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The history of Rome; tr. with the sanction of the ... v.5. Mommsen, Theodor, 1817-1903
The history of Rome; tr.
with the sanction of the author by William
Purdie Dickson.
Mommsen, Theodor, 1817-1903. New York, Scribner, 1905.
http://hdl. handle. net/2027/njp. 32101075686012
Public Domain, Google-digitized
http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
We have determined this work to be in the public domain, meaning that it is not subject to copyright. Users are free to copy, use, and redistribute the work in part or in whole. It is possible that current copyright holders, heirs or the estate of the authors of individual portions of the work, such as illustrations or photographs, assert copyrights over these portions. Depending on the nature of subsequent use that is made, additional rights may need to be obtained independently of anything we can address. The digital images and OCR of this work were produced by Google, Inc. (indicated by a watermark on each page in the PageTurner). Google requests that the images and OCR not be re-hosted, redistributed or used commercially. The images are provided for educational, scholarly, non-commercial purposes.
Z35"8
15
.
jfrUrratg iff
JJjri^nira rrf tip
Qlije gift nf Albert C. iWcVittp '98
. :
THE HISTORY OF ROME
MOMMSEN
THE
HISTORY OF ROME
BY
THEODOR MOMMSEN
TRANSLATED
WITH THE SANCTION OF THE AUTHOR
BY
WILLIAM PURDIE DICKSON, D. D. , LL. D. PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN THS UNIVERSITY or GLASGOW
A NEW EDITION REVISED THROUGHOUT AND EMBODYING RECENT ADDITIONS
VOL. V
NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
1905
CONTENTS
BOOK FIFTH
The Subjugation op the West
CHAPTER VIII
The Joint Rule of Pompeius and Caesar . .
107
CHAPTER IX
Death of Crassus— Rupture between the Joint Rulers 150
The Establishment of the Military Monarchy — Continued
. . . . . . . .
CHAPTER XII Religion, Culture, Literature, and Art
. . . . . . -. -<o b*- g'i. ^4
Index
Collation of Paging of other Editions for verifying
References
r
589
. . . .
CHAPTER VII
CHAPTER X
Brundisium, Ilerda, I'harsalus, and Thapsui . .
CHAPTER XI
The Old Republic and the New Monarchy . .
193
305
. .
443
519
3
Ail
BOOK FIFTH
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MILITARY MONARCHY
VOL. v
134
Continued
CHAPTER Vn
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
When the course of history turns from the miserable mono- The tony of the political selfishness, which fought its battles ? TM^' in the senate-house and in the streets of the capital, to the west. matters of greater importance than the question whether
the first monarch of Rome should be called Gnaeus, Gaius,
or Marcus, we may well be allowed — on the threshold of
an event, the effects of which still at the present day influ
ence the destinies of the world—to look round us for a moment, and to indicate the point of view under which
the conquest of what is now France by the Romans, and
their first contact with the inhabitants of Germany and of
Great Britain, are to be apprehended in their bearing on
the general history of the world.
By virtue of the law, that a people which has grown into a state absorbs its neighbours who are in political nonage, and a civilized people absorbs its neighbours who are in intellectual nonage —by virtue of this law, which is as universally valid and as much a law of nature as the law of gravity — the Italian nation (the only one in antiquity which was able to combine a superior political development and a superior civilization, though it presented the latter only in an imperfect and external manner) was entitled to reduce to subjection the Greek states of the east which were ripe for destruction, and to dispossess the peoples of
4 THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
lower grades of culture in the west — Libyans, Iberians, Celts, Germans —by means of its settlers ; just as England with equal right has in Asia reduced to subjection a civil ization of rival standing but politically impotent, and in America and Australia has marked and ennobled, and still continues to mark and ennoble, extensive barbarian countries with the impress of its nationality. The Roman
had accomplished the preliminary condition required for this task—the union of Italy ; the task itself it never solved, but always regarded the extra-Italian con quests either as simply a necessary evil, or as a fiscal possession virtually beyond the pale of the state. It is the imperishable glory of the Roman democracy or mon archy—for the two coincide —to have correctly apprehended and vigorously realized this its highest destination. What the irresistible force of circumstances had paved the way for, through the senate establishing against its will the foundations of the future Roman dominion in the west as in the east ; what thereafter the Roman emigration to the provinces — which came as a public calamity, no doubt, but also in the western regions at any rate as a pioneer of a higher culture —pursued as matter of instinct ; the creator of the Roman democracy, Gaius Gracchus, grasped and began to carry out with statesmanlike clearness and deci sion. The two fundamental ideas of the new policy — to reunite the territories under the power of Rome, so far as they were Hellenic, and to colonize them, so far as they were not Hellenic—had already in the Gracchan age been practically recognized by the annexation of the kingdom of Attalus and by the Transalpine conquests of Flaccus : but the prevailing reaction once more arrested their application. The Roman state remained a chaotic mass of countries without thorough occupation and without proper limits. Spain and the Graeco-Asiatic possessions were separated from the mother country by wide territories, of which
aristocracy
cha», vii THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST $
barely the borders along the coast were subject to the Romans ; on the north coast of Africa the domains of Carthage and Cyrene alone were occupied like oases ; large tracts even of the subject territory, especially in Spain, were but nominally subject to the Romans. Absolutely nothing was done on the part of the government towards concen trating and rounding off their dominion, and the decay of the fleet seemed at length to dissolve the last bond of connection between the distant possessions. The demo cracy no doubt attempted, so soon as it again raised its head, to shape its external policy in the spirit of Gracchus —Marius in particular cherished such ideas—but as it did not for any length of time attain the helm, its projects were
left unfulfilled. It was not till the democracy practically took in hand the government on the overthrow of the Sullan constitution in 684, that a revolution in this respect 70. occurred. First of all their sovereignty on the Mediter ranean was restored — the most vital question for a state like that of Rome. Towards the east, moreover, the boundary of the Euphrates was secured by the annexation
of the provinces of Pontus and Syria. But there still remained beyond the Alps the task of at once rounding off the Roman territory towards the north and west, and of gaining a fresh virgin soil there for Hellenic civilization and for the yet unbroken vigour of the Italic race.
This task Gaius Caesar undertook. It is more than an Historical error, it is an outrage upon the sacred spirit dominant in ^^e' history, to regard Gaul solely as the parade ground on of the which Caesar exercised himself and his legions for the impending civil war. Though the subjugation of the west
was for Caesar so far a means to an end that he laid the foundations of his later height of power in the Transalpine wars, it is the especial privilege of a statesman of genius that his means themselves are ends in their turn. Caesar needed no doubt for his party aims a military power, but
^c^! ^
Caesar [61. in Spain.
f THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
he did not conquer Gaul as a partisan. There was a direct political necessity for Rome to meet the perpetually threat ened invasion of the Germans thus early beyond the Alps, and to construct a rampart there which should secure the peace of the Roman world. But even this important object was not the highest and ultimate reason for which Gaul was conquered by Caesar. When the old home had become too narrow for the Roman burgesses and they were in danger of decay, the senate's policy of Italian conquest saved them from ruin. Now the Italian home had become in its turn too narrow; once more the state languished under the same social evils repeating themselves in similar fashion only on a greater scale. It was a brilliant idea, a grand hope, which led Caesar over the Alps — the idea and the confident expectation that he should gain there for his fellow-burgesses a new boundless home, and regenerate the state a second time by placing it on a broader basis.
The campaign which Caesar undertook in 693 in Further Spain, may be in some sense included among the enterprises which aimed at the subjugation of the west Long as Spain had obeyed the Romans, its western shore had remained sub stantially independent of them even after the expedition of Decimus Brutus against the Callaeci (iii. 232), and they had not even set foot on the northern coast ; while the predatory raids, to which the subject provinces found themselves continually exposed from those quarters, did no small injury to the civilization and Romanizing of Spain. Against these the expedition of Caesar along the west coast was directed. He crossed the chain of the Herminian mountains (Sierra de Estrella) bounding the Tagus on the north ; after having conquered their inhabitants and transplanted them in part to the plain, he reduced the country on both sides of the Douro and arrived at the north-west point of the peninsula, where with the aid of a flotilla brought up from Gades ho occupied Brigantium (Corunna). By this means the
chap, vil THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST 7
peoples adjoining the Atlantic Ocean, Lusitanians and Cal- laecians, were forced to acknowledge the Roman suprem acy, while the conqueror was at the same time careful to render the position of the subjects generally more tolerable by reducing the tribute to be paid to Rome and regulating the financial affairs of the communities.
But, although in this military and administrative debut of the great general and statesman the same talents and the same leading ideas are discernible which he afterwards evinced on a greater stage, his agency in the Iberian penin sula was much too transient to have any deep effect ; the more especially as, owing to its physical and national peculiarities, nothing but action steadily continued for a considerable time could exert any durable influence there.
A more important part in the Romanic development of Gaui. the west was reserved by destiny for the country which stretches between the Pyrenees and the Rhine, the Medi terranean and the Atlantic Ocean, and which since the Augustan age has been especially designated by the name
of the land of the Celts — Gallia— although strictly speaking the land of the Celts was partly narrower, partly much more extensive, and the country so called never formed a national unity, and did not form a political unity before Augustus. For this very reason it is not easy to present a clear picture of the very heterogeneous state of things which Caesar encountered on his arrival there in 696.
68. In the region on the Mediterranean, which, embracing The
approximately Languedoc on the west of the Rhone, on the p^nce. east Dauphine" and Provence, had been for sixty years a
Roman province, the Roman arms had seldom been at rest
since the Cimbrian invasion which had swept over it. In
664 Gaius Caelius had fought with the Salyes about Aquae Wars [90. Sextiae, and in 674 Gaius Flaccus (iv. 93), on his march to ^^tSq Spain, with other Celtic nations. When in the Sertorian
war the governor Lucius Manlius, compelled to hasten to
Bounds.
66. 688 as well as by the behaviour of the Allobrogian embassy 63. in Rome on occasion of the anarchist plot in 691 (iv. 480), 61. and which soon afterwards (693) broke into open revolt
Catugnatus the leader of the Allobroges in this war of despair, who had at first fought not unsuccessfully, was conquered at Solonium after a glorious resistance by the governor Gaius Pomptinus.
Notwithstanding all these conflicts the bounds of the Roman territory were not materially advanced; Lugudunum Convenarum, where Pompeius had settled the remnant of the Sertorian army (iv. 304), Tolosa, Vienna and Genava were still the most remote Roman townships towards the
S THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
the aid of his colleagues beyond the Pyrenees, returned defeated from Ilerda (Lerida) and on his way home was vanquished a second time by the western neighbours of the
71, Roman province, the Aquitani (about 676 ; iv. 283/), this seems to have provoked a general rising of the provincials between the Pyrenees and the Rhone, perhaps even of those between the Rhone and Alps. Pompeius had to make his way with the sword through the insurgent Gaul to Spain (iv. 293), and by way of penalty for their rebellion gave the territories of the Volcae-Arecomici and the Helvii (dep. Gard and Ardeche) over to the Massiliots; the governor
76-74. Manius Fonteius (678-680) carried out these arrangements and restored tranquillity in the province by subduing the Vocontii (dep. Drome), protecting Massilia from the insurgents, and liberating the Roman capital Narbo which they invested. Despair, however, and the financial em barrassment which the participation in the sufferings of the Spanish war (iv. 298) and generally the official and non- official exactions of the Romans brought upon the Gallic provinces, did not allow them to be tranquil; and in particular the canton of the Allobroges, the most remote from Narbo, was in a perpetual ferment, which was attested by the " pacification " that Gaius Piso undertook there in
.
chaj. Til THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST 9
west and north. But at the same time the importance of Relation!
these Gallic possessions for the mother country was con- tinually on the increase. The glorious climate, akin to that of Italy, the favourable nature of the soil, the large and rich region lying behind so advantageous for commerce with its mercantile routes reaching as far as Britain, the easy intercourse by land and sea with the mother country, rapidly gave to southern Gaul an economic importance for Italy, which much older possessions, such as those in Spain, had not acquired in the course of centuries ; and as the Romans who had suffered political shipwreck at this period sought an asylum especially in Massilia, and there found once more Italian culture and Italian luxury, voluntary emigrants from Italy also were attracted more and more to the Rhone and the Garonne. " The province of Gaul," it was said in a sketch drawn ten years before Caesar's arrival, " is full of merchants ; it swarms with Roman burgesses. No native of Gaul transacts a piece of business without the intervention of a Roman ; every penny, that passes from one hand to another in Gaul, goes through the account books of the Roman burgesses. " From the same description it appears that in addition to the colonists of Narbo there were Romans cultivating land and rearing cattle, resident in great numbers in Gaul ; as to which, however, it must not be overlooked that most of the pro vincial land possessed by Romans, just like the greater part of the English possessions in the earliest times in America, was in the hands of the high nobility living in Italy, and those farmers and graziers consisted for the most part of their stewards — slaves or freed men.
to om*
It is easy to understand how under such circumstances Incipient civilization and Romanizing rapidly spread among the \J'^n' natives. These Celts were not fond of agriculture ; but
their new masters compelled them to exchange the sword
for the plough, and it is very credible that the embittered
io THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
resistance of the Allobroges was provoked in part by some such injunctions. In earlier timer Hellenism had also to a certain degree dominated those retions ; the elements of a higher culture, the stimulus to the cultivation of the vine and the olive (iii. 3 1 to the use of writing and to the coining of money, came to them from Massilia. The Hellenic culture was in this case far from being set aside
the Romans; Massilia gained through them more influence than lost; and even the Roman period Greek physicians and rhetoricians were publicly employed in the Gallic cantons. But, as may readily be conceived, Hellenism in southern Gaul acquired through the agency of the Romans the same character as in Italy; the dis tinctively Hellenic civilization gave place to the Latino- Greek mixed culture, which soon made proselytes here in great numbers. The "Gauls in the breeches," as the inhabitants of southern Gaul were called way of contrast to the "Gauls in the toga" of northern Italy, were not indeed like the latter already completely Romanized, but they were even now very perceptibly distinguished from the " longhaired Gauls " of the northern regions still unsubdued. The semiculture becoming naturalized among them furnished, doubtless, materials enough for ridicule of their barbarous Latin, and people did not fail to suggest to any one suspected of Celtic descent his " relationship with the breeches " but this bad Latin was yet sufficient to
enable even the remote Allobroges to transact business with the Roman authorities, and even to give testimony in the Roman courts without an interpreter.
While the Celtic and Ligurian population of these regions was thus in the course of losing its nationality, and was
There was found, for instance, at Vaison in the Vocontian canton an inscription written in the Celtic language with the ord nary Greek alphabet.
runs thus: aeyo/1apos onWoveos roovr1ovs m/1avo ins t1upov (inX1joa luaoa1r viagrar. The last word mean* " holy. "
It
1
by
;
by
it
5),
in
1
chap, vii THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST H
languishing and pining withal under a political and economic oppression, the intolerable nature of which is sufficiently attested by their hopeless insurrections, the decline of the native population here went hand in hand with the natural izing of the same higher culture which we find at this period in Italy. Aquae Sextiae and still more Narbo were con siderable townships, which might probably be named by the side of Beneventum and Capua ; and Massilia, the best organized, most free, most capable of self-defence, and most powerful of all the Greek cities dependent on Rome, under its rigorous aristocratic government to which the Roman conservatives probably pointed as the model of a good urban constitution, in possession of an important territory which had been considerably enlarged by the Romans and of an extensive trade, stood by the side of those Latin towns as Rhegium and Neapolis stood in Italy by the side of Beneventum and Capua.
Matters wore a different aspect, when one crossed the Free GanL Roman frontier. The great Celtic nation, which in the
southern districts already began to be crushed by the Italian immigration, still moved to the north of the Cevennes in its time-hallowed freedom. It is not the first time that we
meet it : the Italians had already fought with the offsets and advanced posts of this vast stock on the Tiber and on the Po, in the mountains of Castile and Carinthia, and even in the heart of Asia Minor; but it was here that the main stock was first assailed at its very core by their attacks. The Celtic race had on its settlement in central Europe diffused itself chiefly over the rich river-valleys and the pleasant hill-country of the present France, including the western districts of Germany and Switzerland, and from thence had occupied at least the southern part of England, perhaps even at this time all Great Britain and Ireland ; 1 it formed here
1 An immigration of Belgic Celts to Britain continuing for a considerable time seems indicated by the names of English tribes on both banks of the
Population.
12 THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
more than anywhere else a broad, geographically compact, mass of peoples. In spite of the differences in language and manners which naturally were to be found within this wide territory, a close mutual intercourse, an innate sense of fellowship, seems to have knit together the tribes from the Rhone and Garonne to the Rhine and the Thames ; whereas, although these doubtless were in a certain measure locally connected with the Celts in Spain and in the modern Austria, the mighty mountain barriers of the Pyrenees and the Alps on the one hand, and the encroachments of the Romans and the Germans which also operated here on the other, interrupted the intercourse and the intrinsic connec tion of the cognate peoples far otherwise than the narrow arm of the sea interrupted the relations of the continental and the British Celts. Unhappily we are not permitted to trace stage by stage the history of the internal development of this remarkable people in these its chief seats ; we must be content with presenting at least some outline of its historical culture and political condition, as it here meets us in the time of Caesar.
Gaul was, according to the reports of the ancients, com paratively well peopled. Certain statements lead us to infer that in the Belgic districts there were some 2oo persons to the square mile —a proportion such as nearly holds at present for Wales and for Livonia—in the Helvetic canton about 245 ;1 it is probable that in the districts which were more
Thames borrowed from Belgic cantons ; such as the Atrebates, the Belgae, and even the Britanni themselves, which word appears to have been trans ferred from the Brittones settled on the Somme below Amiens first to an English canton and then to the whole island. The English gold coinage was also derived from the Belgic and originally identical with it
1 The first levy of the Belgic cantons exclusive of the Remi, that is, of the country between the Seine and the Scheldt and eastward as Car as the vicinity of Rheims and Andemach, from 9000 to 10,000 square miles, is reckoned at about 300,000 men ; in accordance with which, if we regard the proportion of the first levy to the whole men capable of bearing arms specified for the Bellovaci as holding good generally, the number of the
Belgae capable of bearing arms would amount to 500,000 and the whole population accordingly to at least a, 000, 00a The Helvetk with the
chap, vh THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST 13
cultivated than the Belgic and less mountainous than the Helvetian, as among the Bituriges, Arverni, Haedui, the
number rose still higher. Agriculture was no doubt prac- Agriculture tised in Gaul — for even the contemporaries of Caesar were and. the surprised in the region of the Rhine by the custom of cattle, manuring with marl,1 and the primitive Celtic custom of preparing beer (cervesia) from barley is likewise an evidence
of the early and wide diffusion of the culture of grain—but
it was not held in estimation. Even in the more civilized
south it was reckoned not becoming for the free Celts to
handle the plough. In far higher estimation among the
Celts stood pastoral husbandry, for which the Roman land
holders of this epoch very gladly availed themselves both of
the Celtic breed of cattle, and of the brave Celtic slaves
skilled in riding and familiar with the rearing of animals. 1
adjoining peoples numbered before their migration 336,000 ; If we assume that they were at that time already dislodged from the right bank of the Rhine, their territory may be estimated at nearly 1350 square miles. Whether the serfs are included in this, we can the less determine, as we do not know the form which slavery assumed amongst the Celts ; what Caesar relates as to the slaves, clients, and debtors of Orgetorix tells rather in favour of, than against, their being included.
That, moreover, every such attempt to make up by combinations for the statistical basis, in which ancient history especially deficient, must be received with due caution, will be at once apprehended by the intelligent reader, while he will not absolutely reject on that account.
" In the interior of Transalpine Gaul on the Rhine," says Scrofa in Varro, De R. R. 7, " when commanded there, traversed some districts, where neither the vine nor the olive nor the fruit-tree appears, where they manure the fields with white Pit-chalk, where they have neither rock- nor sea-salt, but make use of the saline ashes of certain burnt wood instead of salt. " This description refers probably to the period before Caesar and to the eastern districts of the old province, such as the country of the Allobroges subsequently Pliny (//. N. xvii. 42 uq. describes at length the Gallo-Britannic manuring with marl.
" The Gallic oxen especially are of good repute in Italy, for field labour forsooth whereas the Ligurian are good for nothing " (Varro, De R. R. ii.
Here, no doubt, Cisalpine Gaul referred to, but the cattle- husbandry there doubtless goes back to the Celtic epoch. Plautus already mentions the " Gallic ponies" (Gallici canterii, Aul. iii. ai). "
not every race that suited for the business of herdsmen neither the Bastulians nor the Turdulians " (both in Andalusia) are fit for the Celts are the best, especially as respects beasts for riding and binder
9).
[1t1ment*)"
(Varro, De R. R. 10, 4).
ii.
it ;
It is
'
6,
I
is
5,
*1
is
it
is
5, ;)
;
;
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(i. 4)
I
Uttmnlife.
14 THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
Particularly in the northern Celtic districts pastoral husbandry was thoroughly predominant Brittany was in Caesar's time a country poor in corn. In the north-east dense forests, attaching themselves to the heart of the Ardennes, stretched almost without interruption from the German Ocean to the Rhine ; and on the plains of Flanders and Lorraine, now so fertile, the Menapian and Treverian herdsman then fed his half-wild swine in the impenetrable oak-forest Just as in the valley of the Po the Romans made the production of wool and the culture of corn super sede the Celtic feeding of pigs on acorns, so the rearing of sheep and the agriculture in the plains of the Scheldt and the Maas are traceable to their influence. In Britain even the threshing of corn was not yet usual ; and in its more northern districts agriculture was not practised, and the rearing of cattle was the only known mode of turning the soil to account The culture of the olive and vine, which yielded rich produce to the Massiliots, was
not yet prosecuted beyond the Cevennes in the time of Caesar.
The Gauls were from the first disposed to settle in
there were open villages everywhere, and the M. Helvetic canton alone numbered in 696 four hundred of these, besides a multitude of single homesteads. But there were not wanting also walled towns, whose walls of alternate
layers surprised the Romans both by their suitableness and by the elegant interweaving of timber and stones in their construction ; while, it is true, even in the towns of the
the buildings were erected solely of wood. Of such towns the Helvetii had twelve and the Suessiones an equal number ; whereas at all events in the more northern districts, such as among the Nervii, while there were doubt less also towns, the population during war sought protection in the morasses and forests rather than behind their walls, and beyond the Thames the primitive defence of the wooden
groups;
Allobroges
chap, vii THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST 15
barricade altogether took the place of towns and was in war the only place of refuge for men and herds.
In close association with the comparatively consider- Inter-
COUTM.
able development of urban life stands the activity of inter course by land and by water. Everywhere there were
roads and bridges. The river-navigation, which streams like the Rhone, Garonne, Loire, and Seine, of themselves invited, was considerable and lucrative. But far more remarkable was the maritime navigation of the Celts. Not only were the Celts, to all appearance, the nation that first regularly navigated the Atlantic ocean, but we find that the art of building and of managing vessels had attained among them a remarkable development. The navigation of the peoples of the Mediterranean had, as may readily be conceived from the nature of the waters traversed by them, for a comparatively long period adhered to the oar ; the war-vessels of the Phoenicians, Hellenes, and Romans were at all times oared galleys, in which the sail was applied only as an occasional aid to the oar; the trading vessels alone were in the epoch of developed ancient civilization "sailers" properly so called. 1 On the other hand the Gauls doubtless employed in the Channel in Caesar's time, as for long afterwards, a species of portable leathern skiffs, which seem to have been in the main common oared boats, but on the west coast of Gaul the Santones, the Pictones, and above all the Veneti sailed in large though clumsily built ships, which were not impelled by oars but were provided with leathern sails and iron anchor-chains ; and they employed these not only for their traffic with Britain,
1 We are led to this conclusion by the designation of the trading or "round" as contrasted with the "long" or war vessel, and the similar contrast of the "oared ships" (Arfmnroc vijts) and the "merchantmen" (o. Wots, Dionys. iii. 44) ; and moreover by the sma'lnuss of the crew in the trading vessels, which in the very largest amounted to not more than soo men (Rhein. Mus. N. F. xi. 625), while it, the ordinary galley of three decks there were employed 170 rowers (ii. 174). Con1p.
org/access_use#pd-google
We have determined this work to be in the public domain, meaning that it is not subject to copyright. Users are free to copy, use, and redistribute the work in part or in whole. It is possible that current copyright holders, heirs or the estate of the authors of individual portions of the work, such as illustrations or photographs, assert copyrights over these portions. Depending on the nature of subsequent use that is made, additional rights may need to be obtained independently of anything we can address. The digital images and OCR of this work were produced by Google, Inc. (indicated by a watermark on each page in the PageTurner). Google requests that the images and OCR not be re-hosted, redistributed or used commercially. The images are provided for educational, scholarly, non-commercial purposes.
Z35"8
15
.
jfrUrratg iff
JJjri^nira rrf tip
Qlije gift nf Albert C. iWcVittp '98
. :
THE HISTORY OF ROME
MOMMSEN
THE
HISTORY OF ROME
BY
THEODOR MOMMSEN
TRANSLATED
WITH THE SANCTION OF THE AUTHOR
BY
WILLIAM PURDIE DICKSON, D. D. , LL. D. PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN THS UNIVERSITY or GLASGOW
A NEW EDITION REVISED THROUGHOUT AND EMBODYING RECENT ADDITIONS
VOL. V
NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
1905
CONTENTS
BOOK FIFTH
The Subjugation op the West
CHAPTER VIII
The Joint Rule of Pompeius and Caesar . .
107
CHAPTER IX
Death of Crassus— Rupture between the Joint Rulers 150
The Establishment of the Military Monarchy — Continued
. . . . . . . .
CHAPTER XII Religion, Culture, Literature, and Art
. . . . . . -. -<o b*- g'i. ^4
Index
Collation of Paging of other Editions for verifying
References
r
589
. . . .
CHAPTER VII
CHAPTER X
Brundisium, Ilerda, I'harsalus, and Thapsui . .
CHAPTER XI
The Old Republic and the New Monarchy . .
193
305
. .
443
519
3
Ail
BOOK FIFTH
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MILITARY MONARCHY
VOL. v
134
Continued
CHAPTER Vn
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
When the course of history turns from the miserable mono- The tony of the political selfishness, which fought its battles ? TM^' in the senate-house and in the streets of the capital, to the west. matters of greater importance than the question whether
the first monarch of Rome should be called Gnaeus, Gaius,
or Marcus, we may well be allowed — on the threshold of
an event, the effects of which still at the present day influ
ence the destinies of the world—to look round us for a moment, and to indicate the point of view under which
the conquest of what is now France by the Romans, and
their first contact with the inhabitants of Germany and of
Great Britain, are to be apprehended in their bearing on
the general history of the world.
By virtue of the law, that a people which has grown into a state absorbs its neighbours who are in political nonage, and a civilized people absorbs its neighbours who are in intellectual nonage —by virtue of this law, which is as universally valid and as much a law of nature as the law of gravity — the Italian nation (the only one in antiquity which was able to combine a superior political development and a superior civilization, though it presented the latter only in an imperfect and external manner) was entitled to reduce to subjection the Greek states of the east which were ripe for destruction, and to dispossess the peoples of
4 THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
lower grades of culture in the west — Libyans, Iberians, Celts, Germans —by means of its settlers ; just as England with equal right has in Asia reduced to subjection a civil ization of rival standing but politically impotent, and in America and Australia has marked and ennobled, and still continues to mark and ennoble, extensive barbarian countries with the impress of its nationality. The Roman
had accomplished the preliminary condition required for this task—the union of Italy ; the task itself it never solved, but always regarded the extra-Italian con quests either as simply a necessary evil, or as a fiscal possession virtually beyond the pale of the state. It is the imperishable glory of the Roman democracy or mon archy—for the two coincide —to have correctly apprehended and vigorously realized this its highest destination. What the irresistible force of circumstances had paved the way for, through the senate establishing against its will the foundations of the future Roman dominion in the west as in the east ; what thereafter the Roman emigration to the provinces — which came as a public calamity, no doubt, but also in the western regions at any rate as a pioneer of a higher culture —pursued as matter of instinct ; the creator of the Roman democracy, Gaius Gracchus, grasped and began to carry out with statesmanlike clearness and deci sion. The two fundamental ideas of the new policy — to reunite the territories under the power of Rome, so far as they were Hellenic, and to colonize them, so far as they were not Hellenic—had already in the Gracchan age been practically recognized by the annexation of the kingdom of Attalus and by the Transalpine conquests of Flaccus : but the prevailing reaction once more arrested their application. The Roman state remained a chaotic mass of countries without thorough occupation and without proper limits. Spain and the Graeco-Asiatic possessions were separated from the mother country by wide territories, of which
aristocracy
cha», vii THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST $
barely the borders along the coast were subject to the Romans ; on the north coast of Africa the domains of Carthage and Cyrene alone were occupied like oases ; large tracts even of the subject territory, especially in Spain, were but nominally subject to the Romans. Absolutely nothing was done on the part of the government towards concen trating and rounding off their dominion, and the decay of the fleet seemed at length to dissolve the last bond of connection between the distant possessions. The demo cracy no doubt attempted, so soon as it again raised its head, to shape its external policy in the spirit of Gracchus —Marius in particular cherished such ideas—but as it did not for any length of time attain the helm, its projects were
left unfulfilled. It was not till the democracy practically took in hand the government on the overthrow of the Sullan constitution in 684, that a revolution in this respect 70. occurred. First of all their sovereignty on the Mediter ranean was restored — the most vital question for a state like that of Rome. Towards the east, moreover, the boundary of the Euphrates was secured by the annexation
of the provinces of Pontus and Syria. But there still remained beyond the Alps the task of at once rounding off the Roman territory towards the north and west, and of gaining a fresh virgin soil there for Hellenic civilization and for the yet unbroken vigour of the Italic race.
This task Gaius Caesar undertook. It is more than an Historical error, it is an outrage upon the sacred spirit dominant in ^^e' history, to regard Gaul solely as the parade ground on of the which Caesar exercised himself and his legions for the impending civil war. Though the subjugation of the west
was for Caesar so far a means to an end that he laid the foundations of his later height of power in the Transalpine wars, it is the especial privilege of a statesman of genius that his means themselves are ends in their turn. Caesar needed no doubt for his party aims a military power, but
^c^! ^
Caesar [61. in Spain.
f THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
he did not conquer Gaul as a partisan. There was a direct political necessity for Rome to meet the perpetually threat ened invasion of the Germans thus early beyond the Alps, and to construct a rampart there which should secure the peace of the Roman world. But even this important object was not the highest and ultimate reason for which Gaul was conquered by Caesar. When the old home had become too narrow for the Roman burgesses and they were in danger of decay, the senate's policy of Italian conquest saved them from ruin. Now the Italian home had become in its turn too narrow; once more the state languished under the same social evils repeating themselves in similar fashion only on a greater scale. It was a brilliant idea, a grand hope, which led Caesar over the Alps — the idea and the confident expectation that he should gain there for his fellow-burgesses a new boundless home, and regenerate the state a second time by placing it on a broader basis.
The campaign which Caesar undertook in 693 in Further Spain, may be in some sense included among the enterprises which aimed at the subjugation of the west Long as Spain had obeyed the Romans, its western shore had remained sub stantially independent of them even after the expedition of Decimus Brutus against the Callaeci (iii. 232), and they had not even set foot on the northern coast ; while the predatory raids, to which the subject provinces found themselves continually exposed from those quarters, did no small injury to the civilization and Romanizing of Spain. Against these the expedition of Caesar along the west coast was directed. He crossed the chain of the Herminian mountains (Sierra de Estrella) bounding the Tagus on the north ; after having conquered their inhabitants and transplanted them in part to the plain, he reduced the country on both sides of the Douro and arrived at the north-west point of the peninsula, where with the aid of a flotilla brought up from Gades ho occupied Brigantium (Corunna). By this means the
chap, vil THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST 7
peoples adjoining the Atlantic Ocean, Lusitanians and Cal- laecians, were forced to acknowledge the Roman suprem acy, while the conqueror was at the same time careful to render the position of the subjects generally more tolerable by reducing the tribute to be paid to Rome and regulating the financial affairs of the communities.
But, although in this military and administrative debut of the great general and statesman the same talents and the same leading ideas are discernible which he afterwards evinced on a greater stage, his agency in the Iberian penin sula was much too transient to have any deep effect ; the more especially as, owing to its physical and national peculiarities, nothing but action steadily continued for a considerable time could exert any durable influence there.
A more important part in the Romanic development of Gaui. the west was reserved by destiny for the country which stretches between the Pyrenees and the Rhine, the Medi terranean and the Atlantic Ocean, and which since the Augustan age has been especially designated by the name
of the land of the Celts — Gallia— although strictly speaking the land of the Celts was partly narrower, partly much more extensive, and the country so called never formed a national unity, and did not form a political unity before Augustus. For this very reason it is not easy to present a clear picture of the very heterogeneous state of things which Caesar encountered on his arrival there in 696.
68. In the region on the Mediterranean, which, embracing The
approximately Languedoc on the west of the Rhone, on the p^nce. east Dauphine" and Provence, had been for sixty years a
Roman province, the Roman arms had seldom been at rest
since the Cimbrian invasion which had swept over it. In
664 Gaius Caelius had fought with the Salyes about Aquae Wars [90. Sextiae, and in 674 Gaius Flaccus (iv. 93), on his march to ^^tSq Spain, with other Celtic nations. When in the Sertorian
war the governor Lucius Manlius, compelled to hasten to
Bounds.
66. 688 as well as by the behaviour of the Allobrogian embassy 63. in Rome on occasion of the anarchist plot in 691 (iv. 480), 61. and which soon afterwards (693) broke into open revolt
Catugnatus the leader of the Allobroges in this war of despair, who had at first fought not unsuccessfully, was conquered at Solonium after a glorious resistance by the governor Gaius Pomptinus.
Notwithstanding all these conflicts the bounds of the Roman territory were not materially advanced; Lugudunum Convenarum, where Pompeius had settled the remnant of the Sertorian army (iv. 304), Tolosa, Vienna and Genava were still the most remote Roman townships towards the
S THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
the aid of his colleagues beyond the Pyrenees, returned defeated from Ilerda (Lerida) and on his way home was vanquished a second time by the western neighbours of the
71, Roman province, the Aquitani (about 676 ; iv. 283/), this seems to have provoked a general rising of the provincials between the Pyrenees and the Rhone, perhaps even of those between the Rhone and Alps. Pompeius had to make his way with the sword through the insurgent Gaul to Spain (iv. 293), and by way of penalty for their rebellion gave the territories of the Volcae-Arecomici and the Helvii (dep. Gard and Ardeche) over to the Massiliots; the governor
76-74. Manius Fonteius (678-680) carried out these arrangements and restored tranquillity in the province by subduing the Vocontii (dep. Drome), protecting Massilia from the insurgents, and liberating the Roman capital Narbo which they invested. Despair, however, and the financial em barrassment which the participation in the sufferings of the Spanish war (iv. 298) and generally the official and non- official exactions of the Romans brought upon the Gallic provinces, did not allow them to be tranquil; and in particular the canton of the Allobroges, the most remote from Narbo, was in a perpetual ferment, which was attested by the " pacification " that Gaius Piso undertook there in
.
chaj. Til THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST 9
west and north. But at the same time the importance of Relation!
these Gallic possessions for the mother country was con- tinually on the increase. The glorious climate, akin to that of Italy, the favourable nature of the soil, the large and rich region lying behind so advantageous for commerce with its mercantile routes reaching as far as Britain, the easy intercourse by land and sea with the mother country, rapidly gave to southern Gaul an economic importance for Italy, which much older possessions, such as those in Spain, had not acquired in the course of centuries ; and as the Romans who had suffered political shipwreck at this period sought an asylum especially in Massilia, and there found once more Italian culture and Italian luxury, voluntary emigrants from Italy also were attracted more and more to the Rhone and the Garonne. " The province of Gaul," it was said in a sketch drawn ten years before Caesar's arrival, " is full of merchants ; it swarms with Roman burgesses. No native of Gaul transacts a piece of business without the intervention of a Roman ; every penny, that passes from one hand to another in Gaul, goes through the account books of the Roman burgesses. " From the same description it appears that in addition to the colonists of Narbo there were Romans cultivating land and rearing cattle, resident in great numbers in Gaul ; as to which, however, it must not be overlooked that most of the pro vincial land possessed by Romans, just like the greater part of the English possessions in the earliest times in America, was in the hands of the high nobility living in Italy, and those farmers and graziers consisted for the most part of their stewards — slaves or freed men.
to om*
It is easy to understand how under such circumstances Incipient civilization and Romanizing rapidly spread among the \J'^n' natives. These Celts were not fond of agriculture ; but
their new masters compelled them to exchange the sword
for the plough, and it is very credible that the embittered
io THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
resistance of the Allobroges was provoked in part by some such injunctions. In earlier timer Hellenism had also to a certain degree dominated those retions ; the elements of a higher culture, the stimulus to the cultivation of the vine and the olive (iii. 3 1 to the use of writing and to the coining of money, came to them from Massilia. The Hellenic culture was in this case far from being set aside
the Romans; Massilia gained through them more influence than lost; and even the Roman period Greek physicians and rhetoricians were publicly employed in the Gallic cantons. But, as may readily be conceived, Hellenism in southern Gaul acquired through the agency of the Romans the same character as in Italy; the dis tinctively Hellenic civilization gave place to the Latino- Greek mixed culture, which soon made proselytes here in great numbers. The "Gauls in the breeches," as the inhabitants of southern Gaul were called way of contrast to the "Gauls in the toga" of northern Italy, were not indeed like the latter already completely Romanized, but they were even now very perceptibly distinguished from the " longhaired Gauls " of the northern regions still unsubdued. The semiculture becoming naturalized among them furnished, doubtless, materials enough for ridicule of their barbarous Latin, and people did not fail to suggest to any one suspected of Celtic descent his " relationship with the breeches " but this bad Latin was yet sufficient to
enable even the remote Allobroges to transact business with the Roman authorities, and even to give testimony in the Roman courts without an interpreter.
While the Celtic and Ligurian population of these regions was thus in the course of losing its nationality, and was
There was found, for instance, at Vaison in the Vocontian canton an inscription written in the Celtic language with the ord nary Greek alphabet.
runs thus: aeyo/1apos onWoveos roovr1ovs m/1avo ins t1upov (inX1joa luaoa1r viagrar. The last word mean* " holy. "
It
1
by
;
by
it
5),
in
1
chap, vii THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST H
languishing and pining withal under a political and economic oppression, the intolerable nature of which is sufficiently attested by their hopeless insurrections, the decline of the native population here went hand in hand with the natural izing of the same higher culture which we find at this period in Italy. Aquae Sextiae and still more Narbo were con siderable townships, which might probably be named by the side of Beneventum and Capua ; and Massilia, the best organized, most free, most capable of self-defence, and most powerful of all the Greek cities dependent on Rome, under its rigorous aristocratic government to which the Roman conservatives probably pointed as the model of a good urban constitution, in possession of an important territory which had been considerably enlarged by the Romans and of an extensive trade, stood by the side of those Latin towns as Rhegium and Neapolis stood in Italy by the side of Beneventum and Capua.
Matters wore a different aspect, when one crossed the Free GanL Roman frontier. The great Celtic nation, which in the
southern districts already began to be crushed by the Italian immigration, still moved to the north of the Cevennes in its time-hallowed freedom. It is not the first time that we
meet it : the Italians had already fought with the offsets and advanced posts of this vast stock on the Tiber and on the Po, in the mountains of Castile and Carinthia, and even in the heart of Asia Minor; but it was here that the main stock was first assailed at its very core by their attacks. The Celtic race had on its settlement in central Europe diffused itself chiefly over the rich river-valleys and the pleasant hill-country of the present France, including the western districts of Germany and Switzerland, and from thence had occupied at least the southern part of England, perhaps even at this time all Great Britain and Ireland ; 1 it formed here
1 An immigration of Belgic Celts to Britain continuing for a considerable time seems indicated by the names of English tribes on both banks of the
Population.
12 THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
more than anywhere else a broad, geographically compact, mass of peoples. In spite of the differences in language and manners which naturally were to be found within this wide territory, a close mutual intercourse, an innate sense of fellowship, seems to have knit together the tribes from the Rhone and Garonne to the Rhine and the Thames ; whereas, although these doubtless were in a certain measure locally connected with the Celts in Spain and in the modern Austria, the mighty mountain barriers of the Pyrenees and the Alps on the one hand, and the encroachments of the Romans and the Germans which also operated here on the other, interrupted the intercourse and the intrinsic connec tion of the cognate peoples far otherwise than the narrow arm of the sea interrupted the relations of the continental and the British Celts. Unhappily we are not permitted to trace stage by stage the history of the internal development of this remarkable people in these its chief seats ; we must be content with presenting at least some outline of its historical culture and political condition, as it here meets us in the time of Caesar.
Gaul was, according to the reports of the ancients, com paratively well peopled. Certain statements lead us to infer that in the Belgic districts there were some 2oo persons to the square mile —a proportion such as nearly holds at present for Wales and for Livonia—in the Helvetic canton about 245 ;1 it is probable that in the districts which were more
Thames borrowed from Belgic cantons ; such as the Atrebates, the Belgae, and even the Britanni themselves, which word appears to have been trans ferred from the Brittones settled on the Somme below Amiens first to an English canton and then to the whole island. The English gold coinage was also derived from the Belgic and originally identical with it
1 The first levy of the Belgic cantons exclusive of the Remi, that is, of the country between the Seine and the Scheldt and eastward as Car as the vicinity of Rheims and Andemach, from 9000 to 10,000 square miles, is reckoned at about 300,000 men ; in accordance with which, if we regard the proportion of the first levy to the whole men capable of bearing arms specified for the Bellovaci as holding good generally, the number of the
Belgae capable of bearing arms would amount to 500,000 and the whole population accordingly to at least a, 000, 00a The Helvetk with the
chap, vh THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST 13
cultivated than the Belgic and less mountainous than the Helvetian, as among the Bituriges, Arverni, Haedui, the
number rose still higher. Agriculture was no doubt prac- Agriculture tised in Gaul — for even the contemporaries of Caesar were and. the surprised in the region of the Rhine by the custom of cattle, manuring with marl,1 and the primitive Celtic custom of preparing beer (cervesia) from barley is likewise an evidence
of the early and wide diffusion of the culture of grain—but
it was not held in estimation. Even in the more civilized
south it was reckoned not becoming for the free Celts to
handle the plough. In far higher estimation among the
Celts stood pastoral husbandry, for which the Roman land
holders of this epoch very gladly availed themselves both of
the Celtic breed of cattle, and of the brave Celtic slaves
skilled in riding and familiar with the rearing of animals. 1
adjoining peoples numbered before their migration 336,000 ; If we assume that they were at that time already dislodged from the right bank of the Rhine, their territory may be estimated at nearly 1350 square miles. Whether the serfs are included in this, we can the less determine, as we do not know the form which slavery assumed amongst the Celts ; what Caesar relates as to the slaves, clients, and debtors of Orgetorix tells rather in favour of, than against, their being included.
That, moreover, every such attempt to make up by combinations for the statistical basis, in which ancient history especially deficient, must be received with due caution, will be at once apprehended by the intelligent reader, while he will not absolutely reject on that account.
" In the interior of Transalpine Gaul on the Rhine," says Scrofa in Varro, De R. R. 7, " when commanded there, traversed some districts, where neither the vine nor the olive nor the fruit-tree appears, where they manure the fields with white Pit-chalk, where they have neither rock- nor sea-salt, but make use of the saline ashes of certain burnt wood instead of salt. " This description refers probably to the period before Caesar and to the eastern districts of the old province, such as the country of the Allobroges subsequently Pliny (//. N. xvii. 42 uq. describes at length the Gallo-Britannic manuring with marl.
" The Gallic oxen especially are of good repute in Italy, for field labour forsooth whereas the Ligurian are good for nothing " (Varro, De R. R. ii.
Here, no doubt, Cisalpine Gaul referred to, but the cattle- husbandry there doubtless goes back to the Celtic epoch. Plautus already mentions the " Gallic ponies" (Gallici canterii, Aul. iii. ai). "
not every race that suited for the business of herdsmen neither the Bastulians nor the Turdulians " (both in Andalusia) are fit for the Celts are the best, especially as respects beasts for riding and binder
9).
[1t1ment*)"
(Varro, De R. R. 10, 4).
ii.
it ;
It is
'
6,
I
is
5,
*1
is
it
is
5, ;)
;
;
i. 8,
(i. 4)
I
Uttmnlife.
14 THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
Particularly in the northern Celtic districts pastoral husbandry was thoroughly predominant Brittany was in Caesar's time a country poor in corn. In the north-east dense forests, attaching themselves to the heart of the Ardennes, stretched almost without interruption from the German Ocean to the Rhine ; and on the plains of Flanders and Lorraine, now so fertile, the Menapian and Treverian herdsman then fed his half-wild swine in the impenetrable oak-forest Just as in the valley of the Po the Romans made the production of wool and the culture of corn super sede the Celtic feeding of pigs on acorns, so the rearing of sheep and the agriculture in the plains of the Scheldt and the Maas are traceable to their influence. In Britain even the threshing of corn was not yet usual ; and in its more northern districts agriculture was not practised, and the rearing of cattle was the only known mode of turning the soil to account The culture of the olive and vine, which yielded rich produce to the Massiliots, was
not yet prosecuted beyond the Cevennes in the time of Caesar.
The Gauls were from the first disposed to settle in
there were open villages everywhere, and the M. Helvetic canton alone numbered in 696 four hundred of these, besides a multitude of single homesteads. But there were not wanting also walled towns, whose walls of alternate
layers surprised the Romans both by their suitableness and by the elegant interweaving of timber and stones in their construction ; while, it is true, even in the towns of the
the buildings were erected solely of wood. Of such towns the Helvetii had twelve and the Suessiones an equal number ; whereas at all events in the more northern districts, such as among the Nervii, while there were doubt less also towns, the population during war sought protection in the morasses and forests rather than behind their walls, and beyond the Thames the primitive defence of the wooden
groups;
Allobroges
chap, vii THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST 15
barricade altogether took the place of towns and was in war the only place of refuge for men and herds.
In close association with the comparatively consider- Inter-
COUTM.
able development of urban life stands the activity of inter course by land and by water. Everywhere there were
roads and bridges. The river-navigation, which streams like the Rhone, Garonne, Loire, and Seine, of themselves invited, was considerable and lucrative. But far more remarkable was the maritime navigation of the Celts. Not only were the Celts, to all appearance, the nation that first regularly navigated the Atlantic ocean, but we find that the art of building and of managing vessels had attained among them a remarkable development. The navigation of the peoples of the Mediterranean had, as may readily be conceived from the nature of the waters traversed by them, for a comparatively long period adhered to the oar ; the war-vessels of the Phoenicians, Hellenes, and Romans were at all times oared galleys, in which the sail was applied only as an occasional aid to the oar; the trading vessels alone were in the epoch of developed ancient civilization "sailers" properly so called. 1 On the other hand the Gauls doubtless employed in the Channel in Caesar's time, as for long afterwards, a species of portable leathern skiffs, which seem to have been in the main common oared boats, but on the west coast of Gaul the Santones, the Pictones, and above all the Veneti sailed in large though clumsily built ships, which were not impelled by oars but were provided with leathern sails and iron anchor-chains ; and they employed these not only for their traffic with Britain,
1 We are led to this conclusion by the designation of the trading or "round" as contrasted with the "long" or war vessel, and the similar contrast of the "oared ships" (Arfmnroc vijts) and the "merchantmen" (o. Wots, Dionys. iii. 44) ; and moreover by the sma'lnuss of the crew in the trading vessels, which in the very largest amounted to not more than soo men (Rhein. Mus. N. F. xi. 625), while it, the ordinary galley of three decks there were employed 170 rowers (ii. 174). Con1p. Movers,
Pkoen. ii. 3, 167 xq.
Commerce.
16 THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
but also in naval combat. Here therefore we not only . aeet for the first time with navigation in the open ocean, but we find that here the sailing vessel first fully took the place of the oared boat — an improvement, it is true, which the declining activity of the old world did not know how to turn to account, and the immeasurable results of which our own epoch of renewed culture is employed in gradually reaping.
With this regular maritime intercourse between the British and Gallic coasts, the very close political connection between the inhabitants on both sides of the Channel is as
Muufao
easily explained as the flourishing of transmarine commerce and of fisheries. It was the Celts of Brittany in particular, that brought the tin of the mines of Cornwall from England and carried it by the river and land routes of Gaul to Narbo and Massilia. The statement, that in Caesar's time certain tribes at the mouth of the Rhine subsisted on fish and birds' eggs, may probably refer to the circumstance that marine fishing and the collection of the eggs of sea-birds were prosecuted there on an extensive scale.
Purdie Dickson.
Mommsen, Theodor, 1817-1903. New York, Scribner, 1905.
http://hdl. handle. net/2027/njp. 32101075686012
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. :
THE HISTORY OF ROME
MOMMSEN
THE
HISTORY OF ROME
BY
THEODOR MOMMSEN
TRANSLATED
WITH THE SANCTION OF THE AUTHOR
BY
WILLIAM PURDIE DICKSON, D. D. , LL. D. PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN THS UNIVERSITY or GLASGOW
A NEW EDITION REVISED THROUGHOUT AND EMBODYING RECENT ADDITIONS
VOL. V
NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
1905
CONTENTS
BOOK FIFTH
The Subjugation op the West
CHAPTER VIII
The Joint Rule of Pompeius and Caesar . .
107
CHAPTER IX
Death of Crassus— Rupture between the Joint Rulers 150
The Establishment of the Military Monarchy — Continued
. . . . . . . .
CHAPTER XII Religion, Culture, Literature, and Art
. . . . . . -. -<o b*- g'i. ^4
Index
Collation of Paging of other Editions for verifying
References
r
589
. . . .
CHAPTER VII
CHAPTER X
Brundisium, Ilerda, I'harsalus, and Thapsui . .
CHAPTER XI
The Old Republic and the New Monarchy . .
193
305
. .
443
519
3
Ail
BOOK FIFTH
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MILITARY MONARCHY
VOL. v
134
Continued
CHAPTER Vn
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
When the course of history turns from the miserable mono- The tony of the political selfishness, which fought its battles ? TM^' in the senate-house and in the streets of the capital, to the west. matters of greater importance than the question whether
the first monarch of Rome should be called Gnaeus, Gaius,
or Marcus, we may well be allowed — on the threshold of
an event, the effects of which still at the present day influ
ence the destinies of the world—to look round us for a moment, and to indicate the point of view under which
the conquest of what is now France by the Romans, and
their first contact with the inhabitants of Germany and of
Great Britain, are to be apprehended in their bearing on
the general history of the world.
By virtue of the law, that a people which has grown into a state absorbs its neighbours who are in political nonage, and a civilized people absorbs its neighbours who are in intellectual nonage —by virtue of this law, which is as universally valid and as much a law of nature as the law of gravity — the Italian nation (the only one in antiquity which was able to combine a superior political development and a superior civilization, though it presented the latter only in an imperfect and external manner) was entitled to reduce to subjection the Greek states of the east which were ripe for destruction, and to dispossess the peoples of
4 THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
lower grades of culture in the west — Libyans, Iberians, Celts, Germans —by means of its settlers ; just as England with equal right has in Asia reduced to subjection a civil ization of rival standing but politically impotent, and in America and Australia has marked and ennobled, and still continues to mark and ennoble, extensive barbarian countries with the impress of its nationality. The Roman
had accomplished the preliminary condition required for this task—the union of Italy ; the task itself it never solved, but always regarded the extra-Italian con quests either as simply a necessary evil, or as a fiscal possession virtually beyond the pale of the state. It is the imperishable glory of the Roman democracy or mon archy—for the two coincide —to have correctly apprehended and vigorously realized this its highest destination. What the irresistible force of circumstances had paved the way for, through the senate establishing against its will the foundations of the future Roman dominion in the west as in the east ; what thereafter the Roman emigration to the provinces — which came as a public calamity, no doubt, but also in the western regions at any rate as a pioneer of a higher culture —pursued as matter of instinct ; the creator of the Roman democracy, Gaius Gracchus, grasped and began to carry out with statesmanlike clearness and deci sion. The two fundamental ideas of the new policy — to reunite the territories under the power of Rome, so far as they were Hellenic, and to colonize them, so far as they were not Hellenic—had already in the Gracchan age been practically recognized by the annexation of the kingdom of Attalus and by the Transalpine conquests of Flaccus : but the prevailing reaction once more arrested their application. The Roman state remained a chaotic mass of countries without thorough occupation and without proper limits. Spain and the Graeco-Asiatic possessions were separated from the mother country by wide territories, of which
aristocracy
cha», vii THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST $
barely the borders along the coast were subject to the Romans ; on the north coast of Africa the domains of Carthage and Cyrene alone were occupied like oases ; large tracts even of the subject territory, especially in Spain, were but nominally subject to the Romans. Absolutely nothing was done on the part of the government towards concen trating and rounding off their dominion, and the decay of the fleet seemed at length to dissolve the last bond of connection between the distant possessions. The demo cracy no doubt attempted, so soon as it again raised its head, to shape its external policy in the spirit of Gracchus —Marius in particular cherished such ideas—but as it did not for any length of time attain the helm, its projects were
left unfulfilled. It was not till the democracy practically took in hand the government on the overthrow of the Sullan constitution in 684, that a revolution in this respect 70. occurred. First of all their sovereignty on the Mediter ranean was restored — the most vital question for a state like that of Rome. Towards the east, moreover, the boundary of the Euphrates was secured by the annexation
of the provinces of Pontus and Syria. But there still remained beyond the Alps the task of at once rounding off the Roman territory towards the north and west, and of gaining a fresh virgin soil there for Hellenic civilization and for the yet unbroken vigour of the Italic race.
This task Gaius Caesar undertook. It is more than an Historical error, it is an outrage upon the sacred spirit dominant in ^^e' history, to regard Gaul solely as the parade ground on of the which Caesar exercised himself and his legions for the impending civil war. Though the subjugation of the west
was for Caesar so far a means to an end that he laid the foundations of his later height of power in the Transalpine wars, it is the especial privilege of a statesman of genius that his means themselves are ends in their turn. Caesar needed no doubt for his party aims a military power, but
^c^! ^
Caesar [61. in Spain.
f THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
he did not conquer Gaul as a partisan. There was a direct political necessity for Rome to meet the perpetually threat ened invasion of the Germans thus early beyond the Alps, and to construct a rampart there which should secure the peace of the Roman world. But even this important object was not the highest and ultimate reason for which Gaul was conquered by Caesar. When the old home had become too narrow for the Roman burgesses and they were in danger of decay, the senate's policy of Italian conquest saved them from ruin. Now the Italian home had become in its turn too narrow; once more the state languished under the same social evils repeating themselves in similar fashion only on a greater scale. It was a brilliant idea, a grand hope, which led Caesar over the Alps — the idea and the confident expectation that he should gain there for his fellow-burgesses a new boundless home, and regenerate the state a second time by placing it on a broader basis.
The campaign which Caesar undertook in 693 in Further Spain, may be in some sense included among the enterprises which aimed at the subjugation of the west Long as Spain had obeyed the Romans, its western shore had remained sub stantially independent of them even after the expedition of Decimus Brutus against the Callaeci (iii. 232), and they had not even set foot on the northern coast ; while the predatory raids, to which the subject provinces found themselves continually exposed from those quarters, did no small injury to the civilization and Romanizing of Spain. Against these the expedition of Caesar along the west coast was directed. He crossed the chain of the Herminian mountains (Sierra de Estrella) bounding the Tagus on the north ; after having conquered their inhabitants and transplanted them in part to the plain, he reduced the country on both sides of the Douro and arrived at the north-west point of the peninsula, where with the aid of a flotilla brought up from Gades ho occupied Brigantium (Corunna). By this means the
chap, vil THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST 7
peoples adjoining the Atlantic Ocean, Lusitanians and Cal- laecians, were forced to acknowledge the Roman suprem acy, while the conqueror was at the same time careful to render the position of the subjects generally more tolerable by reducing the tribute to be paid to Rome and regulating the financial affairs of the communities.
But, although in this military and administrative debut of the great general and statesman the same talents and the same leading ideas are discernible which he afterwards evinced on a greater stage, his agency in the Iberian penin sula was much too transient to have any deep effect ; the more especially as, owing to its physical and national peculiarities, nothing but action steadily continued for a considerable time could exert any durable influence there.
A more important part in the Romanic development of Gaui. the west was reserved by destiny for the country which stretches between the Pyrenees and the Rhine, the Medi terranean and the Atlantic Ocean, and which since the Augustan age has been especially designated by the name
of the land of the Celts — Gallia— although strictly speaking the land of the Celts was partly narrower, partly much more extensive, and the country so called never formed a national unity, and did not form a political unity before Augustus. For this very reason it is not easy to present a clear picture of the very heterogeneous state of things which Caesar encountered on his arrival there in 696.
68. In the region on the Mediterranean, which, embracing The
approximately Languedoc on the west of the Rhone, on the p^nce. east Dauphine" and Provence, had been for sixty years a
Roman province, the Roman arms had seldom been at rest
since the Cimbrian invasion which had swept over it. In
664 Gaius Caelius had fought with the Salyes about Aquae Wars [90. Sextiae, and in 674 Gaius Flaccus (iv. 93), on his march to ^^tSq Spain, with other Celtic nations. When in the Sertorian
war the governor Lucius Manlius, compelled to hasten to
Bounds.
66. 688 as well as by the behaviour of the Allobrogian embassy 63. in Rome on occasion of the anarchist plot in 691 (iv. 480), 61. and which soon afterwards (693) broke into open revolt
Catugnatus the leader of the Allobroges in this war of despair, who had at first fought not unsuccessfully, was conquered at Solonium after a glorious resistance by the governor Gaius Pomptinus.
Notwithstanding all these conflicts the bounds of the Roman territory were not materially advanced; Lugudunum Convenarum, where Pompeius had settled the remnant of the Sertorian army (iv. 304), Tolosa, Vienna and Genava were still the most remote Roman townships towards the
S THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
the aid of his colleagues beyond the Pyrenees, returned defeated from Ilerda (Lerida) and on his way home was vanquished a second time by the western neighbours of the
71, Roman province, the Aquitani (about 676 ; iv. 283/), this seems to have provoked a general rising of the provincials between the Pyrenees and the Rhone, perhaps even of those between the Rhone and Alps. Pompeius had to make his way with the sword through the insurgent Gaul to Spain (iv. 293), and by way of penalty for their rebellion gave the territories of the Volcae-Arecomici and the Helvii (dep. Gard and Ardeche) over to the Massiliots; the governor
76-74. Manius Fonteius (678-680) carried out these arrangements and restored tranquillity in the province by subduing the Vocontii (dep. Drome), protecting Massilia from the insurgents, and liberating the Roman capital Narbo which they invested. Despair, however, and the financial em barrassment which the participation in the sufferings of the Spanish war (iv. 298) and generally the official and non- official exactions of the Romans brought upon the Gallic provinces, did not allow them to be tranquil; and in particular the canton of the Allobroges, the most remote from Narbo, was in a perpetual ferment, which was attested by the " pacification " that Gaius Piso undertook there in
.
chaj. Til THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST 9
west and north. But at the same time the importance of Relation!
these Gallic possessions for the mother country was con- tinually on the increase. The glorious climate, akin to that of Italy, the favourable nature of the soil, the large and rich region lying behind so advantageous for commerce with its mercantile routes reaching as far as Britain, the easy intercourse by land and sea with the mother country, rapidly gave to southern Gaul an economic importance for Italy, which much older possessions, such as those in Spain, had not acquired in the course of centuries ; and as the Romans who had suffered political shipwreck at this period sought an asylum especially in Massilia, and there found once more Italian culture and Italian luxury, voluntary emigrants from Italy also were attracted more and more to the Rhone and the Garonne. " The province of Gaul," it was said in a sketch drawn ten years before Caesar's arrival, " is full of merchants ; it swarms with Roman burgesses. No native of Gaul transacts a piece of business without the intervention of a Roman ; every penny, that passes from one hand to another in Gaul, goes through the account books of the Roman burgesses. " From the same description it appears that in addition to the colonists of Narbo there were Romans cultivating land and rearing cattle, resident in great numbers in Gaul ; as to which, however, it must not be overlooked that most of the pro vincial land possessed by Romans, just like the greater part of the English possessions in the earliest times in America, was in the hands of the high nobility living in Italy, and those farmers and graziers consisted for the most part of their stewards — slaves or freed men.
to om*
It is easy to understand how under such circumstances Incipient civilization and Romanizing rapidly spread among the \J'^n' natives. These Celts were not fond of agriculture ; but
their new masters compelled them to exchange the sword
for the plough, and it is very credible that the embittered
io THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
resistance of the Allobroges was provoked in part by some such injunctions. In earlier timer Hellenism had also to a certain degree dominated those retions ; the elements of a higher culture, the stimulus to the cultivation of the vine and the olive (iii. 3 1 to the use of writing and to the coining of money, came to them from Massilia. The Hellenic culture was in this case far from being set aside
the Romans; Massilia gained through them more influence than lost; and even the Roman period Greek physicians and rhetoricians were publicly employed in the Gallic cantons. But, as may readily be conceived, Hellenism in southern Gaul acquired through the agency of the Romans the same character as in Italy; the dis tinctively Hellenic civilization gave place to the Latino- Greek mixed culture, which soon made proselytes here in great numbers. The "Gauls in the breeches," as the inhabitants of southern Gaul were called way of contrast to the "Gauls in the toga" of northern Italy, were not indeed like the latter already completely Romanized, but they were even now very perceptibly distinguished from the " longhaired Gauls " of the northern regions still unsubdued. The semiculture becoming naturalized among them furnished, doubtless, materials enough for ridicule of their barbarous Latin, and people did not fail to suggest to any one suspected of Celtic descent his " relationship with the breeches " but this bad Latin was yet sufficient to
enable even the remote Allobroges to transact business with the Roman authorities, and even to give testimony in the Roman courts without an interpreter.
While the Celtic and Ligurian population of these regions was thus in the course of losing its nationality, and was
There was found, for instance, at Vaison in the Vocontian canton an inscription written in the Celtic language with the ord nary Greek alphabet.
runs thus: aeyo/1apos onWoveos roovr1ovs m/1avo ins t1upov (inX1joa luaoa1r viagrar. The last word mean* " holy. "
It
1
by
;
by
it
5),
in
1
chap, vii THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST H
languishing and pining withal under a political and economic oppression, the intolerable nature of which is sufficiently attested by their hopeless insurrections, the decline of the native population here went hand in hand with the natural izing of the same higher culture which we find at this period in Italy. Aquae Sextiae and still more Narbo were con siderable townships, which might probably be named by the side of Beneventum and Capua ; and Massilia, the best organized, most free, most capable of self-defence, and most powerful of all the Greek cities dependent on Rome, under its rigorous aristocratic government to which the Roman conservatives probably pointed as the model of a good urban constitution, in possession of an important territory which had been considerably enlarged by the Romans and of an extensive trade, stood by the side of those Latin towns as Rhegium and Neapolis stood in Italy by the side of Beneventum and Capua.
Matters wore a different aspect, when one crossed the Free GanL Roman frontier. The great Celtic nation, which in the
southern districts already began to be crushed by the Italian immigration, still moved to the north of the Cevennes in its time-hallowed freedom. It is not the first time that we
meet it : the Italians had already fought with the offsets and advanced posts of this vast stock on the Tiber and on the Po, in the mountains of Castile and Carinthia, and even in the heart of Asia Minor; but it was here that the main stock was first assailed at its very core by their attacks. The Celtic race had on its settlement in central Europe diffused itself chiefly over the rich river-valleys and the pleasant hill-country of the present France, including the western districts of Germany and Switzerland, and from thence had occupied at least the southern part of England, perhaps even at this time all Great Britain and Ireland ; 1 it formed here
1 An immigration of Belgic Celts to Britain continuing for a considerable time seems indicated by the names of English tribes on both banks of the
Population.
12 THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
more than anywhere else a broad, geographically compact, mass of peoples. In spite of the differences in language and manners which naturally were to be found within this wide territory, a close mutual intercourse, an innate sense of fellowship, seems to have knit together the tribes from the Rhone and Garonne to the Rhine and the Thames ; whereas, although these doubtless were in a certain measure locally connected with the Celts in Spain and in the modern Austria, the mighty mountain barriers of the Pyrenees and the Alps on the one hand, and the encroachments of the Romans and the Germans which also operated here on the other, interrupted the intercourse and the intrinsic connec tion of the cognate peoples far otherwise than the narrow arm of the sea interrupted the relations of the continental and the British Celts. Unhappily we are not permitted to trace stage by stage the history of the internal development of this remarkable people in these its chief seats ; we must be content with presenting at least some outline of its historical culture and political condition, as it here meets us in the time of Caesar.
Gaul was, according to the reports of the ancients, com paratively well peopled. Certain statements lead us to infer that in the Belgic districts there were some 2oo persons to the square mile —a proportion such as nearly holds at present for Wales and for Livonia—in the Helvetic canton about 245 ;1 it is probable that in the districts which were more
Thames borrowed from Belgic cantons ; such as the Atrebates, the Belgae, and even the Britanni themselves, which word appears to have been trans ferred from the Brittones settled on the Somme below Amiens first to an English canton and then to the whole island. The English gold coinage was also derived from the Belgic and originally identical with it
1 The first levy of the Belgic cantons exclusive of the Remi, that is, of the country between the Seine and the Scheldt and eastward as Car as the vicinity of Rheims and Andemach, from 9000 to 10,000 square miles, is reckoned at about 300,000 men ; in accordance with which, if we regard the proportion of the first levy to the whole men capable of bearing arms specified for the Bellovaci as holding good generally, the number of the
Belgae capable of bearing arms would amount to 500,000 and the whole population accordingly to at least a, 000, 00a The Helvetk with the
chap, vh THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST 13
cultivated than the Belgic and less mountainous than the Helvetian, as among the Bituriges, Arverni, Haedui, the
number rose still higher. Agriculture was no doubt prac- Agriculture tised in Gaul — for even the contemporaries of Caesar were and. the surprised in the region of the Rhine by the custom of cattle, manuring with marl,1 and the primitive Celtic custom of preparing beer (cervesia) from barley is likewise an evidence
of the early and wide diffusion of the culture of grain—but
it was not held in estimation. Even in the more civilized
south it was reckoned not becoming for the free Celts to
handle the plough. In far higher estimation among the
Celts stood pastoral husbandry, for which the Roman land
holders of this epoch very gladly availed themselves both of
the Celtic breed of cattle, and of the brave Celtic slaves
skilled in riding and familiar with the rearing of animals. 1
adjoining peoples numbered before their migration 336,000 ; If we assume that they were at that time already dislodged from the right bank of the Rhine, their territory may be estimated at nearly 1350 square miles. Whether the serfs are included in this, we can the less determine, as we do not know the form which slavery assumed amongst the Celts ; what Caesar relates as to the slaves, clients, and debtors of Orgetorix tells rather in favour of, than against, their being included.
That, moreover, every such attempt to make up by combinations for the statistical basis, in which ancient history especially deficient, must be received with due caution, will be at once apprehended by the intelligent reader, while he will not absolutely reject on that account.
" In the interior of Transalpine Gaul on the Rhine," says Scrofa in Varro, De R. R. 7, " when commanded there, traversed some districts, where neither the vine nor the olive nor the fruit-tree appears, where they manure the fields with white Pit-chalk, where they have neither rock- nor sea-salt, but make use of the saline ashes of certain burnt wood instead of salt. " This description refers probably to the period before Caesar and to the eastern districts of the old province, such as the country of the Allobroges subsequently Pliny (//. N. xvii. 42 uq. describes at length the Gallo-Britannic manuring with marl.
" The Gallic oxen especially are of good repute in Italy, for field labour forsooth whereas the Ligurian are good for nothing " (Varro, De R. R. ii.
Here, no doubt, Cisalpine Gaul referred to, but the cattle- husbandry there doubtless goes back to the Celtic epoch. Plautus already mentions the " Gallic ponies" (Gallici canterii, Aul. iii. ai). "
not every race that suited for the business of herdsmen neither the Bastulians nor the Turdulians " (both in Andalusia) are fit for the Celts are the best, especially as respects beasts for riding and binder
9).
[1t1ment*)"
(Varro, De R. R. 10, 4).
ii.
it ;
It is
'
6,
I
is
5,
*1
is
it
is
5, ;)
;
;
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Uttmnlife.
14 THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
Particularly in the northern Celtic districts pastoral husbandry was thoroughly predominant Brittany was in Caesar's time a country poor in corn. In the north-east dense forests, attaching themselves to the heart of the Ardennes, stretched almost without interruption from the German Ocean to the Rhine ; and on the plains of Flanders and Lorraine, now so fertile, the Menapian and Treverian herdsman then fed his half-wild swine in the impenetrable oak-forest Just as in the valley of the Po the Romans made the production of wool and the culture of corn super sede the Celtic feeding of pigs on acorns, so the rearing of sheep and the agriculture in the plains of the Scheldt and the Maas are traceable to their influence. In Britain even the threshing of corn was not yet usual ; and in its more northern districts agriculture was not practised, and the rearing of cattle was the only known mode of turning the soil to account The culture of the olive and vine, which yielded rich produce to the Massiliots, was
not yet prosecuted beyond the Cevennes in the time of Caesar.
The Gauls were from the first disposed to settle in
there were open villages everywhere, and the M. Helvetic canton alone numbered in 696 four hundred of these, besides a multitude of single homesteads. But there were not wanting also walled towns, whose walls of alternate
layers surprised the Romans both by their suitableness and by the elegant interweaving of timber and stones in their construction ; while, it is true, even in the towns of the
the buildings were erected solely of wood. Of such towns the Helvetii had twelve and the Suessiones an equal number ; whereas at all events in the more northern districts, such as among the Nervii, while there were doubt less also towns, the population during war sought protection in the morasses and forests rather than behind their walls, and beyond the Thames the primitive defence of the wooden
groups;
Allobroges
chap, vii THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST 15
barricade altogether took the place of towns and was in war the only place of refuge for men and herds.
In close association with the comparatively consider- Inter-
COUTM.
able development of urban life stands the activity of inter course by land and by water. Everywhere there were
roads and bridges. The river-navigation, which streams like the Rhone, Garonne, Loire, and Seine, of themselves invited, was considerable and lucrative. But far more remarkable was the maritime navigation of the Celts. Not only were the Celts, to all appearance, the nation that first regularly navigated the Atlantic ocean, but we find that the art of building and of managing vessels had attained among them a remarkable development. The navigation of the peoples of the Mediterranean had, as may readily be conceived from the nature of the waters traversed by them, for a comparatively long period adhered to the oar ; the war-vessels of the Phoenicians, Hellenes, and Romans were at all times oared galleys, in which the sail was applied only as an occasional aid to the oar; the trading vessels alone were in the epoch of developed ancient civilization "sailers" properly so called. 1 On the other hand the Gauls doubtless employed in the Channel in Caesar's time, as for long afterwards, a species of portable leathern skiffs, which seem to have been in the main common oared boats, but on the west coast of Gaul the Santones, the Pictones, and above all the Veneti sailed in large though clumsily built ships, which were not impelled by oars but were provided with leathern sails and iron anchor-chains ; and they employed these not only for their traffic with Britain,
1 We are led to this conclusion by the designation of the trading or "round" as contrasted with the "long" or war vessel, and the similar contrast of the "oared ships" (Arfmnroc vijts) and the "merchantmen" (o. Wots, Dionys. iii. 44) ; and moreover by the sma'lnuss of the crew in the trading vessels, which in the very largest amounted to not more than soo men (Rhein. Mus. N. F. xi. 625), while it, the ordinary galley of three decks there were employed 170 rowers (ii. 174). Con1p.
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. :
THE HISTORY OF ROME
MOMMSEN
THE
HISTORY OF ROME
BY
THEODOR MOMMSEN
TRANSLATED
WITH THE SANCTION OF THE AUTHOR
BY
WILLIAM PURDIE DICKSON, D. D. , LL. D. PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN THS UNIVERSITY or GLASGOW
A NEW EDITION REVISED THROUGHOUT AND EMBODYING RECENT ADDITIONS
VOL. V
NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
1905
CONTENTS
BOOK FIFTH
The Subjugation op the West
CHAPTER VIII
The Joint Rule of Pompeius and Caesar . .
107
CHAPTER IX
Death of Crassus— Rupture between the Joint Rulers 150
The Establishment of the Military Monarchy — Continued
. . . . . . . .
CHAPTER XII Religion, Culture, Literature, and Art
. . . . . . -. -<o b*- g'i. ^4
Index
Collation of Paging of other Editions for verifying
References
r
589
. . . .
CHAPTER VII
CHAPTER X
Brundisium, Ilerda, I'harsalus, and Thapsui . .
CHAPTER XI
The Old Republic and the New Monarchy . .
193
305
. .
443
519
3
Ail
BOOK FIFTH
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MILITARY MONARCHY
VOL. v
134
Continued
CHAPTER Vn
THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST
When the course of history turns from the miserable mono- The tony of the political selfishness, which fought its battles ? TM^' in the senate-house and in the streets of the capital, to the west. matters of greater importance than the question whether
the first monarch of Rome should be called Gnaeus, Gaius,
or Marcus, we may well be allowed — on the threshold of
an event, the effects of which still at the present day influ
ence the destinies of the world—to look round us for a moment, and to indicate the point of view under which
the conquest of what is now France by the Romans, and
their first contact with the inhabitants of Germany and of
Great Britain, are to be apprehended in their bearing on
the general history of the world.
By virtue of the law, that a people which has grown into a state absorbs its neighbours who are in political nonage, and a civilized people absorbs its neighbours who are in intellectual nonage —by virtue of this law, which is as universally valid and as much a law of nature as the law of gravity — the Italian nation (the only one in antiquity which was able to combine a superior political development and a superior civilization, though it presented the latter only in an imperfect and external manner) was entitled to reduce to subjection the Greek states of the east which were ripe for destruction, and to dispossess the peoples of
4 THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
lower grades of culture in the west — Libyans, Iberians, Celts, Germans —by means of its settlers ; just as England with equal right has in Asia reduced to subjection a civil ization of rival standing but politically impotent, and in America and Australia has marked and ennobled, and still continues to mark and ennoble, extensive barbarian countries with the impress of its nationality. The Roman
had accomplished the preliminary condition required for this task—the union of Italy ; the task itself it never solved, but always regarded the extra-Italian con quests either as simply a necessary evil, or as a fiscal possession virtually beyond the pale of the state. It is the imperishable glory of the Roman democracy or mon archy—for the two coincide —to have correctly apprehended and vigorously realized this its highest destination. What the irresistible force of circumstances had paved the way for, through the senate establishing against its will the foundations of the future Roman dominion in the west as in the east ; what thereafter the Roman emigration to the provinces — which came as a public calamity, no doubt, but also in the western regions at any rate as a pioneer of a higher culture —pursued as matter of instinct ; the creator of the Roman democracy, Gaius Gracchus, grasped and began to carry out with statesmanlike clearness and deci sion. The two fundamental ideas of the new policy — to reunite the territories under the power of Rome, so far as they were Hellenic, and to colonize them, so far as they were not Hellenic—had already in the Gracchan age been practically recognized by the annexation of the kingdom of Attalus and by the Transalpine conquests of Flaccus : but the prevailing reaction once more arrested their application. The Roman state remained a chaotic mass of countries without thorough occupation and without proper limits. Spain and the Graeco-Asiatic possessions were separated from the mother country by wide territories, of which
aristocracy
cha», vii THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST $
barely the borders along the coast were subject to the Romans ; on the north coast of Africa the domains of Carthage and Cyrene alone were occupied like oases ; large tracts even of the subject territory, especially in Spain, were but nominally subject to the Romans. Absolutely nothing was done on the part of the government towards concen trating and rounding off their dominion, and the decay of the fleet seemed at length to dissolve the last bond of connection between the distant possessions. The demo cracy no doubt attempted, so soon as it again raised its head, to shape its external policy in the spirit of Gracchus —Marius in particular cherished such ideas—but as it did not for any length of time attain the helm, its projects were
left unfulfilled. It was not till the democracy practically took in hand the government on the overthrow of the Sullan constitution in 684, that a revolution in this respect 70. occurred. First of all their sovereignty on the Mediter ranean was restored — the most vital question for a state like that of Rome. Towards the east, moreover, the boundary of the Euphrates was secured by the annexation
of the provinces of Pontus and Syria. But there still remained beyond the Alps the task of at once rounding off the Roman territory towards the north and west, and of gaining a fresh virgin soil there for Hellenic civilization and for the yet unbroken vigour of the Italic race.
This task Gaius Caesar undertook. It is more than an Historical error, it is an outrage upon the sacred spirit dominant in ^^e' history, to regard Gaul solely as the parade ground on of the which Caesar exercised himself and his legions for the impending civil war. Though the subjugation of the west
was for Caesar so far a means to an end that he laid the foundations of his later height of power in the Transalpine wars, it is the especial privilege of a statesman of genius that his means themselves are ends in their turn. Caesar needed no doubt for his party aims a military power, but
^c^! ^
Caesar [61. in Spain.
f THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
he did not conquer Gaul as a partisan. There was a direct political necessity for Rome to meet the perpetually threat ened invasion of the Germans thus early beyond the Alps, and to construct a rampart there which should secure the peace of the Roman world. But even this important object was not the highest and ultimate reason for which Gaul was conquered by Caesar. When the old home had become too narrow for the Roman burgesses and they were in danger of decay, the senate's policy of Italian conquest saved them from ruin. Now the Italian home had become in its turn too narrow; once more the state languished under the same social evils repeating themselves in similar fashion only on a greater scale. It was a brilliant idea, a grand hope, which led Caesar over the Alps — the idea and the confident expectation that he should gain there for his fellow-burgesses a new boundless home, and regenerate the state a second time by placing it on a broader basis.
The campaign which Caesar undertook in 693 in Further Spain, may be in some sense included among the enterprises which aimed at the subjugation of the west Long as Spain had obeyed the Romans, its western shore had remained sub stantially independent of them even after the expedition of Decimus Brutus against the Callaeci (iii. 232), and they had not even set foot on the northern coast ; while the predatory raids, to which the subject provinces found themselves continually exposed from those quarters, did no small injury to the civilization and Romanizing of Spain. Against these the expedition of Caesar along the west coast was directed. He crossed the chain of the Herminian mountains (Sierra de Estrella) bounding the Tagus on the north ; after having conquered their inhabitants and transplanted them in part to the plain, he reduced the country on both sides of the Douro and arrived at the north-west point of the peninsula, where with the aid of a flotilla brought up from Gades ho occupied Brigantium (Corunna). By this means the
chap, vil THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST 7
peoples adjoining the Atlantic Ocean, Lusitanians and Cal- laecians, were forced to acknowledge the Roman suprem acy, while the conqueror was at the same time careful to render the position of the subjects generally more tolerable by reducing the tribute to be paid to Rome and regulating the financial affairs of the communities.
But, although in this military and administrative debut of the great general and statesman the same talents and the same leading ideas are discernible which he afterwards evinced on a greater stage, his agency in the Iberian penin sula was much too transient to have any deep effect ; the more especially as, owing to its physical and national peculiarities, nothing but action steadily continued for a considerable time could exert any durable influence there.
A more important part in the Romanic development of Gaui. the west was reserved by destiny for the country which stretches between the Pyrenees and the Rhine, the Medi terranean and the Atlantic Ocean, and which since the Augustan age has been especially designated by the name
of the land of the Celts — Gallia— although strictly speaking the land of the Celts was partly narrower, partly much more extensive, and the country so called never formed a national unity, and did not form a political unity before Augustus. For this very reason it is not easy to present a clear picture of the very heterogeneous state of things which Caesar encountered on his arrival there in 696.
68. In the region on the Mediterranean, which, embracing The
approximately Languedoc on the west of the Rhone, on the p^nce. east Dauphine" and Provence, had been for sixty years a
Roman province, the Roman arms had seldom been at rest
since the Cimbrian invasion which had swept over it. In
664 Gaius Caelius had fought with the Salyes about Aquae Wars [90. Sextiae, and in 674 Gaius Flaccus (iv. 93), on his march to ^^tSq Spain, with other Celtic nations. When in the Sertorian
war the governor Lucius Manlius, compelled to hasten to
Bounds.
66. 688 as well as by the behaviour of the Allobrogian embassy 63. in Rome on occasion of the anarchist plot in 691 (iv. 480), 61. and which soon afterwards (693) broke into open revolt
Catugnatus the leader of the Allobroges in this war of despair, who had at first fought not unsuccessfully, was conquered at Solonium after a glorious resistance by the governor Gaius Pomptinus.
Notwithstanding all these conflicts the bounds of the Roman territory were not materially advanced; Lugudunum Convenarum, where Pompeius had settled the remnant of the Sertorian army (iv. 304), Tolosa, Vienna and Genava were still the most remote Roman townships towards the
S THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
the aid of his colleagues beyond the Pyrenees, returned defeated from Ilerda (Lerida) and on his way home was vanquished a second time by the western neighbours of the
71, Roman province, the Aquitani (about 676 ; iv. 283/), this seems to have provoked a general rising of the provincials between the Pyrenees and the Rhone, perhaps even of those between the Rhone and Alps. Pompeius had to make his way with the sword through the insurgent Gaul to Spain (iv. 293), and by way of penalty for their rebellion gave the territories of the Volcae-Arecomici and the Helvii (dep. Gard and Ardeche) over to the Massiliots; the governor
76-74. Manius Fonteius (678-680) carried out these arrangements and restored tranquillity in the province by subduing the Vocontii (dep. Drome), protecting Massilia from the insurgents, and liberating the Roman capital Narbo which they invested. Despair, however, and the financial em barrassment which the participation in the sufferings of the Spanish war (iv. 298) and generally the official and non- official exactions of the Romans brought upon the Gallic provinces, did not allow them to be tranquil; and in particular the canton of the Allobroges, the most remote from Narbo, was in a perpetual ferment, which was attested by the " pacification " that Gaius Piso undertook there in
.
chaj. Til THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST 9
west and north. But at the same time the importance of Relation!
these Gallic possessions for the mother country was con- tinually on the increase. The glorious climate, akin to that of Italy, the favourable nature of the soil, the large and rich region lying behind so advantageous for commerce with its mercantile routes reaching as far as Britain, the easy intercourse by land and sea with the mother country, rapidly gave to southern Gaul an economic importance for Italy, which much older possessions, such as those in Spain, had not acquired in the course of centuries ; and as the Romans who had suffered political shipwreck at this period sought an asylum especially in Massilia, and there found once more Italian culture and Italian luxury, voluntary emigrants from Italy also were attracted more and more to the Rhone and the Garonne. " The province of Gaul," it was said in a sketch drawn ten years before Caesar's arrival, " is full of merchants ; it swarms with Roman burgesses. No native of Gaul transacts a piece of business without the intervention of a Roman ; every penny, that passes from one hand to another in Gaul, goes through the account books of the Roman burgesses. " From the same description it appears that in addition to the colonists of Narbo there were Romans cultivating land and rearing cattle, resident in great numbers in Gaul ; as to which, however, it must not be overlooked that most of the pro vincial land possessed by Romans, just like the greater part of the English possessions in the earliest times in America, was in the hands of the high nobility living in Italy, and those farmers and graziers consisted for the most part of their stewards — slaves or freed men.
to om*
It is easy to understand how under such circumstances Incipient civilization and Romanizing rapidly spread among the \J'^n' natives. These Celts were not fond of agriculture ; but
their new masters compelled them to exchange the sword
for the plough, and it is very credible that the embittered
io THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
resistance of the Allobroges was provoked in part by some such injunctions. In earlier timer Hellenism had also to a certain degree dominated those retions ; the elements of a higher culture, the stimulus to the cultivation of the vine and the olive (iii. 3 1 to the use of writing and to the coining of money, came to them from Massilia. The Hellenic culture was in this case far from being set aside
the Romans; Massilia gained through them more influence than lost; and even the Roman period Greek physicians and rhetoricians were publicly employed in the Gallic cantons. But, as may readily be conceived, Hellenism in southern Gaul acquired through the agency of the Romans the same character as in Italy; the dis tinctively Hellenic civilization gave place to the Latino- Greek mixed culture, which soon made proselytes here in great numbers. The "Gauls in the breeches," as the inhabitants of southern Gaul were called way of contrast to the "Gauls in the toga" of northern Italy, were not indeed like the latter already completely Romanized, but they were even now very perceptibly distinguished from the " longhaired Gauls " of the northern regions still unsubdued. The semiculture becoming naturalized among them furnished, doubtless, materials enough for ridicule of their barbarous Latin, and people did not fail to suggest to any one suspected of Celtic descent his " relationship with the breeches " but this bad Latin was yet sufficient to
enable even the remote Allobroges to transact business with the Roman authorities, and even to give testimony in the Roman courts without an interpreter.
While the Celtic and Ligurian population of these regions was thus in the course of losing its nationality, and was
There was found, for instance, at Vaison in the Vocontian canton an inscription written in the Celtic language with the ord nary Greek alphabet.
runs thus: aeyo/1apos onWoveos roovr1ovs m/1avo ins t1upov (inX1joa luaoa1r viagrar. The last word mean* " holy. "
It
1
by
;
by
it
5),
in
1
chap, vii THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST H
languishing and pining withal under a political and economic oppression, the intolerable nature of which is sufficiently attested by their hopeless insurrections, the decline of the native population here went hand in hand with the natural izing of the same higher culture which we find at this period in Italy. Aquae Sextiae and still more Narbo were con siderable townships, which might probably be named by the side of Beneventum and Capua ; and Massilia, the best organized, most free, most capable of self-defence, and most powerful of all the Greek cities dependent on Rome, under its rigorous aristocratic government to which the Roman conservatives probably pointed as the model of a good urban constitution, in possession of an important territory which had been considerably enlarged by the Romans and of an extensive trade, stood by the side of those Latin towns as Rhegium and Neapolis stood in Italy by the side of Beneventum and Capua.
Matters wore a different aspect, when one crossed the Free GanL Roman frontier. The great Celtic nation, which in the
southern districts already began to be crushed by the Italian immigration, still moved to the north of the Cevennes in its time-hallowed freedom. It is not the first time that we
meet it : the Italians had already fought with the offsets and advanced posts of this vast stock on the Tiber and on the Po, in the mountains of Castile and Carinthia, and even in the heart of Asia Minor; but it was here that the main stock was first assailed at its very core by their attacks. The Celtic race had on its settlement in central Europe diffused itself chiefly over the rich river-valleys and the pleasant hill-country of the present France, including the western districts of Germany and Switzerland, and from thence had occupied at least the southern part of England, perhaps even at this time all Great Britain and Ireland ; 1 it formed here
1 An immigration of Belgic Celts to Britain continuing for a considerable time seems indicated by the names of English tribes on both banks of the
Population.
12 THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
more than anywhere else a broad, geographically compact, mass of peoples. In spite of the differences in language and manners which naturally were to be found within this wide territory, a close mutual intercourse, an innate sense of fellowship, seems to have knit together the tribes from the Rhone and Garonne to the Rhine and the Thames ; whereas, although these doubtless were in a certain measure locally connected with the Celts in Spain and in the modern Austria, the mighty mountain barriers of the Pyrenees and the Alps on the one hand, and the encroachments of the Romans and the Germans which also operated here on the other, interrupted the intercourse and the intrinsic connec tion of the cognate peoples far otherwise than the narrow arm of the sea interrupted the relations of the continental and the British Celts. Unhappily we are not permitted to trace stage by stage the history of the internal development of this remarkable people in these its chief seats ; we must be content with presenting at least some outline of its historical culture and political condition, as it here meets us in the time of Caesar.
Gaul was, according to the reports of the ancients, com paratively well peopled. Certain statements lead us to infer that in the Belgic districts there were some 2oo persons to the square mile —a proportion such as nearly holds at present for Wales and for Livonia—in the Helvetic canton about 245 ;1 it is probable that in the districts which were more
Thames borrowed from Belgic cantons ; such as the Atrebates, the Belgae, and even the Britanni themselves, which word appears to have been trans ferred from the Brittones settled on the Somme below Amiens first to an English canton and then to the whole island. The English gold coinage was also derived from the Belgic and originally identical with it
1 The first levy of the Belgic cantons exclusive of the Remi, that is, of the country between the Seine and the Scheldt and eastward as Car as the vicinity of Rheims and Andemach, from 9000 to 10,000 square miles, is reckoned at about 300,000 men ; in accordance with which, if we regard the proportion of the first levy to the whole men capable of bearing arms specified for the Bellovaci as holding good generally, the number of the
Belgae capable of bearing arms would amount to 500,000 and the whole population accordingly to at least a, 000, 00a The Helvetk with the
chap, vh THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST 13
cultivated than the Belgic and less mountainous than the Helvetian, as among the Bituriges, Arverni, Haedui, the
number rose still higher. Agriculture was no doubt prac- Agriculture tised in Gaul — for even the contemporaries of Caesar were and. the surprised in the region of the Rhine by the custom of cattle, manuring with marl,1 and the primitive Celtic custom of preparing beer (cervesia) from barley is likewise an evidence
of the early and wide diffusion of the culture of grain—but
it was not held in estimation. Even in the more civilized
south it was reckoned not becoming for the free Celts to
handle the plough. In far higher estimation among the
Celts stood pastoral husbandry, for which the Roman land
holders of this epoch very gladly availed themselves both of
the Celtic breed of cattle, and of the brave Celtic slaves
skilled in riding and familiar with the rearing of animals. 1
adjoining peoples numbered before their migration 336,000 ; If we assume that they were at that time already dislodged from the right bank of the Rhine, their territory may be estimated at nearly 1350 square miles. Whether the serfs are included in this, we can the less determine, as we do not know the form which slavery assumed amongst the Celts ; what Caesar relates as to the slaves, clients, and debtors of Orgetorix tells rather in favour of, than against, their being included.
That, moreover, every such attempt to make up by combinations for the statistical basis, in which ancient history especially deficient, must be received with due caution, will be at once apprehended by the intelligent reader, while he will not absolutely reject on that account.
" In the interior of Transalpine Gaul on the Rhine," says Scrofa in Varro, De R. R. 7, " when commanded there, traversed some districts, where neither the vine nor the olive nor the fruit-tree appears, where they manure the fields with white Pit-chalk, where they have neither rock- nor sea-salt, but make use of the saline ashes of certain burnt wood instead of salt. " This description refers probably to the period before Caesar and to the eastern districts of the old province, such as the country of the Allobroges subsequently Pliny (//. N. xvii. 42 uq. describes at length the Gallo-Britannic manuring with marl.
" The Gallic oxen especially are of good repute in Italy, for field labour forsooth whereas the Ligurian are good for nothing " (Varro, De R. R. ii.
Here, no doubt, Cisalpine Gaul referred to, but the cattle- husbandry there doubtless goes back to the Celtic epoch. Plautus already mentions the " Gallic ponies" (Gallici canterii, Aul. iii. ai). "
not every race that suited for the business of herdsmen neither the Bastulians nor the Turdulians " (both in Andalusia) are fit for the Celts are the best, especially as respects beasts for riding and binder
9).
[1t1ment*)"
(Varro, De R. R. 10, 4).
ii.
it ;
It is
'
6,
I
is
5,
*1
is
it
is
5, ;)
;
;
i. 8,
(i. 4)
I
Uttmnlife.
14 THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
Particularly in the northern Celtic districts pastoral husbandry was thoroughly predominant Brittany was in Caesar's time a country poor in corn. In the north-east dense forests, attaching themselves to the heart of the Ardennes, stretched almost without interruption from the German Ocean to the Rhine ; and on the plains of Flanders and Lorraine, now so fertile, the Menapian and Treverian herdsman then fed his half-wild swine in the impenetrable oak-forest Just as in the valley of the Po the Romans made the production of wool and the culture of corn super sede the Celtic feeding of pigs on acorns, so the rearing of sheep and the agriculture in the plains of the Scheldt and the Maas are traceable to their influence. In Britain even the threshing of corn was not yet usual ; and in its more northern districts agriculture was not practised, and the rearing of cattle was the only known mode of turning the soil to account The culture of the olive and vine, which yielded rich produce to the Massiliots, was
not yet prosecuted beyond the Cevennes in the time of Caesar.
The Gauls were from the first disposed to settle in
there were open villages everywhere, and the M. Helvetic canton alone numbered in 696 four hundred of these, besides a multitude of single homesteads. But there were not wanting also walled towns, whose walls of alternate
layers surprised the Romans both by their suitableness and by the elegant interweaving of timber and stones in their construction ; while, it is true, even in the towns of the
the buildings were erected solely of wood. Of such towns the Helvetii had twelve and the Suessiones an equal number ; whereas at all events in the more northern districts, such as among the Nervii, while there were doubt less also towns, the population during war sought protection in the morasses and forests rather than behind their walls, and beyond the Thames the primitive defence of the wooden
groups;
Allobroges
chap, vii THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST 15
barricade altogether took the place of towns and was in war the only place of refuge for men and herds.
In close association with the comparatively consider- Inter-
COUTM.
able development of urban life stands the activity of inter course by land and by water. Everywhere there were
roads and bridges. The river-navigation, which streams like the Rhone, Garonne, Loire, and Seine, of themselves invited, was considerable and lucrative. But far more remarkable was the maritime navigation of the Celts. Not only were the Celts, to all appearance, the nation that first regularly navigated the Atlantic ocean, but we find that the art of building and of managing vessels had attained among them a remarkable development. The navigation of the peoples of the Mediterranean had, as may readily be conceived from the nature of the waters traversed by them, for a comparatively long period adhered to the oar ; the war-vessels of the Phoenicians, Hellenes, and Romans were at all times oared galleys, in which the sail was applied only as an occasional aid to the oar; the trading vessels alone were in the epoch of developed ancient civilization "sailers" properly so called. 1 On the other hand the Gauls doubtless employed in the Channel in Caesar's time, as for long afterwards, a species of portable leathern skiffs, which seem to have been in the main common oared boats, but on the west coast of Gaul the Santones, the Pictones, and above all the Veneti sailed in large though clumsily built ships, which were not impelled by oars but were provided with leathern sails and iron anchor-chains ; and they employed these not only for their traffic with Britain,
1 We are led to this conclusion by the designation of the trading or "round" as contrasted with the "long" or war vessel, and the similar contrast of the "oared ships" (Arfmnroc vijts) and the "merchantmen" (o. Wots, Dionys. iii. 44) ; and moreover by the sma'lnuss of the crew in the trading vessels, which in the very largest amounted to not more than soo men (Rhein. Mus. N. F. xi. 625), while it, the ordinary galley of three decks there were employed 170 rowers (ii. 174). Con1p. Movers,
Pkoen. ii. 3, 167 xq.
Commerce.
16 THE SUBJUGATION OF THE WEST book v
but also in naval combat. Here therefore we not only . aeet for the first time with navigation in the open ocean, but we find that here the sailing vessel first fully took the place of the oared boat — an improvement, it is true, which the declining activity of the old world did not know how to turn to account, and the immeasurable results of which our own epoch of renewed culture is employed in gradually reaping.
With this regular maritime intercourse between the British and Gallic coasts, the very close political connection between the inhabitants on both sides of the Channel is as
Muufao
easily explained as the flourishing of transmarine commerce and of fisheries. It was the Celts of Brittany in particular, that brought the tin of the mines of Cornwall from England and carried it by the river and land routes of Gaul to Narbo and Massilia. The statement, that in Caesar's time certain tribes at the mouth of the Rhine subsisted on fish and birds' eggs, may probably refer to the circumstance that marine fishing and the collection of the eggs of sea-birds were prosecuted there on an extensive scale.
