In our own
country especially !
country especially !
Rehearsal - v1 - 1750
And fay, They (the Scots) are much in the right; and we
not the like, we are much in the wrong. And shew
there plainly, that their design cannot be upon England. C. Upon what then What then need we be alarm'di* O. The nation need not for none can think, that
Scotland ever intends to conquer. England but our. party has great reason to look to it; for we make not root and branch work in Scotland, we can never carry on
the cause in England. And we can get the mob of
England arm'd, we know how to manage them, to join with
if
if
!
I ifI it
?
so
so ;
do
I
is,
forty-one.
The REHEARSAL. I
i44
with our good brethren of Scotland, if they should cor into England, for a further reformation, as they did in
And we will have grievances, till we hare! pull'd down the church and monarchy, as w e did before. I
C. But the militia is in the queen's hands. How will you do with that ?
O. Hast not thou therefore observ'd how I explain the | nature of the militia in mine, N. 73, and 74, to be ori ginally in the people, and that the parliament ought to have the choice of them. And how it came asterwards It • he put into the hands of the king (fay I, N. 74. last Dtr.
30. ) is asubject that wouldprove invidious—But however, that it is not solely in the king, but under the rcstrictisss
ofparliament. Do'ft thou perceive nothing now ?
C. I think my eyes begin- to open ! and by the working
1
it is apparent, that a national war with Scotland is not
the matter ; but by a conjunction of the faction in both kingdoms, the good old cause is to have another day for it here in England, as well as in Scotland. But more of this next time, it is now late, and thou hast given me enough to dream on for a week.
From 4bat. Jan. 6, to ^at. Jan. 13, 170s. N° 24.
I. The Militia justify'd to he inherent in the Crown.
2. And the mob notions
3. Of limitations of the Crown. 4. And incapacity
of government confuted. in Kings. 5. The Observator confounded.
1. Cea». TT 7"E parted last upon the point of the mi-
lit
ginally in the power of the pecSple. And how it came
YV
1 a. Which thou faid'st was
origi-
asterwards to be put into the hands of /dicing (thou fay'ft, N. 74. of last Dec. 30. ) is a subject that woud prime in vidious, and perhaps not suitable to the intent of thy dis course. What do'st mean by perhaps ?
O. That's a word we use, when we have not a mind to speak out. And so is a reserve, to put what meaning upon
And to whom ?
pray
is itnot to the crown? You
The REHEARSAL.
145
upon it we please, if we shou'd be question d. Yet easy to be understood by a willing mind! Thou can'st not but see, that, without a perhaps, the intent of my dis course was to get the militia out of the queen (or kings) hands, and have it back again into the hands of the people ; whence I suppose it has been inrefed or tricltd, some how or other. Therefore I put in the word invidious, that this subject wdu'd be invidious !
I
cannot suppose it wou'd be invidious to the People, to as
sert and stand up for their rights and prerogative su preme!
C. Thills all as plain as the nose on one's face. But how wilt thou do with the act of parliament, I 3 Car. 2. c. 6. which declares, That the SOlE supreme govern ment, command and dispofition of the militia, and of all
forces by sea and land, and of all forts and places of serength, is, and by the laws ofEngland ever was the undoubted right of his majesty, and of his royal predecessors,
kings and queens os'England ; and that both, or either of the bouses of parliament cannot, nor ought to pretend to the sume ; nor can, nor lawfully may raise or levy any uoar-, ofsenfive or defenfive, against his majesty, his heirs,
er lawful successors.
O. Go on, read the next words.
C. And yet the contrary thereof hath of late years been
practised almost to the ruin and destruction of this kingdom. O. Ajr, that is right I Thus fays the act. Andyet the contrary —— you see the act fays contrary. I hate those
that quote a thing by halves. When it is all out, you see it makes plainly for me ! Is it not plain?
C. Exceeding plain! but hark ye, Bayes, the act does not pretend to invest the king with the militia, and full power of the sword, as if granted to him by that or any former parliament ; but recognizes it as a right un doubtedly inherent in the crown ; and that by the laws of Encland it ever was so. When was it then in the
people? or, are not king and parliament as good expofs- ters of the laws, and ought to know them as well as my Vol. I. H master
146
The REHEARS AL.
• master Bayes, or any from whom he receives his »l
telligence ?
O. Thou'rt still sopping me in the mouth with tit
laws and acts of parliament ! But if the king has the mi litia, it must be some law or other that gave it him.
Else, how came he by it ?
C. If it be inherent in his office, to have the soie
power of the sword, as this act of parliament speaks; then we must look for the law that gave it him, as- high up as the law that made the first king.
3. 0. That must be some parliament.
C. What king was it call'd that parliament, xvhid.
made the first king?
O. Why ? Cannot a parliament be calfJ by any but
a king ?
C. Whoelseshou'ds*//it?
O. The people. ? C. What ! All the people in the kingdom
O. No ; that's impossible. But such as they please to
choose for their representatives.
C. Who they ? Is that *// the people then that muft
choose ?
O. No. For they can no more choose representatives,
But the free-holders fhall
free-holders ? Did all the people choose so many of
themselves to be free-holders? And do they hold from the people ? Are not all the people as free as they ? Are
not allfree-born ? Or, are these free-holders born with their tenures of free-hold about their «fcio / As thoa usest to ask me, if kings were born booted and JpurrJ,
and the people withsaddles on their ? so
than they can choose a king. choose for the rf/? .
please to
but the must be made for them, whether they please, or not. But pray tell me, who made these
C. Then it is not such as the
choose;
may fay, Are all the people born with ropes about their necks, to be hang'd, drawn and quarter d, and all that they have
dispos'd of, as these free-holders shall to wft ? But again, Have all these free-holders an equal vote? Are «// of them allow'd to vote? 0.
I
The REHEARSAL.
147
O. No. Only those who have a free-hold worth so much a year f
C. Who excluded the rest ? Then it is not free-hold does but riches, those who are worth much. And' who has determin'd what that proportion of Wc^ff shall
. man to vote
0. not riches. For man may be worth ooooo
founds, and yet have no vote, he have no free-hold? C. And yet he may have 100 of these free-holders to clean hisshoes, and r«« his errands. We fay the Utedof the nation. And one merchant may be of more
use of the nation in /rsl•&, than half county of /rre-
Wlirs of 40 /hillings piece, or OOOO of such sree holders as we see vote in Tuttle-fields at an election.
Therefore these regulations of government cou'd not
come either from the free-holders, or the people. For
such regulations must be established andstated, and well kperwn, before yo/Wf of the free-holders cou'd take upon them to vote, and the other free-holders not qualisy' the rich and trading part of the nation, who had not
free-holds; and the great and of the
fhou'd stand quietly and tamely submissive, to see their fats, their liberties, and all that they had, and their re
ligion too put under the arhitrary votes of few of their own number without their consent being much
or any remedy or appeal allow'd them in any o/e, tho' of the greatest oppressions and tyranny And then to call this liberty and property, and the freedom and
hirtb-right of the people, and of every single person in the nation
These notions are senseless and fottish, and impossible to be receiv'd aiyi but such Bayes as ^oa art, and the unthinking mob that follows thee. And comes not
as afk'd
from any natural incapacity, or of judgment. No; weakness jiaj
a possesion, and being abahdon'd and
to the spirit of nonsen/e and contradiction which be
gets that offury and madness
To all others apparent, that these regulations of
pmernment, and all our /a•Hu>. f must come from a-sur-E-
•
rIOr.
2
!
a
a if
rjp
!
it is
!
it, is
it by ; is
?
;
It a
a ! so
I
is
;d
a
I
a
is
so
148 TheREHEARS AL.
rior authority, and prior to those laws which it makes. And that the militia (of which we are speak ing) or power of the sword, must be inherent in who ever bears that authority.
And that to allow of resistance or coertion against that authority, is persect anarchy, and a dissolution of all go vernment. Which is therefore wisely damn'd by our lawi. See the statute, 1 2 Car. 2. c. 30.
And that the body of the people cannot so much as choose representatives for themselves, as we hare jufi now seen ; and therefore, that, as they cou'd not be
the original of government ; so can never government de volve upon them, or be resolv'd into them. Tho'
knaves make use of their name, to delude the fimple, and raise them up to rebellion, and dijlurhana
of government, as well as their own destruction.
crafty
Thou'rt grown tory rory indeed! At this rate no limitations can be'put upon any king.
C. None ofcoertion, as the statute above quoted tells us, as well as the reason and very being of all govern ment whatsoever. But there may be limitations of con cession from the prince. And such are all our laws. This is the doctrine I have learn'd ; and as yet have heard no disproos of it. It being founded upon scrip ture, reason, and experience ; and fully acknowledg'd and recegnizd by our own laws and constitution. Against which nothing has yet appear'd, but the madness, and rage, and hillings-gate of B a y e s, and the scande* sous club, and their impotent malice, because they cannot sind what to answer ; who therefore, as the pro
trouble and darkness, dimness of anguish, and they shall be driven to darkness, Is Al. viii. 20, 21, 22. Who-
ever will look unto England, when the iaw and the testimony were thrown down, in the times of forty-one, 9 and
3. O. Hey-day !
those who wou'd not submit to the lami
phet describes
and to the testimony, that being hardly bestead, they FrET themselves, and CUrSE their king, and their God, and look upward. And he tells what they shall get by it. They shall look unto the earth, and behold
The REHEARSAL.
149
tnd these mob principles set up, will behold trouble,
and darkkess, and all the rtst that the prophet speaks.
And it must be fe again, if these principles prevail. For the consequence is natural. All these are the natural
effects of anarchy. It is all
And if placing the power in the people, and a co
ercive power over the crown, be not anarchy ; answer what I have faid. Do; and let all thy scandalous club help thee. Lay your Heads together, and answer the statute I have quoted; or explain it, if you can, from barring all coercive power over the king, either in
the pe ople, or in the parliament.
Shew from scripture, or any authentick record, or from
any biflory, your mob original of government in the people. And when it was, that there was no poli
tical government in the luorld.
Or shew from reason or experience, that there can be
darkness
and trouble.
any fix"d or government, of what sott soever, upon that foundation of deriving its power from the
PEOPlE.
But if you can do none of these things (as I am pret
ty sure you never can) then it is to be hop'd, that the miserably delude v people, who have been so long, and so fatally bewitched, to their own ruin, will, at last, recover their senses, and see the things that belong unto their peace, and will adhere to the laws and constitution, tather than unto such screech owls of Syrens, who have
neither fense, reason, law, or scripture, on their side ! And all woeful experience against them !
In our own
country especially ! and within our memory !
4. O. At this violent rate we must not only bear all
the male-administrations of our \kings : but if they shou'd run mad, or had the plague, we must not remove them.
C. No evils in their administrations can be of such hurtful consequences to the people, as those of anarchy and confufion ; or so hard to be curd. And in case of a personal incapacity in the prince to administer the govern ment, as infancy, lunacy, or madness, the next in blood that is capable ought to administer, but in the name of
H3 the
The REHEARSAL.
the prince, and by bis authority. Thus curing the le- proz'y of Uzziah, his eldest son Jotham, (who succeeded
him) was ever the king's house, judging the people of the land ; but was not king till his father dy'd, 2 Chrm. xxvi. 21, 23. And after Nebuchadnezzar had been turn ed to a for yean, when his reason return'd to him, his lords and his counsellors fought unto him, and he was establish'd in his kingdom, Dan. iv. 36. The
line ofsuccejsion was not broke, nor the people discharg'd from their allegiance, for the madness of their prince, which is generally fuppos'd to be the case of Nebuchad nezzar.
And there was no comparison, as to mischief to the
people, betwixt their bearing patiently that heavy judg ment upon their prince ; and - what their cafe wou'd have been, if they had rebeWd against him, and set up ano ther in his place ; because (as they might then have truly
i5o
faid) he was a beast!
5. O. I wou'd never have submitted to a beast ! If I
had been there, I wou'd have set up a Monmouth, or
some body else against him.
C. I doubt it not ! But what if thy Monmouth had
been beaten ? I doubt a whipping had not serv'd thy
turn.
O. But what if my Monmouth had prevaiP d ? There'*
a suppose for your suppose ! And we wou'd have mace the crown ElECTIVE.
To be
made a Poland or a Hungary !
O. But what if that Nebuchadnezzar had been a pa^
pifi? I'm sure they wou'd never have bore with hiai then ! At least Daniel and the Jews.
C. He threw the Jews into a firey furnace, for not
C. What wou'd the people have got by that ?
his idols. Whom he wou'd he slew, and whom he wou'd he kept alive. And at last run mad for pride. And yet Daniel and the Jews were very
faithful to him, and prayd for his life, and the life of hisyin. Tho' he had destroy'd Jerusalem, and burnt
•worshipping
their
O. I
The REHEARSAL.
O. I was going to call them the beasts! This bible
ruins us !
read it ; and we dare not, as yet, flatly deny it. Thou'it
r. ight.
I shall deal with thee.
I
begin
to think the common
people
shou'd not
I'll talk no more with thee to. -' Hereafter I'll bar bible, laws, and reason ! then
turn'd my bead round !
From. . §>at. Jan. i 3 to „§at- Jan. 20, 170s. N° 25.
1. The Countryman challenges Observator. 2. The Ob- servator's moderation. 3. All right of dominion taken from the crown by the Observator, the Prote stant Jesuit, &c. 4. All HEREdITARy succession con
demn d by them.
Coun. ~T Left thee, Bayes, last time confounded. And I'm 1, resolv'd to pursue thee, till either I bring thee to fense ; or convince all the nation that thou hast none. But thy nasty carcase is not worth my mobile. I'll
take thy puss, thy common-wealth by the beard, pull oat her teeth, pair her clonus, and make an anatomy of her, shall fright every one that can reckon ten upon his fingers, and has any concern for himself, his and children ; for his and country, or for o/,/ England. I've made a •&a>/7 of thee already ; and now I'll dispos sess the •atW of thee, for/>c has possess' d thee (o long,
that thou now hast possess' d him with «g/;Vr and more monstrous devils, than any in the of his nati vity ; which comes to pass in heterogeneous mixtures.
O. Hard words, and vapouring too! This is intole rable ! I'd rather come before my 'jury again, than bear this. I'd got reputation by the pillory, and, may be, a Penfion to boot. But this dog of dogs, this renegado of a
t'untryman is, like converts, pofitive and astuming ; if I answer him not, will make a. scare- crow of me,
and make me ashamd to my /ac* in zxiy honest com
i5i
pany.
H 4 C. That
152
The REHEARSAL.
C. That will do thee no harm ! for thou never com'lf into any such ; nor will any such admit thee ; unless as a raree-shew, or some monster of half human and no
shaft, that can chatter as if he cou'd speak, . but for seai of being put to work.
O. Thou'rt a rascal] (quoth Oates) and if you
vex
me, I'llswear it :
C. Done, master, done. It is a bargain.
O. Thou'rt a protestant Jesuit.
C. Why ? I'm no presbyterian —— But thou'st a mind
Thou'rt s or I'll be
Jesuit, bang'df
to slinch from thy bargain, I see ; but I'll close with thee,
even upon this. I do undertake therefore to prove, first, That the prrsbyterians are protestant Jesuits; and the Jesuits popish presbyterians ; not only upon ac
count of their being presbyters, who have broke off from
the jurisdiction of their proper hishops ; but, second/y, as to the state too, that all the mob and republican prin ciples, ofpower in the people, Sec. were taken from the
jesuits and popish doctors.
O. I'll hear none of them at present. But whence
ever we true, noble whigs had our principles, as to the
STATS-point, of coercing kings, and the
rights and liberties of the people, I defy thee, and will cor rect thy bold and insolent huffing, as ifthou thought'st thou cou'd'st make it out as plain as 2 and 3 make 5 — But hark ye, a word in thy ear — Pr'ythee tell me (thou see'st there's company hears us) art thou so very sure, as thou vapour that thou'rt in the right?
C. Most certainly, Sir think myself as sure on't, as of any thing that can be seen, felt, heard, or under
stood.
O. O' my conscience, this dog has mind to try what
our trick of bullying will do
Well since we must engage, and that we are over-
beard, desire you'll treat me cii'illy, and with mode ration and get the better of you, I'll do the fame to you.
2. C. hate compounding That's like one mistrustful of his cause Til use thee as thou deserisft. What mean'ct thou by moderation 0.
original
[Aside.
I ;
;
I?
! ?
I!
if I
!
a
ft,
The REHEARSAL.
i53 O. It is a catholicon, and cures all diseases ! Take but a dose of this, and thou may'st drink poison, and break
all the ten commandments without any offence I It recon ciles churches, or no churches, Chris and Belial, light and darkness ! It can transform a r^/ into a saint, and Sate*
to an Angel of / It can make a schismatick a true friend of the church ; and a whore an /ns«ey? woman I
C. I desire a little /roo/' of the last.
A whore is one of moderate
and your /? >o«f/? woman is immoderate in it! stands obstinately to it, and will rather part with her life, than
0. Why ?
chastity;
a little, tho' but occasionally ! She guards her eyes and her ears, will neither ogle, nor bear so much as a j,st, or a little innocent raillery that tends that way. So that it is hard for a or a man of fashion to sind
conform
conversation for her. such company.
C. She's an errant
Therefore they sldom come into
converfion ?
O. No; never!
must know we have one
honesty?
high-flier
!
And what isa man
of moderate
O. HeM never cheat you, but when he can get some
thing by it ; and will be very punctual with good look ing to.
C. You may go through all the virtues at this rate.
O. Ay ! and bring them so near their opposite vices, that you cannot tell which is which ! I tell you, there is nothing like moderation for reconciling! for
frace and un ion.
C. Will it reconcile thee and me then, since my late
For
men os debauch' d consciences, of the gravest immoralities, who have lest the true fens os religion, and have no prin ciples left, except what will indulge them in their dam nable lusts, &c.
C. Is tia&jour -modeeation,? h5a
you
general exception, that is, to all high-fliers, to all that talk of zeal for the church, of schism, and such like fulsome stuff! These, our moderation a vireue, p. 21. calls, The most dangerous enemies of thi English nation .
The REHEARSAL.
O. Yes. And it is good moderation for all tkisf we have moderation to all that help us, and are of our iide ; and has any body moderation for any others ?
C. When the devil roasted your moderation, he let the spit stand still ; one fide was burnt to a coal, and the other is blood-rain.
But what sort of moderation is it then thou wou'dst
persuade me to ?
O. Whenever I engage, I desire two sorts of modera
tion in my adversary, of courage, lest he shou'd beat me ; and ofsense, lest he shou'd baffle me.
3. C. Come, come, no longer dallying f let's to oui work ; and see if I can make good what I have pro- mis'd thee.
I've shew'd plainly in my last, that thy . mob schint
of government has no foundation ; that it is all nonsense and contradiction. Now I'll explain the consequences of it, and what thou driest at : Not only that the militia shou'd not be trusted with the crown, but no other trust what soever, not to choose the officers of state, or their own meniaj servants. Because there may be ill use made os all these, and kings may abuse the trust repos'd in them. And that the people may recall whatever trust they have given to kings, whenever they please ; and that any of the people may do all this.
And consequential to all this, that there never was any rebellion against any king ; nor any rifing up of the people, or any part of the people, against him, but it was by the inspiration of GOD, and so no rebellion! And that no hereditary entail of the crown ought
J54
to be made, as being an encroachment upon the freedom of elcction in the people.
Now if I can shew all these points, not only by in
from the whig principles, but plainly and in terms asserted by them, even now, even in this reign, then I hope I shall have perform d to the full what thou faid'st I vapour'd about.
ferences
And all this I sind in a late celebrated book of your pfir. 'y, which has been often advertis'd, and it bears the I titlt I
The REHEARSAL.
155
title we have been just now speaking of, The Protes tant Jesuit unmaftsd, in answer to the tvco parts of. Cassandra, &c. London, printed in the year 1704.
Out of which I will sirst set down this principle, that by the word people, any part of the people is meant. This he asserts, p. 8. in these words, By a part of the
people, is always meant the whole ; the greater part in cludes the less, and the less the greater.
This being fix'd. We go on, he fays, p. 19. Undoubt edly it was the right ofparliaments to d'spose of the great offices os the realm. And, p. 20. But whether they have,
d that power, or are unwilling to contradict what
I will not And, p. zz. dispute.
refign
their princes shall do,
he asserts the right of dominion in the people ; and conse
quently the choice of sheriffs, and all officers either for' the preservation of the peace, or execution ofjustice.
Then, for rebellion, see p. 1 7. where having spent
his rhetorick to shew, that people are always in the right,
when I take arms their he concludes, they against prince,
there is no as the re say, such thing spirit of
So that,
bellion, but what is founded on the insulting and arhi trary principles of the king. And, It is a duty incumbent
to oppose kings, even by violence, to prevent the shedding of
innocent blood, &c. And, p. 23. So great is the power of
the people, which is absolute in point of right in dominion,
that for several misdemeanours, they deposed the said king, &c. And, p.
not the like, we are much in the wrong. And shew
there plainly, that their design cannot be upon England. C. Upon what then What then need we be alarm'di* O. The nation need not for none can think, that
Scotland ever intends to conquer. England but our. party has great reason to look to it; for we make not root and branch work in Scotland, we can never carry on
the cause in England. And we can get the mob of
England arm'd, we know how to manage them, to join with
if
if
!
I ifI it
?
so
so ;
do
I
is,
forty-one.
The REHEARSAL. I
i44
with our good brethren of Scotland, if they should cor into England, for a further reformation, as they did in
And we will have grievances, till we hare! pull'd down the church and monarchy, as w e did before. I
C. But the militia is in the queen's hands. How will you do with that ?
O. Hast not thou therefore observ'd how I explain the | nature of the militia in mine, N. 73, and 74, to be ori ginally in the people, and that the parliament ought to have the choice of them. And how it came asterwards It • he put into the hands of the king (fay I, N. 74. last Dtr.
30. ) is asubject that wouldprove invidious—But however, that it is not solely in the king, but under the rcstrictisss
ofparliament. Do'ft thou perceive nothing now ?
C. I think my eyes begin- to open ! and by the working
1
it is apparent, that a national war with Scotland is not
the matter ; but by a conjunction of the faction in both kingdoms, the good old cause is to have another day for it here in England, as well as in Scotland. But more of this next time, it is now late, and thou hast given me enough to dream on for a week.
From 4bat. Jan. 6, to ^at. Jan. 13, 170s. N° 24.
I. The Militia justify'd to he inherent in the Crown.
2. And the mob notions
3. Of limitations of the Crown. 4. And incapacity
of government confuted. in Kings. 5. The Observator confounded.
1. Cea». TT 7"E parted last upon the point of the mi-
lit
ginally in the power of the pecSple. And how it came
YV
1 a. Which thou faid'st was
origi-
asterwards to be put into the hands of /dicing (thou fay'ft, N. 74. of last Dec. 30. ) is a subject that woud prime in vidious, and perhaps not suitable to the intent of thy dis course. What do'st mean by perhaps ?
O. That's a word we use, when we have not a mind to speak out. And so is a reserve, to put what meaning upon
And to whom ?
pray
is itnot to the crown? You
The REHEARSAL.
145
upon it we please, if we shou'd be question d. Yet easy to be understood by a willing mind! Thou can'st not but see, that, without a perhaps, the intent of my dis course was to get the militia out of the queen (or kings) hands, and have it back again into the hands of the people ; whence I suppose it has been inrefed or tricltd, some how or other. Therefore I put in the word invidious, that this subject wdu'd be invidious !
I
cannot suppose it wou'd be invidious to the People, to as
sert and stand up for their rights and prerogative su preme!
C. Thills all as plain as the nose on one's face. But how wilt thou do with the act of parliament, I 3 Car. 2. c. 6. which declares, That the SOlE supreme govern ment, command and dispofition of the militia, and of all
forces by sea and land, and of all forts and places of serength, is, and by the laws ofEngland ever was the undoubted right of his majesty, and of his royal predecessors,
kings and queens os'England ; and that both, or either of the bouses of parliament cannot, nor ought to pretend to the sume ; nor can, nor lawfully may raise or levy any uoar-, ofsenfive or defenfive, against his majesty, his heirs,
er lawful successors.
O. Go on, read the next words.
C. And yet the contrary thereof hath of late years been
practised almost to the ruin and destruction of this kingdom. O. Ajr, that is right I Thus fays the act. Andyet the contrary —— you see the act fays contrary. I hate those
that quote a thing by halves. When it is all out, you see it makes plainly for me ! Is it not plain?
C. Exceeding plain! but hark ye, Bayes, the act does not pretend to invest the king with the militia, and full power of the sword, as if granted to him by that or any former parliament ; but recognizes it as a right un doubtedly inherent in the crown ; and that by the laws of Encland it ever was so. When was it then in the
people? or, are not king and parliament as good expofs- ters of the laws, and ought to know them as well as my Vol. I. H master
146
The REHEARS AL.
• master Bayes, or any from whom he receives his »l
telligence ?
O. Thou'rt still sopping me in the mouth with tit
laws and acts of parliament ! But if the king has the mi litia, it must be some law or other that gave it him.
Else, how came he by it ?
C. If it be inherent in his office, to have the soie
power of the sword, as this act of parliament speaks; then we must look for the law that gave it him, as- high up as the law that made the first king.
3. 0. That must be some parliament.
C. What king was it call'd that parliament, xvhid.
made the first king?
O. Why ? Cannot a parliament be calfJ by any but
a king ?
C. Whoelseshou'ds*//it?
O. The people. ? C. What ! All the people in the kingdom
O. No ; that's impossible. But such as they please to
choose for their representatives.
C. Who they ? Is that *// the people then that muft
choose ?
O. No. For they can no more choose representatives,
But the free-holders fhall
free-holders ? Did all the people choose so many of
themselves to be free-holders? And do they hold from the people ? Are not all the people as free as they ? Are
not allfree-born ? Or, are these free-holders born with their tenures of free-hold about their «fcio / As thoa usest to ask me, if kings were born booted and JpurrJ,
and the people withsaddles on their ? so
than they can choose a king. choose for the rf/? .
please to
but the must be made for them, whether they please, or not. But pray tell me, who made these
C. Then it is not such as the
choose;
may fay, Are all the people born with ropes about their necks, to be hang'd, drawn and quarter d, and all that they have
dispos'd of, as these free-holders shall to wft ? But again, Have all these free-holders an equal vote? Are «// of them allow'd to vote? 0.
I
The REHEARSAL.
147
O. No. Only those who have a free-hold worth so much a year f
C. Who excluded the rest ? Then it is not free-hold does but riches, those who are worth much. And' who has determin'd what that proportion of Wc^ff shall
. man to vote
0. not riches. For man may be worth ooooo
founds, and yet have no vote, he have no free-hold? C. And yet he may have 100 of these free-holders to clean hisshoes, and r«« his errands. We fay the Utedof the nation. And one merchant may be of more
use of the nation in /rsl•&, than half county of /rre-
Wlirs of 40 /hillings piece, or OOOO of such sree holders as we see vote in Tuttle-fields at an election.
Therefore these regulations of government cou'd not
come either from the free-holders, or the people. For
such regulations must be established andstated, and well kperwn, before yo/Wf of the free-holders cou'd take upon them to vote, and the other free-holders not qualisy' the rich and trading part of the nation, who had not
free-holds; and the great and of the
fhou'd stand quietly and tamely submissive, to see their fats, their liberties, and all that they had, and their re
ligion too put under the arhitrary votes of few of their own number without their consent being much
or any remedy or appeal allow'd them in any o/e, tho' of the greatest oppressions and tyranny And then to call this liberty and property, and the freedom and
hirtb-right of the people, and of every single person in the nation
These notions are senseless and fottish, and impossible to be receiv'd aiyi but such Bayes as ^oa art, and the unthinking mob that follows thee. And comes not
as afk'd
from any natural incapacity, or of judgment. No; weakness jiaj
a possesion, and being abahdon'd and
to the spirit of nonsen/e and contradiction which be
gets that offury and madness
To all others apparent, that these regulations of
pmernment, and all our /a•Hu>. f must come from a-sur-E-
•
rIOr.
2
!
a
a if
rjp
!
it is
!
it, is
it by ; is
?
;
It a
a ! so
I
is
;d
a
I
a
is
so
148 TheREHEARS AL.
rior authority, and prior to those laws which it makes. And that the militia (of which we are speak ing) or power of the sword, must be inherent in who ever bears that authority.
And that to allow of resistance or coertion against that authority, is persect anarchy, and a dissolution of all go vernment. Which is therefore wisely damn'd by our lawi. See the statute, 1 2 Car. 2. c. 30.
And that the body of the people cannot so much as choose representatives for themselves, as we hare jufi now seen ; and therefore, that, as they cou'd not be
the original of government ; so can never government de volve upon them, or be resolv'd into them. Tho'
knaves make use of their name, to delude the fimple, and raise them up to rebellion, and dijlurhana
of government, as well as their own destruction.
crafty
Thou'rt grown tory rory indeed! At this rate no limitations can be'put upon any king.
C. None ofcoertion, as the statute above quoted tells us, as well as the reason and very being of all govern ment whatsoever. But there may be limitations of con cession from the prince. And such are all our laws. This is the doctrine I have learn'd ; and as yet have heard no disproos of it. It being founded upon scrip ture, reason, and experience ; and fully acknowledg'd and recegnizd by our own laws and constitution. Against which nothing has yet appear'd, but the madness, and rage, and hillings-gate of B a y e s, and the scande* sous club, and their impotent malice, because they cannot sind what to answer ; who therefore, as the pro
trouble and darkness, dimness of anguish, and they shall be driven to darkness, Is Al. viii. 20, 21, 22. Who-
ever will look unto England, when the iaw and the testimony were thrown down, in the times of forty-one, 9 and
3. O. Hey-day !
those who wou'd not submit to the lami
phet describes
and to the testimony, that being hardly bestead, they FrET themselves, and CUrSE their king, and their God, and look upward. And he tells what they shall get by it. They shall look unto the earth, and behold
The REHEARSAL.
149
tnd these mob principles set up, will behold trouble,
and darkkess, and all the rtst that the prophet speaks.
And it must be fe again, if these principles prevail. For the consequence is natural. All these are the natural
effects of anarchy. It is all
And if placing the power in the people, and a co
ercive power over the crown, be not anarchy ; answer what I have faid. Do; and let all thy scandalous club help thee. Lay your Heads together, and answer the statute I have quoted; or explain it, if you can, from barring all coercive power over the king, either in
the pe ople, or in the parliament.
Shew from scripture, or any authentick record, or from
any biflory, your mob original of government in the people. And when it was, that there was no poli
tical government in the luorld.
Or shew from reason or experience, that there can be
darkness
and trouble.
any fix"d or government, of what sott soever, upon that foundation of deriving its power from the
PEOPlE.
But if you can do none of these things (as I am pret
ty sure you never can) then it is to be hop'd, that the miserably delude v people, who have been so long, and so fatally bewitched, to their own ruin, will, at last, recover their senses, and see the things that belong unto their peace, and will adhere to the laws and constitution, tather than unto such screech owls of Syrens, who have
neither fense, reason, law, or scripture, on their side ! And all woeful experience against them !
In our own
country especially ! and within our memory !
4. O. At this violent rate we must not only bear all
the male-administrations of our \kings : but if they shou'd run mad, or had the plague, we must not remove them.
C. No evils in their administrations can be of such hurtful consequences to the people, as those of anarchy and confufion ; or so hard to be curd. And in case of a personal incapacity in the prince to administer the govern ment, as infancy, lunacy, or madness, the next in blood that is capable ought to administer, but in the name of
H3 the
The REHEARSAL.
the prince, and by bis authority. Thus curing the le- proz'y of Uzziah, his eldest son Jotham, (who succeeded
him) was ever the king's house, judging the people of the land ; but was not king till his father dy'd, 2 Chrm. xxvi. 21, 23. And after Nebuchadnezzar had been turn ed to a for yean, when his reason return'd to him, his lords and his counsellors fought unto him, and he was establish'd in his kingdom, Dan. iv. 36. The
line ofsuccejsion was not broke, nor the people discharg'd from their allegiance, for the madness of their prince, which is generally fuppos'd to be the case of Nebuchad nezzar.
And there was no comparison, as to mischief to the
people, betwixt their bearing patiently that heavy judg ment upon their prince ; and - what their cafe wou'd have been, if they had rebeWd against him, and set up ano ther in his place ; because (as they might then have truly
i5o
faid) he was a beast!
5. O. I wou'd never have submitted to a beast ! If I
had been there, I wou'd have set up a Monmouth, or
some body else against him.
C. I doubt it not ! But what if thy Monmouth had
been beaten ? I doubt a whipping had not serv'd thy
turn.
O. But what if my Monmouth had prevaiP d ? There'*
a suppose for your suppose ! And we wou'd have mace the crown ElECTIVE.
To be
made a Poland or a Hungary !
O. But what if that Nebuchadnezzar had been a pa^
pifi? I'm sure they wou'd never have bore with hiai then ! At least Daniel and the Jews.
C. He threw the Jews into a firey furnace, for not
C. What wou'd the people have got by that ?
his idols. Whom he wou'd he slew, and whom he wou'd he kept alive. And at last run mad for pride. And yet Daniel and the Jews were very
faithful to him, and prayd for his life, and the life of hisyin. Tho' he had destroy'd Jerusalem, and burnt
•worshipping
their
O. I
The REHEARSAL.
O. I was going to call them the beasts! This bible
ruins us !
read it ; and we dare not, as yet, flatly deny it. Thou'it
r. ight.
I shall deal with thee.
I
begin
to think the common
people
shou'd not
I'll talk no more with thee to. -' Hereafter I'll bar bible, laws, and reason ! then
turn'd my bead round !
From. . §>at. Jan. i 3 to „§at- Jan. 20, 170s. N° 25.
1. The Countryman challenges Observator. 2. The Ob- servator's moderation. 3. All right of dominion taken from the crown by the Observator, the Prote stant Jesuit, &c. 4. All HEREdITARy succession con
demn d by them.
Coun. ~T Left thee, Bayes, last time confounded. And I'm 1, resolv'd to pursue thee, till either I bring thee to fense ; or convince all the nation that thou hast none. But thy nasty carcase is not worth my mobile. I'll
take thy puss, thy common-wealth by the beard, pull oat her teeth, pair her clonus, and make an anatomy of her, shall fright every one that can reckon ten upon his fingers, and has any concern for himself, his and children ; for his and country, or for o/,/ England. I've made a •&a>/7 of thee already ; and now I'll dispos sess the •atW of thee, for/>c has possess' d thee (o long,
that thou now hast possess' d him with «g/;Vr and more monstrous devils, than any in the of his nati vity ; which comes to pass in heterogeneous mixtures.
O. Hard words, and vapouring too! This is intole rable ! I'd rather come before my 'jury again, than bear this. I'd got reputation by the pillory, and, may be, a Penfion to boot. But this dog of dogs, this renegado of a
t'untryman is, like converts, pofitive and astuming ; if I answer him not, will make a. scare- crow of me,
and make me ashamd to my /ac* in zxiy honest com
i5i
pany.
H 4 C. That
152
The REHEARSAL.
C. That will do thee no harm ! for thou never com'lf into any such ; nor will any such admit thee ; unless as a raree-shew, or some monster of half human and no
shaft, that can chatter as if he cou'd speak, . but for seai of being put to work.
O. Thou'rt a rascal] (quoth Oates) and if you
vex
me, I'llswear it :
C. Done, master, done. It is a bargain.
O. Thou'rt a protestant Jesuit.
C. Why ? I'm no presbyterian —— But thou'st a mind
Thou'rt s or I'll be
Jesuit, bang'df
to slinch from thy bargain, I see ; but I'll close with thee,
even upon this. I do undertake therefore to prove, first, That the prrsbyterians are protestant Jesuits; and the Jesuits popish presbyterians ; not only upon ac
count of their being presbyters, who have broke off from
the jurisdiction of their proper hishops ; but, second/y, as to the state too, that all the mob and republican prin ciples, ofpower in the people, Sec. were taken from the
jesuits and popish doctors.
O. I'll hear none of them at present. But whence
ever we true, noble whigs had our principles, as to the
STATS-point, of coercing kings, and the
rights and liberties of the people, I defy thee, and will cor rect thy bold and insolent huffing, as ifthou thought'st thou cou'd'st make it out as plain as 2 and 3 make 5 — But hark ye, a word in thy ear — Pr'ythee tell me (thou see'st there's company hears us) art thou so very sure, as thou vapour that thou'rt in the right?
C. Most certainly, Sir think myself as sure on't, as of any thing that can be seen, felt, heard, or under
stood.
O. O' my conscience, this dog has mind to try what
our trick of bullying will do
Well since we must engage, and that we are over-
beard, desire you'll treat me cii'illy, and with mode ration and get the better of you, I'll do the fame to you.
2. C. hate compounding That's like one mistrustful of his cause Til use thee as thou deserisft. What mean'ct thou by moderation 0.
original
[Aside.
I ;
;
I?
! ?
I!
if I
!
a
ft,
The REHEARSAL.
i53 O. It is a catholicon, and cures all diseases ! Take but a dose of this, and thou may'st drink poison, and break
all the ten commandments without any offence I It recon ciles churches, or no churches, Chris and Belial, light and darkness ! It can transform a r^/ into a saint, and Sate*
to an Angel of / It can make a schismatick a true friend of the church ; and a whore an /ns«ey? woman I
C. I desire a little /roo/' of the last.
A whore is one of moderate
and your /? >o«f/? woman is immoderate in it! stands obstinately to it, and will rather part with her life, than
0. Why ?
chastity;
a little, tho' but occasionally ! She guards her eyes and her ears, will neither ogle, nor bear so much as a j,st, or a little innocent raillery that tends that way. So that it is hard for a or a man of fashion to sind
conform
conversation for her. such company.
C. She's an errant
Therefore they sldom come into
converfion ?
O. No; never!
must know we have one
honesty?
high-flier
!
And what isa man
of moderate
O. HeM never cheat you, but when he can get some
thing by it ; and will be very punctual with good look ing to.
C. You may go through all the virtues at this rate.
O. Ay ! and bring them so near their opposite vices, that you cannot tell which is which ! I tell you, there is nothing like moderation for reconciling! for
frace and un ion.
C. Will it reconcile thee and me then, since my late
For
men os debauch' d consciences, of the gravest immoralities, who have lest the true fens os religion, and have no prin ciples left, except what will indulge them in their dam nable lusts, &c.
C. Is tia&jour -modeeation,? h5a
you
general exception, that is, to all high-fliers, to all that talk of zeal for the church, of schism, and such like fulsome stuff! These, our moderation a vireue, p. 21. calls, The most dangerous enemies of thi English nation .
The REHEARSAL.
O. Yes. And it is good moderation for all tkisf we have moderation to all that help us, and are of our iide ; and has any body moderation for any others ?
C. When the devil roasted your moderation, he let the spit stand still ; one fide was burnt to a coal, and the other is blood-rain.
But what sort of moderation is it then thou wou'dst
persuade me to ?
O. Whenever I engage, I desire two sorts of modera
tion in my adversary, of courage, lest he shou'd beat me ; and ofsense, lest he shou'd baffle me.
3. C. Come, come, no longer dallying f let's to oui work ; and see if I can make good what I have pro- mis'd thee.
I've shew'd plainly in my last, that thy . mob schint
of government has no foundation ; that it is all nonsense and contradiction. Now I'll explain the consequences of it, and what thou driest at : Not only that the militia shou'd not be trusted with the crown, but no other trust what soever, not to choose the officers of state, or their own meniaj servants. Because there may be ill use made os all these, and kings may abuse the trust repos'd in them. And that the people may recall whatever trust they have given to kings, whenever they please ; and that any of the people may do all this.
And consequential to all this, that there never was any rebellion against any king ; nor any rifing up of the people, or any part of the people, against him, but it was by the inspiration of GOD, and so no rebellion! And that no hereditary entail of the crown ought
J54
to be made, as being an encroachment upon the freedom of elcction in the people.
Now if I can shew all these points, not only by in
from the whig principles, but plainly and in terms asserted by them, even now, even in this reign, then I hope I shall have perform d to the full what thou faid'st I vapour'd about.
ferences
And all this I sind in a late celebrated book of your pfir. 'y, which has been often advertis'd, and it bears the I titlt I
The REHEARSAL.
155
title we have been just now speaking of, The Protes tant Jesuit unmaftsd, in answer to the tvco parts of. Cassandra, &c. London, printed in the year 1704.
Out of which I will sirst set down this principle, that by the word people, any part of the people is meant. This he asserts, p. 8. in these words, By a part of the
people, is always meant the whole ; the greater part in cludes the less, and the less the greater.
This being fix'd. We go on, he fays, p. 19. Undoubt edly it was the right ofparliaments to d'spose of the great offices os the realm. And, p. 20. But whether they have,
d that power, or are unwilling to contradict what
I will not And, p. zz. dispute.
refign
their princes shall do,
he asserts the right of dominion in the people ; and conse
quently the choice of sheriffs, and all officers either for' the preservation of the peace, or execution ofjustice.
Then, for rebellion, see p. 1 7. where having spent
his rhetorick to shew, that people are always in the right,
when I take arms their he concludes, they against prince,
there is no as the re say, such thing spirit of
So that,
bellion, but what is founded on the insulting and arhi trary principles of the king. And, It is a duty incumbent
to oppose kings, even by violence, to prevent the shedding of
innocent blood, &c. And, p. 23. So great is the power of
the people, which is absolute in point of right in dominion,
that for several misdemeanours, they deposed the said king, &c. And, p.
