B. C. 554. But
citizenship. But in Crete these institutions were they then renewed their dissensions with one
preserved in their full purity to such an extent, another, and the consequence was the restoration
that the ancients unanimously made Lycurgus of Peisistratus, in B. c. 548, by marriage with the
borrow part of his laws from his Cretan kinsmen. daughter of Megacles. He treated the lady, how-
(Strab. X. p. 737, a. ; Hoeck, Kreta, iii. p. 11. ) ever, as only nominally his wife, and the Alcmaeo-
There existed in that island Helots (called apauia- nidae, indignant at the insult, again made common
ται or μνώται), subject provincials (υπήκοοι), εys- cause with Lycurgus, and expelled Peisistratus for
sitia, all nearly on the same principles as in Sparta. the second time, in B. c. 517. (Her. i. 59, &c. )
The Cretan education resembled that of Sparta in 2. A Lacedaemonian, who, though not of the
every feature, in short, the whole aspect of political, royal blood, was chosen king, in B. c. 220, together
and still more that of social life, was the same in with Agesipolis III. , after the death of Cleonienes;
both countries, whence Plato called their laws in the words of Polybius, " by giving a talent to
ådendous vóuous. (Plat. de Leg. ii. p. 683, a; comp. each of the Ephori, he became a descendant of
Arist. Pol. ii. 7. $ 1. ) But, far from discovering Heracles and king of Sparta. " It was not long
in this circumstance a proof that Sparta borrowed before he deposed his colleague and made himself
her laws froin Crete, we recognise in those of the sole sovereign, though under the control of the
latter country only another independent develop- Ephori. Placed on the throne by the party favour-
ment of the Doric institutions (Herm. Pol. Ant. $ able to Aetolin, he readily listened to the instiga-
20,10), without however denying that of which we tions of Machatas, the Aetolian envoy, to make
have no positive proof, that Lycurgus in his reform war on Philip V. of Macedon, and the Achaeans.
may have had in view the similar organisation of Having invaded Argolis and taken several towns,
the kindred tribe. (Müll. Dor. iii. 1. & 8. ) For he laid siege to the fortress named Athenaeum, in
this purpose it can be indifferent to us whether, as the district of Belbina, claimed by the Megalopo-
Müller thinks, the Dorians migrated into Crete litans as their territory, and took it in consequence
from the district of mount Olympus long before the of the dilatory conduct of Aratus, to whom it
Trojan war, so that Minos would be a Dorian, and looked for succour, B. C. 219. In the same year
his legislation founded on Doric principles (Müll. he barely escaped with his life from the conspiracy
in. 1. 9), or whether the Dorians only came into of Cheilon, and fled for refuge to Pellene on the
Crete sixty or eighty years after their conquest of western frontier of Laconia. In B. c. 218 he made
Peloponnesus under Pollis and Althaemenes (Diod. an incursion into Messenia, simultaneously with
iv. 60, v. 80), according to Hoeck (Kreta, ii. the invasion of Thessaly by Dorimachus, the Aeto-
lian, in the hope of drawing Philip away from the
To sum up our opinion in a few words, we would siege of Palus in Cephallenia ; but Philip, while
say that, although we do not deny the historical he himself invaded Aetolia, desired Eperatus, the
reality of Lycurgus, or his character as a legislator Achacan general, to go to the relief of the Messe-
of Sparta, yet we consider that every thing essential | niins. Lycurgus effected little in Messenia, and
p. 15).
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858
LYCURGUS.
LYCUS.
was equally unsuccessful in the same year, in an full of anecdotes and characteristic features o.
attempt which he made on the citadel of Tegen, Lycurgus, from which we must infer that he was
and also in his endeavour to intercept and defeat one of the noblest specimens of old Attic virtue,
Philip in the passes of the Menelaïon, on his return and a worthy contemporary of Demosthenes. He
from his invasion of Laconia. Not long after, he often appeared as a successful accuser in the Athe.
was falsely accused to the Ephori of revolutionary nian courts, but he himself was as often accused
designs, and was obliged to flee to Actolia for by others, though he always, and even in the last
safety. In the following year, however (B. c. 217), days of his life, succeeded in silencing his enemics.
the Ephori discovered the groundlessness of the Thus we know that he was attacked by Philinus
charge and recalled him ; and soon after he made (llarpocrat. s. v. Sewpixá), Deinarchus (Dionys.
an inrond into Messenin, in which he was to have Dinarch. 10), Aristogeiton, Menesaechmus, and
been joined by Pyrrhias, the Aetolian general, but others. He died while holding the office of To-
the latter was repulsed in his attempe to pass the otaths of the theatre of Dionysus, in B. c. 3:23. A
frontier, and Lycurgus returned to Sparta without fragment of an inscription, containing the account
having effected and thing. lle died about B. C. which he rendered to the state of his administration
210, and Machanidas then made himself tyrant of the finances, is still extant. At his death he left
(Pol. iv. 2, 35-37, 60, 81, v. 5, 17, 21-233, 29), behind three sons, by his wife Callisto, who were
91, 92 ; Paus. iv. 29; Liv. xxxiv. 26. ) Lycurgus severely persccuted by Menesaechmus and Thra-
left a son named Pelops, who was put to death by sycles, but were defended by Hyperides and De-
Nabis, B. C. 205. (Diod. Eac de Virt. et l'it. p. mocles. (Plut. l. c. p. 812, &c. ) Among the
570 ; Vales, and Wess. ad loc. ) [E. E. ) honours which were conferred upon him, we may
LYCURGUS (Aukvūpyos), an Attic orator, was mention, that the archon Anaxicrates ordered a
born at Athens about B. C. 396, and was the son bronze statue to be erccted to him in the Cerita
of Lycophron, who belonged to the noble family of meicus, and that he and his eldest son should be
the Eteobutadae. (Plut. Vit. X. Orat. p. 841; entertained in the prytaneium at the public ex-
Suidas, s. v. Avkoupyos ; Phot. Bibl. Cod. 268, pense.
p. 496, &c. ) In liis early life he devoted himself The ancients mention fifteen orations of Ly-
to the study of philosophy in the school of Plato, curgus as extant in their days (Plut. l. c. p. 813 ;
but afterwards became one of the disciples of Iso- | Phot. l. c. p. 496, b), but we know the titles of at
crates, and entered upon public life at a compara- least twenty. (Westermann, Gesch. d. Griech.
tively early age. He was appointed three successive Beredt. , Beilage vi. p. 296. ) With the exception,
times to the office of Taulas tſis kolvñs apogówou, however, of one entire oration against Leocrates,
i. e. manager of the public revenue, and held his and some fragments of others, all the rest are lost,
office each time for five years, beginning with B. C. so that our knowledge of his skill and style as an
337. The conscientiousness with which he dis- orator is very incomplete. Dionysius and other
charged the duties of this office enabled him to ancient critics draw particular attention to the
raise the public revenue to the sum of 1200 talents. ethical tendency of his orations, but they censure
This, as well as the unwearied activity with which the harshness of his metaphors, the inaccuracy in
he laboured both for increasing the security and the arrangement of his subject, and his frequent
splendour of the city of Athens, gained for him the digressions. His style is noble and grand, but
universal confidence of the people to such a degree, neither elegant nor pleasing. (Dionys. Vet. Script.
that when Alexander the Great demanded, among cens. v. 3; Hermogen. De Form. Orat.
