There was
an old-world austerity in his face and bearing, and just critics spoke
of his strict morality: people who took a less favourable view thought
him soured.
an old-world austerity in his face and bearing, and just critics spoke
of his strict morality: people who took a less favourable view thought
him soured.
Tacitus
VII Galbiana and XIII Gemina; in
Dalmatia XI Claudia and XIV Gemina; in Moesia III Gallica, VII
Claudia, VIII Augusta.
[4] See note above.
NOTE
The text followed is that of C. D. Fisher (_Oxford Classical Texts_).
Departures from it are mentioned in the notes.
BOOK I
PREFACE
[A. D. 69. ] I propose to begin my narrative with the second 1
consulship of Servius Galba, in which Titus Vinius was his colleague.
Many historians have dealt with the 820 years of the earlier period
beginning with the foundation of Rome, and the story of the Roman
Republic has been told with no less ability than truth. After the
Battle of Actium, when the interests of peace were served by the
centralization of all authority in the hands of one man, there
followed a dearth of literary ability, and at the same time truth
suffered more and more, partly from ignorance of politics, which were
no longer a citizen's concern, partly from the growing taste for
flattery or from hatred of the ruling house. So between malice on one
side and servility on the other the interests of posterity were
neglected. But historians find that a tone of flattery soon incurs the
stigma of servility and earns for them the contempt of their readers,
whereas people readily open their ears to the criticisms of envy,
since malice makes a show of independence. Of Galba, Otho, and
Vitellius, I have known nothing either to my advantage or my hurt. I
cannot deny that I originally owed my position to Vespasian, or that I
was advanced by Titus and still further promoted by Domitian;[5] but
professing, as I do, unbiassed honesty, I must speak of no man either
with hatred or affection. I have reserved for my old age, if life is
spared to me, the reigns of the sainted Nerva and of the Emperor
Trajan, which afford a richer and withal a safer theme:[6] for it is
the rare fortune of these days that a man may think what he likes and
say what he thinks.
The story I now commence is rich in vicissitudes, grim with 2
warfare, torn by civil strife, a tale of horror even during times of
peace. It tells of four emperors slain by the sword, three several
civil wars, an even larger number of foreign wars and some that were
both at once: successes in the East, disaster in the West, disturbance
in Illyricum, disaffection in the provinces of Gaul, the conquest of
Britain and its immediate loss, the rising of the Sarmatian and Suebic
tribes. It tells how Dacia had the privilege of exchanging blows with
Rome, and how a pretender claiming to be Nero almost deluded the
Parthians into declaring war. Now too Italy was smitten with new
disasters, or disasters it had not witnessed for a long period of
years. Towns along the rich coast of Campania were submerged or
buried. The city was devastated by fires, ancient temples were
destroyed, and the Capitol itself was fired by Roman hands. Sacred
rites were grossly profaned, and there were scandals in high
places. [7] The sea swarmed with exiles and the island cliffs[8] were
red with blood. Worse horrors reigned in the city. To be rich or
well-born was a crime: men were prosecuted for holding or for refusing
office: merit of any kind meant certain ruin. Nor were the Informers
more hated for their crimes than for their prizes: some carried off a
priesthood or the consulship as their spoil, others won offices and
influence in the imperial household: the hatred and fear they inspired
worked universal havoc. Slaves were bribed against their masters,
freedmen against their patrons, and, if a man had no enemies, he was
ruined by his friends.
However, the period was not so utterly barren as to yield no 3
examples of heroism. There were mothers who followed their sons, and
wives their husbands into exile: one saw here a kinsman's courage and
there a son-in-law's devotion: slaves obstinately faithful even on the
rack: distinguished men bravely facing the utmost straits and matching
in their end the famous deaths of older times. Besides these manifold
disasters to mankind there were portents in the sky and on the earth,
thunderbolts and other premonitions of good and of evil, some
doubtful, some obvious. Indeed never has it been proved by such
terrible disasters to Rome or by such clear evidence that Providence
is concerned not with our peace of mind but rather with vengeance for
our sin.
FOOTNOTES:
[5] To Vespasian Tacitus probably owed his quaestorship and a
seat in the senate; to Titus his tribunate of the people; to
Domitian the praetorship and a 'fellowship' of one of the
great priestly colleges, whose special function was the
supervision of foreign cults. This last accounts for Tacitus'
interest in strange religions.
[6] This project, also foreshadowed in _Agricola_ iii, was
never completed.
[7] Referring in particular to the scandals among the Vestal
Virgins and to Domitian's relations with his niece Julia.
[8] i. e. the Aegean islands, such as Seriphus, Gyarus,
Amorgus, where those in disfavour were banished and often
murdered.
THE STATE OF THE EMPIRE
Before I commence my task, it seems best to go back and consider 4
the state of affairs in the city, the temper of the armies, the
condition of the provinces, and to determine the elements of strength
and weakness in the different quarters of the Roman world. By this
means we may see not only the actual course of events, which is
largely governed by chance, but also why and how they occurred.
The death of Nero, after the first outburst of joy with which it was
greeted, soon aroused conflicting feelings not only among the
senators, the people, and the soldiers in the city, but also among the
generals and their troops abroad. It had divulged a secret of state:
an emperor could be made elsewhere than at Rome. Still the senate was
satisfied. They had immediately taken advantage of their liberty and
were naturally emboldened against a prince who was new to the throne
and, moreover, absent. The highest class of the knights[9] seconded
the senate's satisfaction. Respectable citizens, who were attached as
clients or freedmen to the great families, and had seen their patrons
condemned or exiled, now revived their hopes. The lowest classes, who
had grown familiar with the pleasures of the theatre and the circus,
the most degraded of the slaves, and Nero's favourites who had
squandered their property and lived on his discreditable bounty, all
showed signs of depression and an eager greed for news.
The troops in the city[10] had long been inured to the allegiance 5
of the Caesars, and it was more by the pressure of intrigue than of
their own inclination that they came to desert Nero. They soon
realized that the donation promised in Galba's name was not to be paid
to them, and that peace would not, like war, offer opportunity for
great services and rich rewards. Since they also saw that the new
emperor's favour had been forestalled by the army which proclaimed
him, they were ripe for revolution and were further instigated by
their rascally Praefect Nymphidius Sabinus, who was plotting to be
emperor himself. His design was as a matter of fact detected and
quashed, but, though the ringleader was removed, many of the troops
still felt conscious of their treason and could be heard commenting on
Galba's senility and avarice. His austerity--a quality once admired
and set high in soldiers' estimation--only annoyed troops whose
contempt for the old methods of discipline had been fostered by
fourteen years of service under Nero. They had come to love the
emperors' vices as much as they once reverenced their virtues in older
days. Moreover Galba had let fall a remark, which augured well for
Rome, though it spelt danger to himself. 'I do not buy my soldiers,'
he said, 'I select them. ' And indeed, as things then stood, his words
sounded incongruous.
FOOTNOTES:
[9] Probably those who owned one million sesterces, the
property qualification for admission to the senate.
[10] This includes 'The Guards' (_cohortes praetoriae_) and
'The City Garrison' (_cohortes urbanae_), and possibly also
the _cohortes vigilum_, who were a sort of police corps and
fire brigade.
GALBA'S POSITION
Galba was old and ill. Of his two lieutenants Titus Vinius was the 6
vilest of men and Cornelius Laco the laziest. Hated as he was for
Vinius' crimes and despised for Laco's inefficiency, between them
Galba soon came to ruin. His march from Spain was slow and stained
with bloodshed. He executed Cingonius Varro, the consul-elect, and
Petronius Turpilianus, an ex-consul, the former as an accomplice of
Nymphidius, the latter as one of Nero's generals. They were both
denied any opportunity of a hearing or defence--and might as well have
been innocent. On his arrival at Rome the butchery of thousands of
unarmed soldiers[11] gave an ill omen to his entry, and alarmed even
the men who did the slaughter. The city was filled with strange
troops. A legion had been brought from Spain,[12] and the regiment of
marines enrolled by Nero still remained. [11] Moreover there were
several detachments from Germany, Britain, and Illyricum,[13] which
had been selected by Nero, dispatched to the Caspian Pass[14] for the
projected war against the Albanians, and subsequently recalled to aid
in crushing the revolt of Vindex. [15] These were all fine fuel for a
revolution, and, although their favour centred on nobody in
particular, there they were at the disposal of any one who had
enterprise.
It happened by chance that the news of the death of Clodius Macer 7
and of Fonteius Capito arrived in Rome simultaneously. Macer,[16] who
was undoubtedly raising a disturbance in Africa, was put to death by
the imperial agent Trebonius Garutianus, acting under Galba's orders:
Capito[17] had made a similar attempt in Germany and was killed by two
officers, Cornelius Aquinus and Fabius Valens, without waiting for
instructions. While Capito had a foul reputation for extortion and
loose living, some people yet believed that he had withheld his hand
from treason. His officers, they supposed, had urged him to declare
war, and, when they could not persuade him, had gone on to charge him
falsely with their own offence,[18] while Galba from weakness of
character, or perhaps because he was afraid to inquire too far,
approved what had happened for good or for ill, since it was past
alteration. At any rate both executions were unpopular. Now that Galba
was disliked, everything he did, whether right or wrong, made him more
unpopular. His freedmen were all-powerful: money could do anything:
the slaves were thirsting for an upheaval, and with so elderly an
emperor were naturally expecting to see one soon. The evils of the new
court were those of the old, and while equally oppressive were not so
easily excused. Even Galba's age seemed comic and despicable to a
populace that was used to the young Nero and compared the emperors, as
such people will, in point of looks and personal attraction.
FOOTNOTES:
[11] i. e. the marines, whom Nero had formed into a reserve
force (Legio I Adiutrix). They had met Galba at the Mulvian
Bridge, probably with a petition for service in the Line.
[12] Legio VII Galbiana, sent later to Pannonia.
[13] Illyricum included all the Danube provinces.
[14] The Pass of Dariel over the centre of the Caucasus. The
Albanians lay to the east of its southern end, on the
south-west coast of the Caspian.
[15] Vindex, Pro-praetor in the Lyons division of Gaul, had
revolted against Nero early in the year 68 and offered his
support to Galba, then governor of the Tarragona division of
Spain. He was defeated by Verginius Rufus, commanding the
forces in Upper Germany, and committed suicide. Verginius
afterwards declared for Galba, though his troops wanted to
make him emperor. Cp. chap. 8.
[16] Clodius Macer commanded Legio III Augusta and governed
Numidia, which Tiberius at the end of his reign had detached
from the pro-consulate of Africa.
[17] Governor of Lower Germany. See chap. 58 and iii. 62.
[18] Cp. chap. 58.
THE DISTRIBUTION OF FORCES
Such then at Rome was the variety of feeling natural in so vast a 8
population. To turn to the provinces abroad: Spain was under the
command of Cluvius Rufus, a man of great eloquence, and more skilled
in the arts of peace than of war. [19] The Gallic provinces had not
forgotten Vindex: moreover, they were bound to Galba by his recent
grant of Roman citizenship and his rebate of their tribute for the
future. The tribes, however, which lay nearest to the armies stationed
in Germany had not received these honours: some even had lost part of
their territory and were equally aggrieved at the magnitude of their
own injuries and of their neighbours' benefits. The troops in Germany
were proud of their recent victory, indignant at their treatment and
perplexed by a nervous consciousness that they had supported the wrong
side: a very dangerous state for so strong a force to be in. They had
been slow to desert Nero, and Verginius[20] did not immediately
declare for Galba. Whether he really did not want the throne is
doubtful: without question his soldiers made him the offer. The death
of Fonteius Capito aroused the indignation even of those who had no
right to complain. However, they still lacked a leader: Galba had sent
for Verginius under a pretence of friendship, and, when he was not
allowed to return and was even charged with treachery, the soldiers
considered his case their own.
The army of Upper Germany felt no respect for their commander, 9
Hordeonius Flaccus. [21] Weakened by age and an affection of the feet
he was without resolution or authority, and could not have controlled
the mildest troops. These fiery spirits were only the further inflamed
when they felt such a weak hand on the reins. The legions of Lower
Germany had been for some time without a commander,[22] until Aulus
Vitellius appeared. He was the son of the Lucius Vitellius who had
been censor and thrice consul,[23] and Galba thought this sufficient
to impress the troops. The army in Britain showed no bad feeling. All
through the disturbance of the civil wars no troops kept cleaner
hands. This may have been because they were so far away and severed by
the sea, or perhaps frequent engagements had taught them to keep their
rancour for the enemy. Quiet ruled in Illyricum also, although the
legions, which had been summoned by Nero,[24] while lingering in Italy
had made overtures to Verginius. But the armies lay far apart, always
a sound assistance to the maintenance of military discipline, since
the men could neither share vices nor join forces.
The East was still untroubled. Licinius Mucianus held Syria with 10
four legions. [25] He was a man who was always famous, whether in good
fortune or in bad. As a youth he was ambitious and cultivated the
friendship of the great. Later he found himself in straitened
circumstances and a very ambiguous position, and, suspecting Claudius'
displeasure, he withdrew into the wilds of Asia, where he came as near
to being an exile as afterwards to being an emperor. He was a strange
mixture of good and bad, of luxury and industry, courtesy and
arrogance. In leisure he was self-indulgent, but full of vigour on
service. His outward behaviour was praiseworthy, though ill was spoken
of his private life. However, with those who were under him or near
him, and with his colleagues he gained great influence by various
devices, and seems to have been the sort of man who would more readily
make an emperor than be one.
The Jewish war was being conducted by Flavius Vespasianus--appointed
by Nero--with three legions. [26] He had no ill-will against Galba, and
nothing to hope from his fall. Indeed he had sent his son Titus to
carry his compliments and offer allegiance, an incident we must
reserve for its proper place. [27] It was only after Vespasian's rise
that Roman society came to believe in the mysterious movings of
Providence, and supposed that portents and oracles had predestined the
throne for him and his family.
Of Egypt and its garrison, ever since the days of the sainted 11
Augustus, the knights of Rome have been uncrowned kings. [28] The
province being difficult to reach, rich in crops, torn and tossed by
fanaticism and sedition, ignorant of law, unused to bureaucratic
government, it seemed wiser to keep it in the control of the
Household. [29] The governor at that date was Tiberius Alexander,
himself a native of Egypt. [30] Africa and its legions, now that
Clodius Macer had been executed,[31] were ready to put up with any
ruler after their experience of a petty master. The two Mauretanias,
Raetia, Noricum, Thrace, and the other provinces governed by
procurators had their sympathies determined by the neighbourhood of
troops, and always caught their likes or dislikes from the strongest
army. The ungarrisoned provinces, and chief amongst these Italy, were
destined to be the prize of war, and lay at the mercy of any master.
Such was the state of the Roman world when Servius Galba, consul for
the second time, and Titus Vinius his colleague, inaugurated the year
which was to be their last, and almost the last for the commonwealth
of Rome.
FOOTNOTES:
[19] He wrote a history of his own time, which was one of
Tacitus' chief authorities.
[20] See note 17.
[21] Verginius' successor.
[22] Since Capito's death, chap. 7.
[23] He died in A. D. 54. In the censorship and in two of his
consulships he had been Claudius' colleague.
[24] For the war with Vindex.
[25] See note 164. The fourth legion is III Gallica,
afterwards moved into Moesia.
[26] See note 163.
[27] ii. 1.
[28] Cp. _Ann. _, ii. 59. 'Amongst other secret principles of
his imperial policy, Augustus had put Egypt in a position by
itself, forbidding all senators and knights of the highest
class to enter that country without his permission. For Egypt
holds the key, as it were, both of sea and land' (tr. Ramsay).
Cp. iii. 8.
[29] i. e. to govern it by the emperor's private agents. The
province was regarded as part of the emperor's estate
(patrimonium). This post was the highest in the imperial
service.
[30] A member of a Jewish family settled in Alexandria and
thus entitled to Roman citizenship. He was a nephew of the
historian Philo; had been Procurator of Judaea and chief of
Corbulo's staff in Armenia.
[31] See chap. 7.
THE GERMAN REVOLT AND THE ADOPTION OF PISO
A few days after the first of January a dispatch arrived from 12
Belgica, in which Pompeius Propinquus,[32] the imperial agent,
announced that the legions of Upper Germany had broken their oath of
allegiance and were clamouring for a new emperor, but that by way of
tempering their treason they referred the final choice to the Senate
and People of Rome. Galba had already been deliberating and seeking
advice as to the adoption of a successor, and this occurrence hastened
his plans. During all these months this question formed the current
subject of gossip throughout the country; Galba was far spent in years
and the general propensity for such a topic knew no check. Few people
showed sound judgement or any spirit of patriotism. Many were
influenced by foolish hopes and spread self-interested rumours
pointing to some friend or patron, thereby also gratifying their
hatred for Titus Vinius,[33] whose unpopularity waxed daily with his
power. Galba's affability only served to strengthen the gaping
ambition of his newly powerful friends, for his weakness and credulity
halved the risk and doubled the reward of treason.
The real power of the throne was divided between the consul, Titus 13
Vinius, and Cornelius Laco, the prefect of the Guards; and an
influence as great was enjoyed by Icelus, one of Galba's freedmen, who
had been given the gold ring[34] and was now greeted by the name of
Marcianus. These three ordinarily disagreed, and followed each his own
interest in smaller matters: on the question of the succession they
fell into two camps. Vinius was for Marcus Otho. Laco and Icelus were
agreed not so much on any one as on any other. Galba was aware of the
friendship between Otho and Vinius. Otho was a bachelor and Vinius had
an unmarried daughter: so gossip, never reticent, pointed to them as
father and son-in-law. Galba, one may suppose, felt some concern for
his country, too. Why take the throne from Nero, if it was to be left
to Otho? Otho had led a careless boyhood and a dissolute youth, and
endeared himself to Nero by aping his vices. Thus it was to Otho, as
being already in the secret, that Nero entrusted his favourite
mistress, Poppaea Sabina,[35] until he could get rid of Octavia. Later
he grew jealous and removed Otho to the province of Lusitania under
cover of a governorship. Otho had been popular in his administration
of the province, and was one of the first to join Galba's party. Being
a man of action and one of the most distinguished of Galba's officers
in the war, when once he had conceived the hope of succeeding him, he
eagerly indulged it. Most of the soldiers were on his side and the
Court supported him as Nero's double.
After receiving the news of the German revolt, although Galba knew 14
nothing for certain of Vitellius' plans, he was fearful to what
lengths the outbreak of the troops might go; so, being unable to trust
the troops in the city,[36] he had recourse to what seemed his sole
remedy and held an Imperial Election. Besides Vinius and Laco he
summoned Marius Celsus, consul-elect and the City-Prefect Ducenius
Geminus. [37] After prefacing a few words about his own advanced age he
ordered Piso Licinianus[38] to be sent for, either on his own
initiative, or, as some believed, at the instance of Laco. Laco had
met Piso at Rubellius Plautus' house and they had formed a friendship,
but he cunningly pretended that he was supporting a stranger, and
Piso's good repute gave colour to this policy. Piso was a noble on
both sides, being the son of Marcus Crassus and Scribonia.
There was
an old-world austerity in his face and bearing, and just critics spoke
of his strict morality: people who took a less favourable view thought
him soured. But while those who disliked this side of his character
carped at it, it was a recommendation in the eyes of the emperor who
intended to adopt him.
Galba is said to have taken Piso's hand and addressed him as 15
follows: 'Were I a private citizen, and were I to adopt you in the
presence of the Priests by the usual formality of a curial
statute,[39] it would be an honour for me to introduce into my family
a descendant of Cnaeus Pompeius and of Marcus Crassus, and for you it
would be a distinction to add to your noble ancestry the glories of
the Sulpician and Lutatian houses. [40] As it is, I have been called by
the consent of gods and men to be an emperor. Your distinguished
qualities and your patriotism have persuaded me to offer to you
peacefully and quietly the throne for which our ancestors fought on
the field of battle,[41] and which I too won by war. In so doing I am
following the precedent set by the sainted Augustus, who raised to the
rank next himself first his nephew Marcellus, then his son-in-law
Agrippa, then his daughter's sons,[42] and finally his stepson
Tiberius Nero. However, while Augustus looked for a successor in his
own family, I have searched throughout the country. Not that I lack
either kinsmen or supporters, but it was by no favour of birth that I
myself came to the throne, and, to prove my policy in this matter,
consider how I have passed over not only my own relatives but yours.
You have an elder brother,[43] as noble as yourself. He would have
been worthy of this position, but you are worthier. You are old enough
to have outlived youthful passions. Your life has been such that you
have nothing in your past to excuse. So far you have only experienced
misfortune. Prosperity probes the heart with a keener touch; misery
only calls for patience, but there is corruption in success. Honesty,
candour, and affection are the best of human qualities, and doubtless
you yourself have enough character to retain them. But the
complaisance of others will weaken your character. Flattery and
servile compliments will break down its defences and self-interest
too, the bane of all sincerity. What though you and I can talk plainly
with each other to-day? Others will address themselves not to us but
to our fortunes. To persuade an emperor what he ought to do is a
laborious task: any one can flatter him without a spark of sincerity.
'If the vast bulk of this empire could stand and keep its balance 16
without a guiding hand, the Republic might well have dated its birth
from me. As it is, things have long ago come to such a pass that
neither I in my old age can give the Roman people any better gift than
a good successor, nor you in your prime anything better than a good
emperor. Under Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius, Rome was the heirloom
of a single family. There is a kind of liberty in the free choice we
have begun to exercise. Now that the Julian and Claudian houses are
extinct, by the plan of adoption the best man will always be
discovered. Royal birth is the gift of fortune, and is but valued as
such. In adoption we can use a free judgement, and if we wish to
choose well, the voice of the country points the way. Think of Nero,
swollen with the pride of his long line of royal ancestry. It was not
Vindex with a powerless province at his back, nor I with a single
legion that freed Rome's shoulders of that burden: it was his own
cruelty and profligacy. And that was before there was any precedent
for the conviction of an emperor.
'We have been called to the throne by the swords of those who thought
us worthy. Our high state will not escape the eye of envy. You may be
sure of that. But there is no reason for you to feel alarm because in
this world-wide upheaval a couple of legions have not yet settled
down. I myself did not succeed to a safe and peaceful throne, and,
when once the news of your adoption is spread, I shall cease to be
charged with my advanced age, which is now the only fault they find in
me. The rascals will always miss Nero: you and I have got to see that
good citizens do not miss him too.
'A longer sermon would ill befit the time and I have fulfilled my
purpose, if I have done right in choosing you. The soundest and
easiest criterion of right and wrong policy is to consider what you
would have approved or condemned in another emperor. For Rome is not
like the nations which are ruled by kings, where one house is supreme
and the rest are slaves. Your future subjects are men who cannot
endure the extremes either of bondage or of freedom. '
Galba spoke these words and more to the same effect in the tone of one
creating an emperor: the rest addressed Piso as though he were emperor
already. He is said to have betrayed no sign of amazement or 17
elation either before those who were then present, or later when
everybody's eyes centred upon him. His language to his emperor and
adoptive father was deeply respectful and he spoke modestly of
himself. He made no change in his expression or bearing, showing
himself more able than anxious to rule. A discussion then took place
whether the adoption should be announced before the people or in the
senate, or in the guards' camp. They decided in favour of the camp, on
the ground that it would be a compliment to the troops, whose goodwill
was hard to win by flattery or bribes, but was by no means to be
despised, if it could be won by good means. Meanwhile the curiosity of
the populace, impatient of any important secret, had brought together
crowds all round the Palace, and when once the rumour began to leak
out an attempt at suppression only resulted in spreading it.
The tenth of January was a dreary wet day, and an extraordinary 18
storm of thunder and lightning showed the displeasure of Providence.
Such phenomena were regarded in old days as a sign for the suspension
of public business, but they did not deter Galba from proceeding to
the camp. Either he disregarded such things as the result of pure
chance or else he felt that the blows of fate may be foretold but not
forestalled. He addressed a crowded assembly of the soldiers with true
imperial brevity, stating simply that in adopting Piso he was
following the example of the sainted Augustus, and the old military
custom whereby each man chose another. [44] He was afraid that by
suppressing the news of the German rebellion he might only seem to
exaggerate the danger, so he voluntarily declared that the Fourth and
Twenty-second legions had been led by a few traitors into seditious
murmurings but no further, and would soon return to their allegiance.
He made no attempt to enhance his words either by eloquence or
largess. However, the tribunes and centurions and those of the
soldiers who stood nearest to him gave well-sounding answers. The rest
were sorry and silent, for the war seemed to have lost them the
largess that had always been usual even in peace. Everybody agrees
that they could have been won over had the parsimonious old emperor
made the least display of generosity. He was ruined by his strict
old-fashioned inflexibility, which seems too rigorous for these
degenerate days.
From the camp they proceeded to the senate, and Galba's speech to 19
its members was no fuller or finer than to the soldiers. Piso spoke
graciously, and there was no lack of support in the senate. Many
wished him well. Those who did not were the more effusive. The
majority were indifferent, but displayed a ready affability, intent on
their private speculations without thought of the country's good. No
other public action is reported of Piso during the four days which
intervened between his adoption and assassination.
FOOTNOTES:
[32] i. e. the emperor's finance agent in the province of
Belgica.
[33] Cp. chap. 6.
[34] A gold signet-ring was the sign of a free-born Roman
knight. Its grant to freedmen was an innovation of which
Tacitus disapproved.
[35] Tacitus here follows the story told by Suetonius in his
life of Otho. In the _Annals_, xiii. 45, 46, Tacitus gives in
detail a more probable version. It is more likely that Poppaea
used Otho as a stepping-stone to Nero's favour than that Otho,
as Suetonius quotes, 'committed adultery with his own wife. '
[36] See chap. 5, note 10.
[37] One of the three Commissioners of Public Revenue
appointed by Nero in A. D. 62 (_Ann. _, xv. 18).
[38] Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi Licinianus was the son of M.
Licinius Crassus Frugi, and adopted son of L. Calpurnius Piso
Frugi. His mother, Scribonia, was a descendant of Pompey.
[39] Adoption from one family into another needed in old days
the sanction of the Comitia Curiata. When that assembly became
obsolete, the priests summoned a formal meeting of thirty
lictors, and their sanction of an act of adoption was still
called _lex curiata_. Galba was now _Pontifex maximus_.
[40] Galba belonged to the _Gens Sulpicia_, and was connected
through his mother, Mummia, with Q. Lutatius Catulus, who had
led the senatorial party in the first half of the last
century.
[41] i. e. Galba's great-grandfather had fought for Caesar
against Piso's ancestor, Pompey.
[42] The children of Julia and Agrippa.
[43] Crassus Scribonianus, cp. chap. 47, and iv. 39.
[44] i. e. co-optation, employed in former days to raise a
special contingent for emergencies.
GALBA'S MEASURES OF PRECAUTION
Reports of the German rebellion grew daily more insistent and the
public was always ready to believe any news, provided it was bad.
Accordingly the senate decided that a commission must be sent to the
army in Germany. It was discussed in private whether Piso should go
himself to add dignity to the commission, since he could carry the
authority of the emperor, while the others represented the senate. It
was also proposed to send Laco, the prefect of the Guards, but he
objected. The senate had allowed Galba to nominate the commissioners
and he showed the most miserable indecision, now nominating members,
now excusing them, now making exchanges, yielding always to pressure
from people who wanted to go or to stay at home according as they were
determined by their hopes or their fears. The next question was 20
one of finance. After investigating all possible sources it seemed
most reasonable to recover the revenue from those quarters where the
cause of the deficit lay. Nero had squandered in lavish presents two
thousand two hundred million sesterces. [45] Galba gave instructions
that these monies should be recovered from the individual recipients,
leaving each a tithe of their original gift. However, in each case
there was scarcely a tenth part left, for these worthless spendthrifts
had run through Nero's money as freely as they had squandered their
own: they had no real property or capital left, nothing but the
apparatus of their luxury. Thirty of the knights were entrusted with
the duty of recovering the money. This commission, for which there was
no precedent, proved vastly unpopular owing to the scope of its
authority, and the large number of the victims. Every quarter seemed
beset with sales and brokers and lawsuits. And yet lively satisfaction
was caused by the discovery that the beneficiaries of Nero's bounty
were as poor as the victims of his greed.
At this time several officers were cashiered, Antonius Taurus and
Antonius Naso of the Guards, Aemilius Pacensis of the City Garrison,
and Julius Fronto of the Police. [46] However, this proved no remedy.
The others only began to feel alarmed, thinking that Galba's craft and
timidity had sacrificed a few, while his suspicions rested on them
all.
FOOTNOTES:
[45] About twenty-three million sterling of our money.
[46] i. e. of the cohorts which formed the police and
fire-brigade of the city. See chap. 5, note 10.
THE RISE OF OTHO
Meanwhile Otho had nothing to hope from a peaceful settlement: all 21
his plans demanded a disturbance. Many motives spurred him on: his
extravagance would have ruined a prince, and his poverty have
perplexed a private person: he was angry with Galba and jealous of
Piso. He also alleged fears for his safety, by way of whetting his
ambition. 'I proved a nuisance to Nero,' he would say, 'and can
scarcely expect the compliment of a second exile to Lusitania. [47]
Besides, monarchs always hate and suspect the man who is mentioned as
"next to the throne". This was what did me harm with the old emperor,
and it will weigh still more with the youthful Piso, who is naturally
savage and has been exasperated by a long period of exile. It would be
easy to kill me. I must do and dare while Galba's authority is on the
wane and Piso's not yet established. These times of change suit big
enterprises; inaction is more deadly than daring; there is no call for
delay. Death is the natural end for all alike, and the only difference
is between fame and oblivion afterwards. Seeing that the same end
awaits the innocent and the guilty, a man of spirit should at least
deserve his fate. '
Otho's character was by no means so effeminate as his person. His 22
intimate freedmen and slaves, who were allowed a licence unusual in
private households, dangled before him the baits for which he was
greedy: the luxuries of Nero's Court, the marriages he could make, the
adulteries he could commit, and all the other imperial pleasures. They
were his, they pointed out, if he would bestir himself; it was
shameful to lie quiet and leave them to others. He was also incited by
the astrologers, who declared that their study of the stars pointed to
great changes and a year of glory for Otho. Creatures of this class
always deceive the ambitious, though those in power distrust them.
Probably we shall go on for ever proscribing them and keeping them by
us. [48] Poppaea[49] had always had her boudoir full of these
astrologers, the worst kind of outfit for a royal ménage. One of them,
called Ptolemy, had gone with Otho to Spain[50] and foretold that he
would outlive Nero. This came true and Otho believed in him. He now
based his vague conjectures on the computations of Galba's age and
Otho's youth, and persuaded him that he would ascend the throne. But,
though the man had no real skill, Otho accepted the prophecy as if it
was the finger of fate. Human nature always likes to believe what it
cannot understand.
Nor was Ptolemy himself slow to incite his master to crime, to 23
which it is only a short step from such ambitions. But whether his
criminal designs were deliberate or suddenly conceived, it is
impossible to say. He had long been courting the goodwill of the
soldiers either in the hope of being adopted by Galba or to prepare
the way for treason. On the road from Spain, while the men were
marching or on outpost duty, he would address the veterans by name,
reminding them how he and they had served together under Nero, and
calling them his comrades. He renewed acquaintance with some, asked
after others and helped them with money or influence, frequently
letting fall complaints and ambiguous remarks about Galba, using all
the arts which work upon uneducated minds. The soldiers grumbled
bitterly at the exertions of the march, the shortage of provisions,
and the strict discipline. What they were used to was a journey to the
Campanian Lakes or Greek seaports on board ship;[51] they found it
hard to struggle over the Pyrenees and Alps, and march immense
distances under arms.
While the soldiers were thus already fired with discontent, 24
Maevius Pudens, one of Tigellinus'[52] intimates, added fuel to their
feelings by luring on all who were naturally unstable or in need of
money, or rashly eager for a change. Eventually, whenever Galba dined
with him, Otho went the length of presenting a hundred sesterces to
each of the soldiers on guard, on the pretext that this was instead of
entertaining them. [53] This system of public largess Otho extended by
making presents in confidence to individuals, and such spirit did he
show in bribery that when a member of the Body Guard, Cocceius
Proculus, brought an action to claim part of his neighbour's farm,
Otho bought the whole property out of his own pocket and gave it to
him. He was enabled to do this by the inefficiency of the Prefect
Laco, who was no less blind to notorious than to secret scandals.
Otho then put Onomastus, one of his freedmen, in charge of the 25
projected crime, and Onomastus took into his confidence Barbius
Proculus, an aide-de-camp, and a subaltern named Veturius, both in the
Body Guard. [54] Having assured himself by many interviews that they
were both bold and cunning, Otho proceeded to load them with bribes
and promises, providing them with funds to enable them to test the
feelings of the others. And so a couple of common soldiers took it
upon them to transfer the Roman Empire: and they did it. A very few
were admitted as accomplices. These, by various devices, worked on the
indecision of the others. The non-commissioned officers who had been
promoted by Nymphidius felt themselves under suspicion; the private
soldiers were indignant and in despair at the constant postponement of
Galba's largess; some few were fired by the recollection of Nero's
régime and longed for the days of licence; all in common shared the
fear of being drafted out of the Praetorian Guards.
The infection of treason soon spread to the legions and 26
auxiliaries, whose excitement had been aroused as soon as they heard
that the armies of Germany were wavering in their allegiance. So, as
the disloyal were ready for treason and the loyal shut their eyes,
they at first determined to acclaim Otho as he was returning from
dinner on the night of the fourteenth. However, they hesitated: the
darkness spelt uncertainty, the troops were scattered all over the
town, and unanimity could scarcely be expected from drunken men. They
were not deterred by any affection for their country's honour, which
they were deliberately preparing to stain with its emperor's blood,
but they were afraid that, as Otho was unknown to the majority, some
one else might by mistake be offered to the Pannonian or German
legions and proclaimed emperor. Some evidence of the brewing plot
leaked out, but it was suppressed by the conspirators. Rumours even
reached Galba's ears, but Laco made light of them, being totally
ignorant of soldiers' characters, hostile to any suggestion, however
wise, that was not his own, and extremely obstinate with men who knew
more than he did.
On January 15, as Galba was sacrificing in front of the temple of 27
Apollo, the priest Umbricius declared the omens unfavourable: treason
was impending, and an enemy within the walls. Otho, who was standing
beside Galba, overheard and construed the omen as being from his own
point of view a good one, favourable to his plans. In a few moments
his freedman, Onomastus, announced that the architect and contractors
were waiting to see him. This had been agreed upon as the signal that
the troops were assembling and the conspiracy was ripe. On being asked
where he was going, Otho pretended that he was buying an old property,
but suspected its condition and so had to inspect it first. Thus,
leaning on his freedman's shoulder, he passed through Tiberius' house
into the Velabrum and thence to the Golden Milestone at the foot of
the Temple of Saturn. [55] There thirty-three soldiers of the Body
Guard saluted him as emperor. When he showed alarm at the smallness of
their number they put him hastily into a litter, and, drawing their
swords, hurried him away. About the same number of soldiers joined
them on the way, some accomplices, others merely curious. Some marched
along shouting and flourishing swords; others kept silent, intending
to take their cue from subsequent events.
Julius Martialis was the tribune on duty in the camp. He was so 28
overcome by the magnitude of this unexpected crime and so afraid that
the treason was widespread in the camp, and that he might be killed if
he offered any opposition, that he led most people to suppose he was
in the plot. So, too, the other tribunes and centurions all preferred
present safety to a risky loyalty. In fact the general attitude was
this: few dared to undertake so foul a crime, many wished to see it
done, and everybody was ready to condone it.
FOOTNOTES:
[47] Cp. chap. 13.
[48] Decrees excluding astrologers from Italy had been passed
in B. C. 33, A. D. 16, and again in A. D. 52. Vitellius passed
another. See ii. 62.
[49] Nero's wife. Cp. chap.
Dalmatia XI Claudia and XIV Gemina; in Moesia III Gallica, VII
Claudia, VIII Augusta.
[4] See note above.
NOTE
The text followed is that of C. D. Fisher (_Oxford Classical Texts_).
Departures from it are mentioned in the notes.
BOOK I
PREFACE
[A. D. 69. ] I propose to begin my narrative with the second 1
consulship of Servius Galba, in which Titus Vinius was his colleague.
Many historians have dealt with the 820 years of the earlier period
beginning with the foundation of Rome, and the story of the Roman
Republic has been told with no less ability than truth. After the
Battle of Actium, when the interests of peace were served by the
centralization of all authority in the hands of one man, there
followed a dearth of literary ability, and at the same time truth
suffered more and more, partly from ignorance of politics, which were
no longer a citizen's concern, partly from the growing taste for
flattery or from hatred of the ruling house. So between malice on one
side and servility on the other the interests of posterity were
neglected. But historians find that a tone of flattery soon incurs the
stigma of servility and earns for them the contempt of their readers,
whereas people readily open their ears to the criticisms of envy,
since malice makes a show of independence. Of Galba, Otho, and
Vitellius, I have known nothing either to my advantage or my hurt. I
cannot deny that I originally owed my position to Vespasian, or that I
was advanced by Titus and still further promoted by Domitian;[5] but
professing, as I do, unbiassed honesty, I must speak of no man either
with hatred or affection. I have reserved for my old age, if life is
spared to me, the reigns of the sainted Nerva and of the Emperor
Trajan, which afford a richer and withal a safer theme:[6] for it is
the rare fortune of these days that a man may think what he likes and
say what he thinks.
The story I now commence is rich in vicissitudes, grim with 2
warfare, torn by civil strife, a tale of horror even during times of
peace. It tells of four emperors slain by the sword, three several
civil wars, an even larger number of foreign wars and some that were
both at once: successes in the East, disaster in the West, disturbance
in Illyricum, disaffection in the provinces of Gaul, the conquest of
Britain and its immediate loss, the rising of the Sarmatian and Suebic
tribes. It tells how Dacia had the privilege of exchanging blows with
Rome, and how a pretender claiming to be Nero almost deluded the
Parthians into declaring war. Now too Italy was smitten with new
disasters, or disasters it had not witnessed for a long period of
years. Towns along the rich coast of Campania were submerged or
buried. The city was devastated by fires, ancient temples were
destroyed, and the Capitol itself was fired by Roman hands. Sacred
rites were grossly profaned, and there were scandals in high
places. [7] The sea swarmed with exiles and the island cliffs[8] were
red with blood. Worse horrors reigned in the city. To be rich or
well-born was a crime: men were prosecuted for holding or for refusing
office: merit of any kind meant certain ruin. Nor were the Informers
more hated for their crimes than for their prizes: some carried off a
priesthood or the consulship as their spoil, others won offices and
influence in the imperial household: the hatred and fear they inspired
worked universal havoc. Slaves were bribed against their masters,
freedmen against their patrons, and, if a man had no enemies, he was
ruined by his friends.
However, the period was not so utterly barren as to yield no 3
examples of heroism. There were mothers who followed their sons, and
wives their husbands into exile: one saw here a kinsman's courage and
there a son-in-law's devotion: slaves obstinately faithful even on the
rack: distinguished men bravely facing the utmost straits and matching
in their end the famous deaths of older times. Besides these manifold
disasters to mankind there were portents in the sky and on the earth,
thunderbolts and other premonitions of good and of evil, some
doubtful, some obvious. Indeed never has it been proved by such
terrible disasters to Rome or by such clear evidence that Providence
is concerned not with our peace of mind but rather with vengeance for
our sin.
FOOTNOTES:
[5] To Vespasian Tacitus probably owed his quaestorship and a
seat in the senate; to Titus his tribunate of the people; to
Domitian the praetorship and a 'fellowship' of one of the
great priestly colleges, whose special function was the
supervision of foreign cults. This last accounts for Tacitus'
interest in strange religions.
[6] This project, also foreshadowed in _Agricola_ iii, was
never completed.
[7] Referring in particular to the scandals among the Vestal
Virgins and to Domitian's relations with his niece Julia.
[8] i. e. the Aegean islands, such as Seriphus, Gyarus,
Amorgus, where those in disfavour were banished and often
murdered.
THE STATE OF THE EMPIRE
Before I commence my task, it seems best to go back and consider 4
the state of affairs in the city, the temper of the armies, the
condition of the provinces, and to determine the elements of strength
and weakness in the different quarters of the Roman world. By this
means we may see not only the actual course of events, which is
largely governed by chance, but also why and how they occurred.
The death of Nero, after the first outburst of joy with which it was
greeted, soon aroused conflicting feelings not only among the
senators, the people, and the soldiers in the city, but also among the
generals and their troops abroad. It had divulged a secret of state:
an emperor could be made elsewhere than at Rome. Still the senate was
satisfied. They had immediately taken advantage of their liberty and
were naturally emboldened against a prince who was new to the throne
and, moreover, absent. The highest class of the knights[9] seconded
the senate's satisfaction. Respectable citizens, who were attached as
clients or freedmen to the great families, and had seen their patrons
condemned or exiled, now revived their hopes. The lowest classes, who
had grown familiar with the pleasures of the theatre and the circus,
the most degraded of the slaves, and Nero's favourites who had
squandered their property and lived on his discreditable bounty, all
showed signs of depression and an eager greed for news.
The troops in the city[10] had long been inured to the allegiance 5
of the Caesars, and it was more by the pressure of intrigue than of
their own inclination that they came to desert Nero. They soon
realized that the donation promised in Galba's name was not to be paid
to them, and that peace would not, like war, offer opportunity for
great services and rich rewards. Since they also saw that the new
emperor's favour had been forestalled by the army which proclaimed
him, they were ripe for revolution and were further instigated by
their rascally Praefect Nymphidius Sabinus, who was plotting to be
emperor himself. His design was as a matter of fact detected and
quashed, but, though the ringleader was removed, many of the troops
still felt conscious of their treason and could be heard commenting on
Galba's senility and avarice. His austerity--a quality once admired
and set high in soldiers' estimation--only annoyed troops whose
contempt for the old methods of discipline had been fostered by
fourteen years of service under Nero. They had come to love the
emperors' vices as much as they once reverenced their virtues in older
days. Moreover Galba had let fall a remark, which augured well for
Rome, though it spelt danger to himself. 'I do not buy my soldiers,'
he said, 'I select them. ' And indeed, as things then stood, his words
sounded incongruous.
FOOTNOTES:
[9] Probably those who owned one million sesterces, the
property qualification for admission to the senate.
[10] This includes 'The Guards' (_cohortes praetoriae_) and
'The City Garrison' (_cohortes urbanae_), and possibly also
the _cohortes vigilum_, who were a sort of police corps and
fire brigade.
GALBA'S POSITION
Galba was old and ill. Of his two lieutenants Titus Vinius was the 6
vilest of men and Cornelius Laco the laziest. Hated as he was for
Vinius' crimes and despised for Laco's inefficiency, between them
Galba soon came to ruin. His march from Spain was slow and stained
with bloodshed. He executed Cingonius Varro, the consul-elect, and
Petronius Turpilianus, an ex-consul, the former as an accomplice of
Nymphidius, the latter as one of Nero's generals. They were both
denied any opportunity of a hearing or defence--and might as well have
been innocent. On his arrival at Rome the butchery of thousands of
unarmed soldiers[11] gave an ill omen to his entry, and alarmed even
the men who did the slaughter. The city was filled with strange
troops. A legion had been brought from Spain,[12] and the regiment of
marines enrolled by Nero still remained. [11] Moreover there were
several detachments from Germany, Britain, and Illyricum,[13] which
had been selected by Nero, dispatched to the Caspian Pass[14] for the
projected war against the Albanians, and subsequently recalled to aid
in crushing the revolt of Vindex. [15] These were all fine fuel for a
revolution, and, although their favour centred on nobody in
particular, there they were at the disposal of any one who had
enterprise.
It happened by chance that the news of the death of Clodius Macer 7
and of Fonteius Capito arrived in Rome simultaneously. Macer,[16] who
was undoubtedly raising a disturbance in Africa, was put to death by
the imperial agent Trebonius Garutianus, acting under Galba's orders:
Capito[17] had made a similar attempt in Germany and was killed by two
officers, Cornelius Aquinus and Fabius Valens, without waiting for
instructions. While Capito had a foul reputation for extortion and
loose living, some people yet believed that he had withheld his hand
from treason. His officers, they supposed, had urged him to declare
war, and, when they could not persuade him, had gone on to charge him
falsely with their own offence,[18] while Galba from weakness of
character, or perhaps because he was afraid to inquire too far,
approved what had happened for good or for ill, since it was past
alteration. At any rate both executions were unpopular. Now that Galba
was disliked, everything he did, whether right or wrong, made him more
unpopular. His freedmen were all-powerful: money could do anything:
the slaves were thirsting for an upheaval, and with so elderly an
emperor were naturally expecting to see one soon. The evils of the new
court were those of the old, and while equally oppressive were not so
easily excused. Even Galba's age seemed comic and despicable to a
populace that was used to the young Nero and compared the emperors, as
such people will, in point of looks and personal attraction.
FOOTNOTES:
[11] i. e. the marines, whom Nero had formed into a reserve
force (Legio I Adiutrix). They had met Galba at the Mulvian
Bridge, probably with a petition for service in the Line.
[12] Legio VII Galbiana, sent later to Pannonia.
[13] Illyricum included all the Danube provinces.
[14] The Pass of Dariel over the centre of the Caucasus. The
Albanians lay to the east of its southern end, on the
south-west coast of the Caspian.
[15] Vindex, Pro-praetor in the Lyons division of Gaul, had
revolted against Nero early in the year 68 and offered his
support to Galba, then governor of the Tarragona division of
Spain. He was defeated by Verginius Rufus, commanding the
forces in Upper Germany, and committed suicide. Verginius
afterwards declared for Galba, though his troops wanted to
make him emperor. Cp. chap. 8.
[16] Clodius Macer commanded Legio III Augusta and governed
Numidia, which Tiberius at the end of his reign had detached
from the pro-consulate of Africa.
[17] Governor of Lower Germany. See chap. 58 and iii. 62.
[18] Cp. chap. 58.
THE DISTRIBUTION OF FORCES
Such then at Rome was the variety of feeling natural in so vast a 8
population. To turn to the provinces abroad: Spain was under the
command of Cluvius Rufus, a man of great eloquence, and more skilled
in the arts of peace than of war. [19] The Gallic provinces had not
forgotten Vindex: moreover, they were bound to Galba by his recent
grant of Roman citizenship and his rebate of their tribute for the
future. The tribes, however, which lay nearest to the armies stationed
in Germany had not received these honours: some even had lost part of
their territory and were equally aggrieved at the magnitude of their
own injuries and of their neighbours' benefits. The troops in Germany
were proud of their recent victory, indignant at their treatment and
perplexed by a nervous consciousness that they had supported the wrong
side: a very dangerous state for so strong a force to be in. They had
been slow to desert Nero, and Verginius[20] did not immediately
declare for Galba. Whether he really did not want the throne is
doubtful: without question his soldiers made him the offer. The death
of Fonteius Capito aroused the indignation even of those who had no
right to complain. However, they still lacked a leader: Galba had sent
for Verginius under a pretence of friendship, and, when he was not
allowed to return and was even charged with treachery, the soldiers
considered his case their own.
The army of Upper Germany felt no respect for their commander, 9
Hordeonius Flaccus. [21] Weakened by age and an affection of the feet
he was without resolution or authority, and could not have controlled
the mildest troops. These fiery spirits were only the further inflamed
when they felt such a weak hand on the reins. The legions of Lower
Germany had been for some time without a commander,[22] until Aulus
Vitellius appeared. He was the son of the Lucius Vitellius who had
been censor and thrice consul,[23] and Galba thought this sufficient
to impress the troops. The army in Britain showed no bad feeling. All
through the disturbance of the civil wars no troops kept cleaner
hands. This may have been because they were so far away and severed by
the sea, or perhaps frequent engagements had taught them to keep their
rancour for the enemy. Quiet ruled in Illyricum also, although the
legions, which had been summoned by Nero,[24] while lingering in Italy
had made overtures to Verginius. But the armies lay far apart, always
a sound assistance to the maintenance of military discipline, since
the men could neither share vices nor join forces.
The East was still untroubled. Licinius Mucianus held Syria with 10
four legions. [25] He was a man who was always famous, whether in good
fortune or in bad. As a youth he was ambitious and cultivated the
friendship of the great. Later he found himself in straitened
circumstances and a very ambiguous position, and, suspecting Claudius'
displeasure, he withdrew into the wilds of Asia, where he came as near
to being an exile as afterwards to being an emperor. He was a strange
mixture of good and bad, of luxury and industry, courtesy and
arrogance. In leisure he was self-indulgent, but full of vigour on
service. His outward behaviour was praiseworthy, though ill was spoken
of his private life. However, with those who were under him or near
him, and with his colleagues he gained great influence by various
devices, and seems to have been the sort of man who would more readily
make an emperor than be one.
The Jewish war was being conducted by Flavius Vespasianus--appointed
by Nero--with three legions. [26] He had no ill-will against Galba, and
nothing to hope from his fall. Indeed he had sent his son Titus to
carry his compliments and offer allegiance, an incident we must
reserve for its proper place. [27] It was only after Vespasian's rise
that Roman society came to believe in the mysterious movings of
Providence, and supposed that portents and oracles had predestined the
throne for him and his family.
Of Egypt and its garrison, ever since the days of the sainted 11
Augustus, the knights of Rome have been uncrowned kings. [28] The
province being difficult to reach, rich in crops, torn and tossed by
fanaticism and sedition, ignorant of law, unused to bureaucratic
government, it seemed wiser to keep it in the control of the
Household. [29] The governor at that date was Tiberius Alexander,
himself a native of Egypt. [30] Africa and its legions, now that
Clodius Macer had been executed,[31] were ready to put up with any
ruler after their experience of a petty master. The two Mauretanias,
Raetia, Noricum, Thrace, and the other provinces governed by
procurators had their sympathies determined by the neighbourhood of
troops, and always caught their likes or dislikes from the strongest
army. The ungarrisoned provinces, and chief amongst these Italy, were
destined to be the prize of war, and lay at the mercy of any master.
Such was the state of the Roman world when Servius Galba, consul for
the second time, and Titus Vinius his colleague, inaugurated the year
which was to be their last, and almost the last for the commonwealth
of Rome.
FOOTNOTES:
[19] He wrote a history of his own time, which was one of
Tacitus' chief authorities.
[20] See note 17.
[21] Verginius' successor.
[22] Since Capito's death, chap. 7.
[23] He died in A. D. 54. In the censorship and in two of his
consulships he had been Claudius' colleague.
[24] For the war with Vindex.
[25] See note 164. The fourth legion is III Gallica,
afterwards moved into Moesia.
[26] See note 163.
[27] ii. 1.
[28] Cp. _Ann. _, ii. 59. 'Amongst other secret principles of
his imperial policy, Augustus had put Egypt in a position by
itself, forbidding all senators and knights of the highest
class to enter that country without his permission. For Egypt
holds the key, as it were, both of sea and land' (tr. Ramsay).
Cp. iii. 8.
[29] i. e. to govern it by the emperor's private agents. The
province was regarded as part of the emperor's estate
(patrimonium). This post was the highest in the imperial
service.
[30] A member of a Jewish family settled in Alexandria and
thus entitled to Roman citizenship. He was a nephew of the
historian Philo; had been Procurator of Judaea and chief of
Corbulo's staff in Armenia.
[31] See chap. 7.
THE GERMAN REVOLT AND THE ADOPTION OF PISO
A few days after the first of January a dispatch arrived from 12
Belgica, in which Pompeius Propinquus,[32] the imperial agent,
announced that the legions of Upper Germany had broken their oath of
allegiance and were clamouring for a new emperor, but that by way of
tempering their treason they referred the final choice to the Senate
and People of Rome. Galba had already been deliberating and seeking
advice as to the adoption of a successor, and this occurrence hastened
his plans. During all these months this question formed the current
subject of gossip throughout the country; Galba was far spent in years
and the general propensity for such a topic knew no check. Few people
showed sound judgement or any spirit of patriotism. Many were
influenced by foolish hopes and spread self-interested rumours
pointing to some friend or patron, thereby also gratifying their
hatred for Titus Vinius,[33] whose unpopularity waxed daily with his
power. Galba's affability only served to strengthen the gaping
ambition of his newly powerful friends, for his weakness and credulity
halved the risk and doubled the reward of treason.
The real power of the throne was divided between the consul, Titus 13
Vinius, and Cornelius Laco, the prefect of the Guards; and an
influence as great was enjoyed by Icelus, one of Galba's freedmen, who
had been given the gold ring[34] and was now greeted by the name of
Marcianus. These three ordinarily disagreed, and followed each his own
interest in smaller matters: on the question of the succession they
fell into two camps. Vinius was for Marcus Otho. Laco and Icelus were
agreed not so much on any one as on any other. Galba was aware of the
friendship between Otho and Vinius. Otho was a bachelor and Vinius had
an unmarried daughter: so gossip, never reticent, pointed to them as
father and son-in-law. Galba, one may suppose, felt some concern for
his country, too. Why take the throne from Nero, if it was to be left
to Otho? Otho had led a careless boyhood and a dissolute youth, and
endeared himself to Nero by aping his vices. Thus it was to Otho, as
being already in the secret, that Nero entrusted his favourite
mistress, Poppaea Sabina,[35] until he could get rid of Octavia. Later
he grew jealous and removed Otho to the province of Lusitania under
cover of a governorship. Otho had been popular in his administration
of the province, and was one of the first to join Galba's party. Being
a man of action and one of the most distinguished of Galba's officers
in the war, when once he had conceived the hope of succeeding him, he
eagerly indulged it. Most of the soldiers were on his side and the
Court supported him as Nero's double.
After receiving the news of the German revolt, although Galba knew 14
nothing for certain of Vitellius' plans, he was fearful to what
lengths the outbreak of the troops might go; so, being unable to trust
the troops in the city,[36] he had recourse to what seemed his sole
remedy and held an Imperial Election. Besides Vinius and Laco he
summoned Marius Celsus, consul-elect and the City-Prefect Ducenius
Geminus. [37] After prefacing a few words about his own advanced age he
ordered Piso Licinianus[38] to be sent for, either on his own
initiative, or, as some believed, at the instance of Laco. Laco had
met Piso at Rubellius Plautus' house and they had formed a friendship,
but he cunningly pretended that he was supporting a stranger, and
Piso's good repute gave colour to this policy. Piso was a noble on
both sides, being the son of Marcus Crassus and Scribonia.
There was
an old-world austerity in his face and bearing, and just critics spoke
of his strict morality: people who took a less favourable view thought
him soured. But while those who disliked this side of his character
carped at it, it was a recommendation in the eyes of the emperor who
intended to adopt him.
Galba is said to have taken Piso's hand and addressed him as 15
follows: 'Were I a private citizen, and were I to adopt you in the
presence of the Priests by the usual formality of a curial
statute,[39] it would be an honour for me to introduce into my family
a descendant of Cnaeus Pompeius and of Marcus Crassus, and for you it
would be a distinction to add to your noble ancestry the glories of
the Sulpician and Lutatian houses. [40] As it is, I have been called by
the consent of gods and men to be an emperor. Your distinguished
qualities and your patriotism have persuaded me to offer to you
peacefully and quietly the throne for which our ancestors fought on
the field of battle,[41] and which I too won by war. In so doing I am
following the precedent set by the sainted Augustus, who raised to the
rank next himself first his nephew Marcellus, then his son-in-law
Agrippa, then his daughter's sons,[42] and finally his stepson
Tiberius Nero. However, while Augustus looked for a successor in his
own family, I have searched throughout the country. Not that I lack
either kinsmen or supporters, but it was by no favour of birth that I
myself came to the throne, and, to prove my policy in this matter,
consider how I have passed over not only my own relatives but yours.
You have an elder brother,[43] as noble as yourself. He would have
been worthy of this position, but you are worthier. You are old enough
to have outlived youthful passions. Your life has been such that you
have nothing in your past to excuse. So far you have only experienced
misfortune. Prosperity probes the heart with a keener touch; misery
only calls for patience, but there is corruption in success. Honesty,
candour, and affection are the best of human qualities, and doubtless
you yourself have enough character to retain them. But the
complaisance of others will weaken your character. Flattery and
servile compliments will break down its defences and self-interest
too, the bane of all sincerity. What though you and I can talk plainly
with each other to-day? Others will address themselves not to us but
to our fortunes. To persuade an emperor what he ought to do is a
laborious task: any one can flatter him without a spark of sincerity.
'If the vast bulk of this empire could stand and keep its balance 16
without a guiding hand, the Republic might well have dated its birth
from me. As it is, things have long ago come to such a pass that
neither I in my old age can give the Roman people any better gift than
a good successor, nor you in your prime anything better than a good
emperor. Under Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius, Rome was the heirloom
of a single family. There is a kind of liberty in the free choice we
have begun to exercise. Now that the Julian and Claudian houses are
extinct, by the plan of adoption the best man will always be
discovered. Royal birth is the gift of fortune, and is but valued as
such. In adoption we can use a free judgement, and if we wish to
choose well, the voice of the country points the way. Think of Nero,
swollen with the pride of his long line of royal ancestry. It was not
Vindex with a powerless province at his back, nor I with a single
legion that freed Rome's shoulders of that burden: it was his own
cruelty and profligacy. And that was before there was any precedent
for the conviction of an emperor.
'We have been called to the throne by the swords of those who thought
us worthy. Our high state will not escape the eye of envy. You may be
sure of that. But there is no reason for you to feel alarm because in
this world-wide upheaval a couple of legions have not yet settled
down. I myself did not succeed to a safe and peaceful throne, and,
when once the news of your adoption is spread, I shall cease to be
charged with my advanced age, which is now the only fault they find in
me. The rascals will always miss Nero: you and I have got to see that
good citizens do not miss him too.
'A longer sermon would ill befit the time and I have fulfilled my
purpose, if I have done right in choosing you. The soundest and
easiest criterion of right and wrong policy is to consider what you
would have approved or condemned in another emperor. For Rome is not
like the nations which are ruled by kings, where one house is supreme
and the rest are slaves. Your future subjects are men who cannot
endure the extremes either of bondage or of freedom. '
Galba spoke these words and more to the same effect in the tone of one
creating an emperor: the rest addressed Piso as though he were emperor
already. He is said to have betrayed no sign of amazement or 17
elation either before those who were then present, or later when
everybody's eyes centred upon him. His language to his emperor and
adoptive father was deeply respectful and he spoke modestly of
himself. He made no change in his expression or bearing, showing
himself more able than anxious to rule. A discussion then took place
whether the adoption should be announced before the people or in the
senate, or in the guards' camp. They decided in favour of the camp, on
the ground that it would be a compliment to the troops, whose goodwill
was hard to win by flattery or bribes, but was by no means to be
despised, if it could be won by good means. Meanwhile the curiosity of
the populace, impatient of any important secret, had brought together
crowds all round the Palace, and when once the rumour began to leak
out an attempt at suppression only resulted in spreading it.
The tenth of January was a dreary wet day, and an extraordinary 18
storm of thunder and lightning showed the displeasure of Providence.
Such phenomena were regarded in old days as a sign for the suspension
of public business, but they did not deter Galba from proceeding to
the camp. Either he disregarded such things as the result of pure
chance or else he felt that the blows of fate may be foretold but not
forestalled. He addressed a crowded assembly of the soldiers with true
imperial brevity, stating simply that in adopting Piso he was
following the example of the sainted Augustus, and the old military
custom whereby each man chose another. [44] He was afraid that by
suppressing the news of the German rebellion he might only seem to
exaggerate the danger, so he voluntarily declared that the Fourth and
Twenty-second legions had been led by a few traitors into seditious
murmurings but no further, and would soon return to their allegiance.
He made no attempt to enhance his words either by eloquence or
largess. However, the tribunes and centurions and those of the
soldiers who stood nearest to him gave well-sounding answers. The rest
were sorry and silent, for the war seemed to have lost them the
largess that had always been usual even in peace. Everybody agrees
that they could have been won over had the parsimonious old emperor
made the least display of generosity. He was ruined by his strict
old-fashioned inflexibility, which seems too rigorous for these
degenerate days.
From the camp they proceeded to the senate, and Galba's speech to 19
its members was no fuller or finer than to the soldiers. Piso spoke
graciously, and there was no lack of support in the senate. Many
wished him well. Those who did not were the more effusive. The
majority were indifferent, but displayed a ready affability, intent on
their private speculations without thought of the country's good. No
other public action is reported of Piso during the four days which
intervened between his adoption and assassination.
FOOTNOTES:
[32] i. e. the emperor's finance agent in the province of
Belgica.
[33] Cp. chap. 6.
[34] A gold signet-ring was the sign of a free-born Roman
knight. Its grant to freedmen was an innovation of which
Tacitus disapproved.
[35] Tacitus here follows the story told by Suetonius in his
life of Otho. In the _Annals_, xiii. 45, 46, Tacitus gives in
detail a more probable version. It is more likely that Poppaea
used Otho as a stepping-stone to Nero's favour than that Otho,
as Suetonius quotes, 'committed adultery with his own wife. '
[36] See chap. 5, note 10.
[37] One of the three Commissioners of Public Revenue
appointed by Nero in A. D. 62 (_Ann. _, xv. 18).
[38] Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi Licinianus was the son of M.
Licinius Crassus Frugi, and adopted son of L. Calpurnius Piso
Frugi. His mother, Scribonia, was a descendant of Pompey.
[39] Adoption from one family into another needed in old days
the sanction of the Comitia Curiata. When that assembly became
obsolete, the priests summoned a formal meeting of thirty
lictors, and their sanction of an act of adoption was still
called _lex curiata_. Galba was now _Pontifex maximus_.
[40] Galba belonged to the _Gens Sulpicia_, and was connected
through his mother, Mummia, with Q. Lutatius Catulus, who had
led the senatorial party in the first half of the last
century.
[41] i. e. Galba's great-grandfather had fought for Caesar
against Piso's ancestor, Pompey.
[42] The children of Julia and Agrippa.
[43] Crassus Scribonianus, cp. chap. 47, and iv. 39.
[44] i. e. co-optation, employed in former days to raise a
special contingent for emergencies.
GALBA'S MEASURES OF PRECAUTION
Reports of the German rebellion grew daily more insistent and the
public was always ready to believe any news, provided it was bad.
Accordingly the senate decided that a commission must be sent to the
army in Germany. It was discussed in private whether Piso should go
himself to add dignity to the commission, since he could carry the
authority of the emperor, while the others represented the senate. It
was also proposed to send Laco, the prefect of the Guards, but he
objected. The senate had allowed Galba to nominate the commissioners
and he showed the most miserable indecision, now nominating members,
now excusing them, now making exchanges, yielding always to pressure
from people who wanted to go or to stay at home according as they were
determined by their hopes or their fears. The next question was 20
one of finance. After investigating all possible sources it seemed
most reasonable to recover the revenue from those quarters where the
cause of the deficit lay. Nero had squandered in lavish presents two
thousand two hundred million sesterces. [45] Galba gave instructions
that these monies should be recovered from the individual recipients,
leaving each a tithe of their original gift. However, in each case
there was scarcely a tenth part left, for these worthless spendthrifts
had run through Nero's money as freely as they had squandered their
own: they had no real property or capital left, nothing but the
apparatus of their luxury. Thirty of the knights were entrusted with
the duty of recovering the money. This commission, for which there was
no precedent, proved vastly unpopular owing to the scope of its
authority, and the large number of the victims. Every quarter seemed
beset with sales and brokers and lawsuits. And yet lively satisfaction
was caused by the discovery that the beneficiaries of Nero's bounty
were as poor as the victims of his greed.
At this time several officers were cashiered, Antonius Taurus and
Antonius Naso of the Guards, Aemilius Pacensis of the City Garrison,
and Julius Fronto of the Police. [46] However, this proved no remedy.
The others only began to feel alarmed, thinking that Galba's craft and
timidity had sacrificed a few, while his suspicions rested on them
all.
FOOTNOTES:
[45] About twenty-three million sterling of our money.
[46] i. e. of the cohorts which formed the police and
fire-brigade of the city. See chap. 5, note 10.
THE RISE OF OTHO
Meanwhile Otho had nothing to hope from a peaceful settlement: all 21
his plans demanded a disturbance. Many motives spurred him on: his
extravagance would have ruined a prince, and his poverty have
perplexed a private person: he was angry with Galba and jealous of
Piso. He also alleged fears for his safety, by way of whetting his
ambition. 'I proved a nuisance to Nero,' he would say, 'and can
scarcely expect the compliment of a second exile to Lusitania. [47]
Besides, monarchs always hate and suspect the man who is mentioned as
"next to the throne". This was what did me harm with the old emperor,
and it will weigh still more with the youthful Piso, who is naturally
savage and has been exasperated by a long period of exile. It would be
easy to kill me. I must do and dare while Galba's authority is on the
wane and Piso's not yet established. These times of change suit big
enterprises; inaction is more deadly than daring; there is no call for
delay. Death is the natural end for all alike, and the only difference
is between fame and oblivion afterwards. Seeing that the same end
awaits the innocent and the guilty, a man of spirit should at least
deserve his fate. '
Otho's character was by no means so effeminate as his person. His 22
intimate freedmen and slaves, who were allowed a licence unusual in
private households, dangled before him the baits for which he was
greedy: the luxuries of Nero's Court, the marriages he could make, the
adulteries he could commit, and all the other imperial pleasures. They
were his, they pointed out, if he would bestir himself; it was
shameful to lie quiet and leave them to others. He was also incited by
the astrologers, who declared that their study of the stars pointed to
great changes and a year of glory for Otho. Creatures of this class
always deceive the ambitious, though those in power distrust them.
Probably we shall go on for ever proscribing them and keeping them by
us. [48] Poppaea[49] had always had her boudoir full of these
astrologers, the worst kind of outfit for a royal ménage. One of them,
called Ptolemy, had gone with Otho to Spain[50] and foretold that he
would outlive Nero. This came true and Otho believed in him. He now
based his vague conjectures on the computations of Galba's age and
Otho's youth, and persuaded him that he would ascend the throne. But,
though the man had no real skill, Otho accepted the prophecy as if it
was the finger of fate. Human nature always likes to believe what it
cannot understand.
Nor was Ptolemy himself slow to incite his master to crime, to 23
which it is only a short step from such ambitions. But whether his
criminal designs were deliberate or suddenly conceived, it is
impossible to say. He had long been courting the goodwill of the
soldiers either in the hope of being adopted by Galba or to prepare
the way for treason. On the road from Spain, while the men were
marching or on outpost duty, he would address the veterans by name,
reminding them how he and they had served together under Nero, and
calling them his comrades. He renewed acquaintance with some, asked
after others and helped them with money or influence, frequently
letting fall complaints and ambiguous remarks about Galba, using all
the arts which work upon uneducated minds. The soldiers grumbled
bitterly at the exertions of the march, the shortage of provisions,
and the strict discipline. What they were used to was a journey to the
Campanian Lakes or Greek seaports on board ship;[51] they found it
hard to struggle over the Pyrenees and Alps, and march immense
distances under arms.
While the soldiers were thus already fired with discontent, 24
Maevius Pudens, one of Tigellinus'[52] intimates, added fuel to their
feelings by luring on all who were naturally unstable or in need of
money, or rashly eager for a change. Eventually, whenever Galba dined
with him, Otho went the length of presenting a hundred sesterces to
each of the soldiers on guard, on the pretext that this was instead of
entertaining them. [53] This system of public largess Otho extended by
making presents in confidence to individuals, and such spirit did he
show in bribery that when a member of the Body Guard, Cocceius
Proculus, brought an action to claim part of his neighbour's farm,
Otho bought the whole property out of his own pocket and gave it to
him. He was enabled to do this by the inefficiency of the Prefect
Laco, who was no less blind to notorious than to secret scandals.
Otho then put Onomastus, one of his freedmen, in charge of the 25
projected crime, and Onomastus took into his confidence Barbius
Proculus, an aide-de-camp, and a subaltern named Veturius, both in the
Body Guard. [54] Having assured himself by many interviews that they
were both bold and cunning, Otho proceeded to load them with bribes
and promises, providing them with funds to enable them to test the
feelings of the others. And so a couple of common soldiers took it
upon them to transfer the Roman Empire: and they did it. A very few
were admitted as accomplices. These, by various devices, worked on the
indecision of the others. The non-commissioned officers who had been
promoted by Nymphidius felt themselves under suspicion; the private
soldiers were indignant and in despair at the constant postponement of
Galba's largess; some few were fired by the recollection of Nero's
régime and longed for the days of licence; all in common shared the
fear of being drafted out of the Praetorian Guards.
The infection of treason soon spread to the legions and 26
auxiliaries, whose excitement had been aroused as soon as they heard
that the armies of Germany were wavering in their allegiance. So, as
the disloyal were ready for treason and the loyal shut their eyes,
they at first determined to acclaim Otho as he was returning from
dinner on the night of the fourteenth. However, they hesitated: the
darkness spelt uncertainty, the troops were scattered all over the
town, and unanimity could scarcely be expected from drunken men. They
were not deterred by any affection for their country's honour, which
they were deliberately preparing to stain with its emperor's blood,
but they were afraid that, as Otho was unknown to the majority, some
one else might by mistake be offered to the Pannonian or German
legions and proclaimed emperor. Some evidence of the brewing plot
leaked out, but it was suppressed by the conspirators. Rumours even
reached Galba's ears, but Laco made light of them, being totally
ignorant of soldiers' characters, hostile to any suggestion, however
wise, that was not his own, and extremely obstinate with men who knew
more than he did.
On January 15, as Galba was sacrificing in front of the temple of 27
Apollo, the priest Umbricius declared the omens unfavourable: treason
was impending, and an enemy within the walls. Otho, who was standing
beside Galba, overheard and construed the omen as being from his own
point of view a good one, favourable to his plans. In a few moments
his freedman, Onomastus, announced that the architect and contractors
were waiting to see him. This had been agreed upon as the signal that
the troops were assembling and the conspiracy was ripe. On being asked
where he was going, Otho pretended that he was buying an old property,
but suspected its condition and so had to inspect it first. Thus,
leaning on his freedman's shoulder, he passed through Tiberius' house
into the Velabrum and thence to the Golden Milestone at the foot of
the Temple of Saturn. [55] There thirty-three soldiers of the Body
Guard saluted him as emperor. When he showed alarm at the smallness of
their number they put him hastily into a litter, and, drawing their
swords, hurried him away. About the same number of soldiers joined
them on the way, some accomplices, others merely curious. Some marched
along shouting and flourishing swords; others kept silent, intending
to take their cue from subsequent events.
Julius Martialis was the tribune on duty in the camp. He was so 28
overcome by the magnitude of this unexpected crime and so afraid that
the treason was widespread in the camp, and that he might be killed if
he offered any opposition, that he led most people to suppose he was
in the plot. So, too, the other tribunes and centurions all preferred
present safety to a risky loyalty. In fact the general attitude was
this: few dared to undertake so foul a crime, many wished to see it
done, and everybody was ready to condone it.
FOOTNOTES:
[47] Cp. chap. 13.
[48] Decrees excluding astrologers from Italy had been passed
in B. C. 33, A. D. 16, and again in A. D. 52. Vitellius passed
another. See ii. 62.
[49] Nero's wife. Cp. chap.
