These two
elements
com-
bined to form an upper stratum in the general reading public.
bined to form an upper stratum in the general reading public.
Cambridge History of English Literature - 1908 - v04
XVI.
21
## p. 322 (#344) ############################################
322 London and Popular Literature
the age. The city was still echoing with the Marprelate contro-
versy, which had been suppressed at the height of the conflict.
But the public had not lost their taste for vituperative literature,
and Nashe, foreseeing opportunities for 'copy' had advertised
himself in Pierce Penilesse as a professional controversialist. In
this capacity, he undoubtedly aspired to imitate Pietro Aretino,
who held all Italy at bay from his one refuge in Venice (1527—57).
Nashe, in order to be sure of rousing an antagonist, followed his
challenge by a personal attack on the two Harveys', who had already
crossed swords with him, and a 'flyting' at once began. In studying
this controversy, it must be remembered that literary duels,
quite apart from personal animosity, had been a quasi-academic
tradition since the days of the medieval Serventois and Jeu-partis.
Dunbar, Kennedy, Montgomerie, Churchyard, Skelton, Alexander
Barclay, Lily the grammarian, James V, David Lyndsay and
Stewart had taken part in ‘flytings? ' But both Nashe and Harvey
were probably more influenced by the classical scholars of the
renascence. Beside Aretino, Poggio had given models of vitu-
perative skill against Felix Anti-papa, Filelfo Vallas and Petrarch.
Julius Caesar Scaliger and Étienne Dolet* had both attacked
Erasmus with the vilest scurrility; and, lastly, Cicero, Harvey's
supreme authority, had proved a past master in the art of invective
against the living and had not spared the dead. Personal resent-
ment was certainly a motive in the Harvey-Nashe controversy;
but private animosity was merged in the class hatred which
the university nourished against the literary adventurers of
London.
Nashe's Apologie of Pierce Pennylesse marks a new stage in
the art of personal abuse. Martin Marprelate had written in the
style of a boisterous monologue, in which his arguments were
enlivened by parentheses, ejaculations and puns. Nashe, un-
doubtedly his imitator, cultivates the same torrential and eccentric
eloquence, but hardly attempts to refute his adversary. He merely
uses him as a canvas on which to display his brilliant ingenuity.
He invents amazing terms of vituperation, whose force is to be
found in their imagery rather than imputation. Harvey is a
a
1 See ante, vol, in, pp. 395, 545.
2 T. Schipper : W. Dunbar, Berlin, 1884. R. Brotanek : Alex. Montgomerie, Vienna
and Leipzig, 1896.
3 Voigt: Die Wiederlebung des classischen Alterthums. Körting: Gesch. der
Literatur Italiens im Zeitalter der Renaissance, 1, p. 388.
+ R. C. Christie : Étienne Dolet, 2nd ed. , 1899.
3 Ante, vol. 11, chap. XVII, pp. 383–5.
:
## p. 323 (#345) ############################################
Christs. Teares over Jerusalem 323
mud-born bubble,' a 'bladder of pride newe blowne,' a 'cotquean
and scrattop of scoldes,' a 'lumpish leaden-heeld letter-dauber,'
a mote-catching carper. ' Sometimes, his antagonist becomes the
occasion for notes and observations in which the original subject
is lost sight of, as in his digression on Roman satire, or on the
adaptability of the hexameter to English. Such exuberant fertility
of fancy and expression was primarily Nashe's innate gift. But
his unceasing efforts at paronomasia betray the influence of such
Italian Latinists as Guarino, and his affectation of figurative para-
phrase is, in its essence, of the kind which the Theophrastians
made fashionable a few years later. But there are other passages
in which his imaginative sarcasm overreaches itself and collapses
in mere buffoonery.
Harvey retaliated with Pierces Supererogation. But the
reply remained unanswered, since Nashe now came forward as
a religious reformer in Christs Teares over Jerusalem (1593), to.
which he prefixed a declaration of peace and goodwill to all men.
Such sudden conversions were not uncommon in an age of conflict
between the traditions of medieval Christianity and the Graeco-
Oriental morality advocated by the classics of the silver age.
Gosson and Rankins both wrote plays before condemning the
immorality of the stage; Anthony Munday is alleged to have
written A Ballad against Plays; John Marston followed the
production of an erotic poem with an attack on licentious verse;
R. Brathwaite, after playing with the toys of fancy, published The
Prodigals Teares: or His fare-well to Vanity (1614); and both
Dekker and Rowlands unexpectedly appear in the guise of mission-
aries. As we have seen in the case of Greene, the ideals of ancient
Rome and of renascent Italy were a treacherous guide among the
temptations of London, and but a sorry consolation in times of
poverty and pestilence. But the taste of the reading public must
have chiefly weighed with these bread-winners. The lower classes
loved the spectacle of a stricken conscience, even in their street
ballads, and the ever-increasing sect of puritans must, by now,
have formed a body of opinion difficult to resist. The booklet
begins with a long paraphrase of Christ's prophecy of the fall of
Jerusalem. Then follows an account of its fulfilment, drawn from
Joseph Ben Gorion'. But it is easy to see that the narrative is
coloured by a national sense of uneasiness. The signs and tokens
· History of the Latter Times of the Jews' Commonweal. Vide McKerrow, Works of
T. Nashe, vol. iv, 1908, p. 212.
21-2
## p. 324 (#346) ############################################
324 London and Popular Literature
which foreshadowed the destruction of the holy city are like the
broadside prodigies? which were circulating throughout England,
and the horrors of the siege recalled the downfall of Antwerp,
still fresh in men's minds? . Nashe pointed to the ruin of
Jerusalem as an object-lesson for London, whose sins, he cried,
were no less ripe for judgment. Thus he introduces an arraign-
ment of city life.
The transformation of society from an aristocracy based on the
subjection of the masses to a monarchy based on the balance
of classes was being accompanied by the development of commerce
and the diffusion of knowledge. The age offered many more prizes
to win, and life in London became a struggle for self-advancement.
Such a period of transition inevitably bred abuses. Men and
women did not scruple about the means they employed to push
their fortunes. The successful spared no ostentation which might
command the respect of their fellows, while the unsuccessful were
filled with envy and discontent. Immorality increased in imita-
tion of Italy, or as a reaction from the restraints of the medieval
church. Finally, in this expansion of the intellectual and social
world, many found the faith of their ancestors insufficient, and
turned to atheism. Such was the society which Nashe denounced
.
in the last part of Christs Teares. The style is still vigorous, but
it has lost its exuberant originality and, in places, approximates to
pulpit oratory. There are a few touches of Nashe's irresistible
satire and an exposure of London stews unparalleled in English
literature. But his attitude is that of a Tudor churchman. Like
Latimer, he anathematises pride as the fundamental vice of the
strenuous, ambitious city life. Like Crowley, he designates all the
necessary and accidental abuses of competition as a violation of
the Biblical law to love one another. But what the booklet loses
in spirit, it gains in thoughtfulness. It is largely an attempt to
examine the social sentiments. Avarice, extortion, vainglory,
atheism, discontent, contention, disdain, love of 'gorgeous attyre,'
delicacy (worldliness), lust or luxury and sloth are all anatomised
and all traced back to pride. In this method of analysis and
synthesis, Nashe evolves a literary process hardly removed from
1 Ante, vol. 111, chap. v, p. 111 and bibl. , p. 494.
2 Cf. The Spoyle of Antwerpe, Faithfully reported by a true Englishman (ie.
G. Gascoigne), Novem. 1576, London, 1577 (? ). The Tragicall Historie of the citie
of Antwerpe since the departure of King Phillip, 1586. A Looking Glasse for London
and England (by R. Greene and T. Lodge), 1594. A Larum for London or the siedge
of Antwerpe, 1602. Dekker's (? ) Canaan's Calamitie, 1598.
## p. 325 (#347) ############################################
Terrors of the Night 325
the essay. Each sin forms a theme of its own, introduced by
a definition. Thus,
vaine glory is any excessive pride or delight which we take in things unneces-
sary; much of the nature is it of ambition but it is not so dangerous or
conversant about so great matters as ambition. It is (as I may call it) the
froth and seething up of ambition.
This play of thought and fancy on familiar ideas, already notice-
able in The Anatomie of Absurditie, illustrates a habit of mind
made familiar to us by Bacon and his school.
But Nashe was not destined to create the essay. He had,
indeed, the sympathy with daily life, the knowledge of character,
and the familiarity with classical wisdom necessary to cultivate
this genre. But he had also to earn his bread and pay his debts.
He could not distil his philosophy into a volume of detached
counsels and reflections, which might slowly win its way. So
he continued to squander his wit, learning and experience in
pamphlets 'botched up and compyled' on the sensations of the
moment.
Thus, in his next production, reflections on Turkey, Iceland,
physiognomy, consumption and Camden hurtle one another in a
counterblast to dream-superstitions. Europe, at this moment,
was agitated with the belief that the devil was regaining his
control over man. His handiwork was being discovered every-
where; old women were witches, cats were spirits or transfigured
men, dreams were messages from hell. The report of a gentleman,
who died after experiencing seven fantastic visions, had just re-
awakened Englishmen's alarm at the unseen perils of sleep and
darkness. Nashe seized this opportunity to compose the Terrors
of the Night. At this time, demonology belonged to the realms
of theological disquisition. Even R. Scot had not escaped the
academic atmosphere, and G. Gifford" and H. Holland” had
recently delivered themselves of treatises unutterably scholastic.
It is a striking illustration of the vitality of popular literature
that Nashe discovered how to burst the bubble of these super-
stitions by sound common sense and sympathetic insight into
human nature. He claims that one thought of faith will put
to flight all the powers of evil, and answers with a volley of
ridicule the dogma of St Chrysostom that the devil can multiply
himself indefinitely. He quotes history to prove that dreams
seldom or never come true unless they are direct intimations from
1 Discourse of the subtile Practises of Devilles, 1587.
? A Treatise against Witchcraft, 1590.
## p. 326 (#348) ############################################
326 London and Popular Literature
6
a
6
God; and he refutes the belief in astrologers from his own experi-
ence of their careers. Most of them, he declares, began as
apothecaries' apprentices and dogleeches, who used to impose on
rustics with ointments and syrups made of toasted cheese and
candle ends. By and bye, some needy gallant hears of their
practices and introduces them to a nobleman on condition of
sharing the profits. Thus, they make their way through the
world, sometimes rising by their counterfeit art to the position of
privy councillor. He disposes of the mystery of dreams, explain-
ing them as after-effects of the day's activity ; 'echoes of our con-
ceipts,' often coloured by sensations felt in sleep, so that the sound
of a dog's bark suggests the 'complaint of damned ghosts' in hell,
and he that is spiced wyth the gowte or the dropsie' dreams of
fetters and manacles. This theory had already been outlined by
Scot', but Nashe surpasses the older controversialist when he
describes the moral terrors of the night. Not only does a guilty
conscience breed 'superstitions as good as an hundred furies, but
the sorrows and anxieties of life have special power, as Bullein
had pointed out? , in the loneliness and gloom of sleep-time.
But Nashe was never again to approach so near the high level
of a moralist. Some more skirmishing took place between him
and Gabriel Harvey in the autumn of 1593 and in 1594%. And
then, in 1596, he produced Have with you to Saffron-Walden, or,
Gabriell Harveys Hunt is up.
This piece of invective is unique in English literature, and it
exhausts the literary resources of the age. To multiply his
ridicule and give scope to his digressions, he borrowed from
comedy and cast the lampoon into the form of a tetralogue, in
which four speakers contribute to criticise Harvey's style and to
make merry over his humble origin. Then ensues a burlesque
biography of the doctor. His conception and birth are narrated
in the manner of Rabelais, and his academic character is travestied
on the model of Pedantius * Nashe creates a truly infernal
picture of the university scholar, absorbed in his own spite:
In the deadest season that might bee, hee lying in the ragingest furie of
the last plague, when there dyde above 1600 a week in London, ink-squitter-
ing and printing against me at Wolfes in Powles churchyard.
1 Discoverie of Witchcraft, 1584, Bk. x.
? Bulwarke of Defence : Booke of Compoundes, fol. liiij.
3 Ante, vol. in, ch. XVII, bibl. , p. 546.
* See ed. Moore Smith (Louvain, 1905) and post, vol. v, the chapter on Academic
Plays.
## p. 327 (#349) ############################################
Lenten Stuffe
327
Neither Nashe nor anyone else expected such accusations to
be taken seriously. But the tract deserves a place in permanent
literature. It is a saturnalia of invective such as only the age
could produce. Nor must we regard this intellect and ingenuity
as altogether wasted in a barren attempt to defame a fellow-
creature. The impeachment was composed for a critical audience,
and, in the effort to attain rhetorical effect, the art of expression
was perceptibly enlarged. Among other features, there is a full-
length portrait of Harvey, executed with a thoroughness of detail
which Mme de Scudéry might have envied, and the character of
an intelligencer which the Overbury collection never surpassed.
Nashe passed through two years of adversity, and then
reappeared in 1599 with Lenten Stuffe. This pamphlet is an
ambitious attempt to 'wring juice out of a flint’: to heighten his
humour by extracting it from unproductive material, and he
succeeds in uniting many of the lighter types of prose literature
in a single pamphlet. He begins by introducing a personal note
telling the public of his literary difficulties and financial em-
barrassments. These led him to leave London. In return for the
hospitality which he enjoyed at Yarmouth, he recounts the history
of that town (drawn from Camden) in a fine spirit of pageantry,
trumpeting its origin and development 'as I have scrapped out of
worm-eaten Parchments. He then treats his readers to a speci-
men of burlesque encomium, such as the Romans, Italians and
especially the German anti-Grobianists, had made popular",
working up an eulogy on the herring fisheries, not forgetting
their services to Lent (hence the title). The Prayse of the
Red Herring soon develops into a kind of jest-book. But the
tales and anecdotes no longer turn on the humiliation of
monks or the 'quicke answers' of wenches? . Nashe wittily
parodies the legends of antiquity and adapts them to the
glorification of this homely fish. How the fable of Midas, who
turned everything to gold, originated from the fact that he
ate a red herring. How Leander and Hero (after a burlesque
account of their adventures, in Nashe's best manner) were con-
verted into fish-the youth to a ling, the maiden to a Cadwallader
herring and the old nurse, who had a sharp temper, into the
mustard which always accompanies them at table. The curing of
the herring was discovered in a manner suggestive of Charles
1 Vide C. H. Herford, The Literary Relations of England and Germany, chap. VII,
pp. 381--3. Also bibl. under Burlesque Encomia.
* Cf. A C. Mery Talys, Merie Tales of Master Skelton, The Geystes of Skoggan.
## p. 328 (#350) ############################################
328 London and Popular Literature
6
Lamb's roast pig, and the first red herring was sold to the pope
by methods reminiscent of the sibyl's sale of the prophetic books.
But, besides a sense of the romance of history, and an ingenious
appropriation of classical lore, there is an unmistakable love for
the sea and sympathy with the rough, simple life of seamen.
In one place, he tells how 'boystrous woolpacks of ridged tides
came rowling in. ? Again, he describes the cobbles which skim
'flightswift thorow the glassy fieldes of Thetis as if it were the land
of yce, and sliding over the boiling desert so earely and never
bruise one bubble of it. ' And he talks of these frostbitten crab-
tree faced lads, spunne out of the hards of the towe. '
Yet, Lenten Stuffe never enjoyed the popularity of Pierce
Penilesse. With all its cleverness and narrative power, the tract
did not gratify the Londoner's interest in city life. This taste for
realistic satire and humour continually increased and tended every
year to number more educated men within its ranks. At the same
time, court circles began to grow weary of Euphuism, and to prefer
discussing their fellow-creatures rather than indulging in the
apostrophes and soliloquies of prose romances' or such poems as
Ovid's Elegies? and Venus and Adonis.
These two elements com-
bined to form an upper stratum in the general reading public.
'Select' persons lived in the same city as ordinary members of the
middle classes, and were attracted by the same phenomena. But
they were more fastidiously critical, and they looked more uncom-
promisingly for the stamp of classicism in any publication of which
they were to approves. Even Sir John Harington's Rabelaisian
descents into the secrets of cloacinean burlesque (1596) are illu-
minated with bookish allusions and classical quotations. The school
of pamphleteers who had formerly secured patronage with erotic
poetry now followed, perforce, the new tendency. Thomas Lodge set
the example, in 1595, by producing a slim volume of verse eclogues
and satires, and, with a show of self-assertion made fashionable by
Nashe, he entitled the venture A Fig for Momus.
Verse satire had flourished throughout the sixteenth century,
and, in many instances, developed individual portraiture under
the guise of types. Within the last fifty years, Crowley's One and
Thirty Epigrams (1550), Bansley's Pryde and Abuse of Women
6
* Ante, vol. II, ch. XVI.
3 Marlowe.
3 Note the condescension of Peacham : Compleat Gentleman, . There is no book 80
bad, even Sir Bevis himselfe, Owleglasse, or Nashe's herring, but some commodity may
be got out of it. '
4 See bibl. under Miscellaneous Burlesques.
## p. 329 (#351) ############################################
box
FI
PX
de
PP
Rise of Formal Satire 329
(1550), Hake’s Newes out of Poules Churcheyarde (1567) and
Gosson's Quippes for Upstart Gentlewomen (1596) had covered the
most prominent abuses of the time and kept pace with the growing
spirit of puritan censoriousness. But Lodge ignored their example
and revived the new genre which Wyatt' had introduced, almost
unobserved, into English literature: the avowed imitation and
occasional paraphrase of classical models. He chose Horace for
his satirical prototype; but, attempting to copy the Roman's genial
discursiveness, he merely gave the public ten dull, ill-constructed
satires and epistles, mingled with a few Vergilian eclogues. And
yet A Fig for Momus is important. Wyatt was before his time
and, moreover, confined his animadversions to the court, in a
difficult metre borrowed from the Italian. Lodge's production is
as miscellaneous and bookish as a volume of essays. Moreover, he
made current the use of pseudonymous allusion, and, while
Gascoigne had rather unsuccessfully experimented in blank verse,
he demonstrated that classical satire could be most effectively
written in the decasyllabic couplet.
In 1597, Joseph Hall, then a young fellow of Emmanuel college,
claimed the honour of being the first English satirist with
Virgidemiarum. It is possible that Hall's satires existed in
manuscript as early as 1591, and, again, it is just conceivable that
he was unacquainted with the work of Wyatt, Gascoigne, Donne
and Lodges. But, in any case, the boast of originality was partly
justified, inasmuch as Hall discovered Juvenal as the true model
for Elizabethan and Jacobean satire. In the hands of Horace, the
Roman Satura was little more than a series of desultory conver-
sations, dominated by an unembittered scepticism of human
activities. Juvenal, however, was a rhetorician, who devoted a life's
training in oratory to the task of making out a case against society.
As such, his satires have all the uncompromising sweep of an
indictment and are enforced with every artifice of arrangement
and expression. Both his systematic thoroughness and his aggres-
sive indignation, though largely a pose, were adapted to this
contentious age, and Hall may fairly claim to be the first who
reproduced his method and spirit in English verse“.
72
inte
A
1 Ante, vol. 11, chap. vi. For popular satirists, see ibid. chap. v.
? Sat. v, however, is an imitation of Juvenal x, and a forerunner of The Vanity
of Human Wishes.
3 Vide A. B. Grosart, Occasional Issues, vol. 1x, 1879; Bp. Hall's Complete Poems,
intro. , pp. vi-viii.
* Vide A. B. Grosart, ibid. pp. viii-xiv, for list of parallel passages between Hall
and Horace, Juvenal and Persius.
## p. 330 (#352) ############################################
330
London and Popular Literature
But this originality of imitation did not fetter a very living
interest in the questions of his own day. This was an age when all
educated men discussed literary criticism', and Hall devotes the
first book of his satires to these debatable topics. He merely
champions the poetic reaction of the nineties,' when he censures
the insipidity of love poetry, declaring that Cupid has now made
himself a place among the muses, who begin to tolerate stories of
the stews. ' Academic circles, however, must already have been
preparing the way for the Augustan age, when Hall ridicules such
poets as Spenser for compiling 'worm-eaten stories of old time,'
full of invocations and strange enchantments, and when, in a
graphic description of a play-house, he represents ‘Turkish Tam-
berlaine' stalking across the stage, declaiming verses of half
Italianised English, and followed by a 'selfe misformed lout,' who
mimics his gestures, disgraces the tragic muse and sets all his
spectators in a roar? . The second and third books deal with more
general abuses. But the commonplaces of satire gain new force
and directness from the spirit of cultured irony with which Hall
invests them. The time-honoured accusation against the fee-
serving physician3 reappears in the form of a sarcastic com-
mendation". The impostures of astrology are ridiculed by a
maliciously absurd calculation on the issue of a love affairs. We
have the inevitable satire on the gallant, but the form is new.
Ruffio is seen disporting himself in 'Pawles,' “picking his glutted
teeth since late noontide. Yet, on closer inspection, we find that
his face is pinched and his eye sunken, and we realise that the
youth is starving himself to buy clothing, the fantastic embellish-
ments of which give him the appearance of a scarecrow. And
Hall's most perfect piece of workmanship is a mock advertisement
in which a “gentle squire' looks for a “trencher-chaplaine,' and, in
return for abject servility and unremitting toil, offers him 'five
markes and winter liverie? ! '
The first three books of Virgidemiarum are termed 'tooth-
less satires,' because they aim at institutions, customs or con-
ventionalities. The last three are styled 'byting,' since they
attack individuals under pseudonyms which were probably no
a
i Ante, vol. II, bibl. to ch. xiv, p. 526.
3 Sat. III.
As Marlowe in his prologue deprecates the 'conceits' of 'clownage,'
Hall's tirade should be considered as an attack on the actors rather than on the author.
3 Cf. Chaucer's Canterbury Tales and Bullein's Dialogue against the Fever Pestilence,
1584.
4 Bk. 11, Sat. iv.
Ibid. Sat. VII.
6 Bk. III, Sat. VII.
7 Bk. 11, Sat. VI.
## p. 331 (#353) ############################################
Hall's Virgidemiarum 331
disguise to contemporaries. The composition is even more defec-
tive. Some pieces suggest the incoherences and obscurities of the
rough copy. But the future bishop had studied human nature in
the provinces, where a moralist may trace the ravages of a vicious
propensity through all the actions of a man's life. And so, among
the confusions and solecisms of his thought and diction, we find
a few sketches of misspent lives fully charged with mordant
irony. There is the story of old drivelling Lollio, toiling night
and day in poverty and squalor, extracting every groat from the
land, in order that his son may study at the inns of court
and have means to cultivate the dissipated refinements of the
cavalier. The son revels in the pleasures of the capital, where
he is too proud to recognise his father's acquaintances. But, when
visiting his home, he is an object of admiration to the simple
rustics. That is his father's reward. By and bye, the old man
dies, the son succeeds to the property and proves more grasping
than his sire. Hall entitles this sketch Arcades Ambo! . Then
there is Gallio, whose self-indulgence is regulated by an effeminate
regard for his well-being. He is a glutton at heart, but considera-
tions of health keep him from coarser food than plovers' wings.
Others may turn soldier or pirate from lust for blood or hope
of booty. Gallio must pick roses, play tennis and wed in early
adolescence. What though his children be puny? Virginius de-
layed too long and now regrets that he cannot marry? Lastly, there
is the picture of the glittering hall along the roadside. You knock
at the gates but, like Maevius's Italianate poetry, all is showy with-
out but empty within. No smoke comes from the chimneys, the
sign of old-fashioned hospitality. The truth is that hunger and
death are now abroad, and the rich, who should make head against
them, have fled, leaving the poor to bear the brunt.
Although Hall's moral earnestness found few imitators in verse
satire, others were not slow to recognise the possibilities of Juve-
nalian invective as a literary exercise. Edward Guilpin produced
a volume entitled Skialetheia or A Shadowe of Truth (1598), pos-
sibly influenced by Du Bartas's Semaines“, in which he vigorously
protested against the emasculated poetry of his age, and claimed
that satires and epigrams were the only antidote. John Marston,
in the same year, coupled a very erotic poem, The Meta-
morphosis of Pygmalion's Image, with Certaine Satyres, which
were probably composed in haste to keep up with the new
1 Bk. iv, Sat. 11.
2 Ibid. Sat. iv.
* See bibl.
• Translated that year into English by Joshua Sylvester.
## p. 332 (#354) ############################################
332 London and Popular Literature
1
6
trend of literary taste. The work of both writers bears the mark
of academic fabrication. Yet both are unmistakably influenced
by the London around them. These satires are not moral de-
nunciations, but studies in hypocrisy, affectation and compromise
-vices peculiar to urban society—which they illustrate with life-
like silhouettes culled from the court, the ordinary, the street and
the aisle of St Paul's. Marston adds zest to these character
sketches by a literary controversy with Hall, who had satirised him
as Labeo? ; and, next year, abandoning love poetry once for all, he
produced another volume of satires, The Scourge of Villanie
(1599), in which the hypocrisy of the sensualist is exhibited in
its most offensive forms. The tract is memorable for an essay in
criticism' and a 'Dunciad’ combined, in the sixth satire. After in-
geniously accounting for The Metamorphosis of Pygmalion as an
object-lesson against erotic verse, Marston turns on his literary con-
frères, ridiculing the invocations of some, the dreams and visions
of others and the bathos to which the over-inspired descend. The
critics are even more contemptible. When Capro approves, we
know that he has found a line which 'incends his lustful blood';
Muto, the fop, admires what he cannot understand ; Friscus, in
criticising a book, always pretends to recognise passages from
Horace and Juvenal, though he has never read a line of either.
In these and similar productions, scurrility was rapidly becoming
an end and object in itself. The spirit of the Tudor 'flytings,'
which had reappeared in the Marprelate controversy and the
Harvey-Nashe feud, was now taking yet another lease of life
under the stimulating influence of Roman satire. But the licensers
became alarmed at this recrudescence of envy and hatred, and,
before the end of 1599, an order was issued to suppress the
offensive works of Nashe, Harvey, Hall, Guilpin, Marston and
others? However, the edict by no means brought peace and
goodwill into literature. A 'flyting' arose over The Scourge of
Villanie within two years of its suppression, and gladiatorial
combats continued, in the world of letters, to be the recognised
resource of the intellectually unemployed.
But, quite apart from personal animosity, formal satire was
bound to thrive among the upper classes. As we have seen, this
form of classical imitation originated in a reaction from love
poetry, but its subsequent developments were due to a deeper
movement. By the beginning of the seventeenth century, a sense
1 Bk. Ili, Sat. x.
? See bibl. for particulars of the edict.
3 See bibl. under Flytings.
## p. 333 (#355) ############################################
( Humours'
333
of disillusionment was pervading the nation, caused, partly, by the
corruption of the governing classes, and, even more, by the bitter
social and religious antagonisms among the people themselves.
They began to lose faith in high ideals and heroic sentiments, and,
as the passions and deeds of men lost their hold on the imagina-
tion, the petty curiosities and materialised interests, inseparable
from city life, came out of the shadow. Attention was drawn
more and more to the commonplace side of human nature. This
tendency is already noticeable in Nashe, and, by the death of
Elizabeth, the moods and idiosyncrasies of people were becoming
the commonest themes of creative literature. As the physicians
had explained temperament to be dependent on the predominance
of one of the four humours or moistures-phlegm, blood, choler
and melancholy-which pervaded the physiology of man, it became
fashionable to dignify any mental characteristic or even pose with
the name of humour,' and to deem the most miserable affectations
worthy of literary comment!
The debasement of thought was accompanied by a growing
preoccupation in form and style. Seneca's maxim in hoc omnis
hyperbole extenditur ut ad verum mendacio perveniat began to be
universally abused. It will be pointed out elsewhere how this
decadence affected the theatre and caused the unsympathetic and
exaggerated portrayal of types to take the place of the humour
and pathos of incident. But it concerns us to notice here that
this artificiality of sentiment and expression, which caused the
decay of comedy, stimulated an enormous output of tractarian
literature. A vast number of miscellaneous pamphlets began to
appear. They treated the 'humours' of men hardly less effectively
than the theatre, and they offered endless opportunity for experi-
ments in style and classical imitation which the theatre did not
offer.
Juvenalian satire fell under this influence and became a fashion.
A large number of writers wrote in this style with elaborate and
suggestive titles? . Even R. C. , author of The Times Whistle, chose
the decasyllabic couplet as the vehicle for his homilies on such
subjects as atheism, pride, avarice, gluttony and lasciviousness.
His moralisations, like some of George Wither's, are unsuited to
1 Vide Shadwell, The Humourists, Epilogue; Ben Jonson, Every Man out of his
Humour, The Induction and The Magnetic Lady, introduction; John Marston, Scourge
of Villanie, Sat. &; S. Rowlands, The Letting of Humors Blood, Epig. 27; Nym bope-
lessly misuses the word : vide H. B. Wheatley, intro. to Merry Wives, 1886. Also
N. & Q. Ser. x, vol. xi, Feb. 20, 1909.
2 See bibl. under Satire.
## p. 334 (#356) ############################################
334
London and Popular Literature
dramatic form, but so vitalising was the study of London 'humours,'
that, while his denunciations of the more heinous vices are dull to
the extreme, his character sketches of men's weaknesses and
affectations are bright and vivid'.
At the end of the sixteenth century, it was discovered that the
abnormalities and eccentricities of conduct about which men
laughed and talked, rather than waxed indignant, could be best
portrayed by some detached, fragmentary form of composition,
and imitation of the Latin epigram became the rage. This interest
in human peculiarities and oddities dates from the production of
Mery Tales and Quicke Answers, and the new departure in
classicism impoverished the development of the jest-books as well
as of the drama. Even at that period, John Heywood had
embodied this type of anecdote in fragments of rough verse which
his publishers chose to call epigrams? , and Robert Crowley had
issued sallies of moral and social satire under the same name?
But the progress of civilisation and the growth of London had
made character far more complex, and the taste for literary form,
coupled with increasing social intercourse, had prepared men of
culture for the pointed Latin epigram which had already been
refined into a subtle but formidable weapon by the Italians from
the days of Pius II to Leo X (1458—1522). Sir John Harington
and Sir John Davies were among the first who adapted
this type to English uses, and they were followed by Thomas
Bastard (1597), John Weever (1598) and Samuel Rowlands (1600).
After the accession of James, Catullus and Martial were imitated
as frequently as Juvenal, and were preferred by those who realised
that 'humours' were a theme for the witticisms of conversation
rather than for the tirades of a moralist. John Davies of Hereford
was, perhaps, the most typical. In 1610 he brought out The
Scourge of Folly, depicting such social offences as Fuscus's
boorishness", Gorgonius's slovenly appearance", Brunnus's unctuous
manners and Classus's loquacity? . But the epigram, then as
always an offspring of social intercourse, must culminate in a
conceit, and Davies frequently relinquishes the scourging of folly
merely to present a play of paradox or fancy. In parting
company with satire, the epigram came to rely more on the
1 Vide satires Against shamıs' and 'Against pride. '
• See bibl.
3 The One and Thirty Epigrams, 1560.
4 Epig. 8.
* Epig. 101.
21
## p. 322 (#344) ############################################
322 London and Popular Literature
the age. The city was still echoing with the Marprelate contro-
versy, which had been suppressed at the height of the conflict.
But the public had not lost their taste for vituperative literature,
and Nashe, foreseeing opportunities for 'copy' had advertised
himself in Pierce Penilesse as a professional controversialist. In
this capacity, he undoubtedly aspired to imitate Pietro Aretino,
who held all Italy at bay from his one refuge in Venice (1527—57).
Nashe, in order to be sure of rousing an antagonist, followed his
challenge by a personal attack on the two Harveys', who had already
crossed swords with him, and a 'flyting' at once began. In studying
this controversy, it must be remembered that literary duels,
quite apart from personal animosity, had been a quasi-academic
tradition since the days of the medieval Serventois and Jeu-partis.
Dunbar, Kennedy, Montgomerie, Churchyard, Skelton, Alexander
Barclay, Lily the grammarian, James V, David Lyndsay and
Stewart had taken part in ‘flytings? ' But both Nashe and Harvey
were probably more influenced by the classical scholars of the
renascence. Beside Aretino, Poggio had given models of vitu-
perative skill against Felix Anti-papa, Filelfo Vallas and Petrarch.
Julius Caesar Scaliger and Étienne Dolet* had both attacked
Erasmus with the vilest scurrility; and, lastly, Cicero, Harvey's
supreme authority, had proved a past master in the art of invective
against the living and had not spared the dead. Personal resent-
ment was certainly a motive in the Harvey-Nashe controversy;
but private animosity was merged in the class hatred which
the university nourished against the literary adventurers of
London.
Nashe's Apologie of Pierce Pennylesse marks a new stage in
the art of personal abuse. Martin Marprelate had written in the
style of a boisterous monologue, in which his arguments were
enlivened by parentheses, ejaculations and puns. Nashe, un-
doubtedly his imitator, cultivates the same torrential and eccentric
eloquence, but hardly attempts to refute his adversary. He merely
uses him as a canvas on which to display his brilliant ingenuity.
He invents amazing terms of vituperation, whose force is to be
found in their imagery rather than imputation. Harvey is a
a
1 See ante, vol, in, pp. 395, 545.
2 T. Schipper : W. Dunbar, Berlin, 1884. R. Brotanek : Alex. Montgomerie, Vienna
and Leipzig, 1896.
3 Voigt: Die Wiederlebung des classischen Alterthums. Körting: Gesch. der
Literatur Italiens im Zeitalter der Renaissance, 1, p. 388.
+ R. C. Christie : Étienne Dolet, 2nd ed. , 1899.
3 Ante, vol. 11, chap. XVII, pp. 383–5.
:
## p. 323 (#345) ############################################
Christs. Teares over Jerusalem 323
mud-born bubble,' a 'bladder of pride newe blowne,' a 'cotquean
and scrattop of scoldes,' a 'lumpish leaden-heeld letter-dauber,'
a mote-catching carper. ' Sometimes, his antagonist becomes the
occasion for notes and observations in which the original subject
is lost sight of, as in his digression on Roman satire, or on the
adaptability of the hexameter to English. Such exuberant fertility
of fancy and expression was primarily Nashe's innate gift. But
his unceasing efforts at paronomasia betray the influence of such
Italian Latinists as Guarino, and his affectation of figurative para-
phrase is, in its essence, of the kind which the Theophrastians
made fashionable a few years later. But there are other passages
in which his imaginative sarcasm overreaches itself and collapses
in mere buffoonery.
Harvey retaliated with Pierces Supererogation. But the
reply remained unanswered, since Nashe now came forward as
a religious reformer in Christs Teares over Jerusalem (1593), to.
which he prefixed a declaration of peace and goodwill to all men.
Such sudden conversions were not uncommon in an age of conflict
between the traditions of medieval Christianity and the Graeco-
Oriental morality advocated by the classics of the silver age.
Gosson and Rankins both wrote plays before condemning the
immorality of the stage; Anthony Munday is alleged to have
written A Ballad against Plays; John Marston followed the
production of an erotic poem with an attack on licentious verse;
R. Brathwaite, after playing with the toys of fancy, published The
Prodigals Teares: or His fare-well to Vanity (1614); and both
Dekker and Rowlands unexpectedly appear in the guise of mission-
aries. As we have seen in the case of Greene, the ideals of ancient
Rome and of renascent Italy were a treacherous guide among the
temptations of London, and but a sorry consolation in times of
poverty and pestilence. But the taste of the reading public must
have chiefly weighed with these bread-winners. The lower classes
loved the spectacle of a stricken conscience, even in their street
ballads, and the ever-increasing sect of puritans must, by now,
have formed a body of opinion difficult to resist. The booklet
begins with a long paraphrase of Christ's prophecy of the fall of
Jerusalem. Then follows an account of its fulfilment, drawn from
Joseph Ben Gorion'. But it is easy to see that the narrative is
coloured by a national sense of uneasiness. The signs and tokens
· History of the Latter Times of the Jews' Commonweal. Vide McKerrow, Works of
T. Nashe, vol. iv, 1908, p. 212.
21-2
## p. 324 (#346) ############################################
324 London and Popular Literature
which foreshadowed the destruction of the holy city are like the
broadside prodigies? which were circulating throughout England,
and the horrors of the siege recalled the downfall of Antwerp,
still fresh in men's minds? . Nashe pointed to the ruin of
Jerusalem as an object-lesson for London, whose sins, he cried,
were no less ripe for judgment. Thus he introduces an arraign-
ment of city life.
The transformation of society from an aristocracy based on the
subjection of the masses to a monarchy based on the balance
of classes was being accompanied by the development of commerce
and the diffusion of knowledge. The age offered many more prizes
to win, and life in London became a struggle for self-advancement.
Such a period of transition inevitably bred abuses. Men and
women did not scruple about the means they employed to push
their fortunes. The successful spared no ostentation which might
command the respect of their fellows, while the unsuccessful were
filled with envy and discontent. Immorality increased in imita-
tion of Italy, or as a reaction from the restraints of the medieval
church. Finally, in this expansion of the intellectual and social
world, many found the faith of their ancestors insufficient, and
turned to atheism. Such was the society which Nashe denounced
.
in the last part of Christs Teares. The style is still vigorous, but
it has lost its exuberant originality and, in places, approximates to
pulpit oratory. There are a few touches of Nashe's irresistible
satire and an exposure of London stews unparalleled in English
literature. But his attitude is that of a Tudor churchman. Like
Latimer, he anathematises pride as the fundamental vice of the
strenuous, ambitious city life. Like Crowley, he designates all the
necessary and accidental abuses of competition as a violation of
the Biblical law to love one another. But what the booklet loses
in spirit, it gains in thoughtfulness. It is largely an attempt to
examine the social sentiments. Avarice, extortion, vainglory,
atheism, discontent, contention, disdain, love of 'gorgeous attyre,'
delicacy (worldliness), lust or luxury and sloth are all anatomised
and all traced back to pride. In this method of analysis and
synthesis, Nashe evolves a literary process hardly removed from
1 Ante, vol. 111, chap. v, p. 111 and bibl. , p. 494.
2 Cf. The Spoyle of Antwerpe, Faithfully reported by a true Englishman (ie.
G. Gascoigne), Novem. 1576, London, 1577 (? ). The Tragicall Historie of the citie
of Antwerpe since the departure of King Phillip, 1586. A Looking Glasse for London
and England (by R. Greene and T. Lodge), 1594. A Larum for London or the siedge
of Antwerpe, 1602. Dekker's (? ) Canaan's Calamitie, 1598.
## p. 325 (#347) ############################################
Terrors of the Night 325
the essay. Each sin forms a theme of its own, introduced by
a definition. Thus,
vaine glory is any excessive pride or delight which we take in things unneces-
sary; much of the nature is it of ambition but it is not so dangerous or
conversant about so great matters as ambition. It is (as I may call it) the
froth and seething up of ambition.
This play of thought and fancy on familiar ideas, already notice-
able in The Anatomie of Absurditie, illustrates a habit of mind
made familiar to us by Bacon and his school.
But Nashe was not destined to create the essay. He had,
indeed, the sympathy with daily life, the knowledge of character,
and the familiarity with classical wisdom necessary to cultivate
this genre. But he had also to earn his bread and pay his debts.
He could not distil his philosophy into a volume of detached
counsels and reflections, which might slowly win its way. So
he continued to squander his wit, learning and experience in
pamphlets 'botched up and compyled' on the sensations of the
moment.
Thus, in his next production, reflections on Turkey, Iceland,
physiognomy, consumption and Camden hurtle one another in a
counterblast to dream-superstitions. Europe, at this moment,
was agitated with the belief that the devil was regaining his
control over man. His handiwork was being discovered every-
where; old women were witches, cats were spirits or transfigured
men, dreams were messages from hell. The report of a gentleman,
who died after experiencing seven fantastic visions, had just re-
awakened Englishmen's alarm at the unseen perils of sleep and
darkness. Nashe seized this opportunity to compose the Terrors
of the Night. At this time, demonology belonged to the realms
of theological disquisition. Even R. Scot had not escaped the
academic atmosphere, and G. Gifford" and H. Holland” had
recently delivered themselves of treatises unutterably scholastic.
It is a striking illustration of the vitality of popular literature
that Nashe discovered how to burst the bubble of these super-
stitions by sound common sense and sympathetic insight into
human nature. He claims that one thought of faith will put
to flight all the powers of evil, and answers with a volley of
ridicule the dogma of St Chrysostom that the devil can multiply
himself indefinitely. He quotes history to prove that dreams
seldom or never come true unless they are direct intimations from
1 Discourse of the subtile Practises of Devilles, 1587.
? A Treatise against Witchcraft, 1590.
## p. 326 (#348) ############################################
326 London and Popular Literature
6
a
6
God; and he refutes the belief in astrologers from his own experi-
ence of their careers. Most of them, he declares, began as
apothecaries' apprentices and dogleeches, who used to impose on
rustics with ointments and syrups made of toasted cheese and
candle ends. By and bye, some needy gallant hears of their
practices and introduces them to a nobleman on condition of
sharing the profits. Thus, they make their way through the
world, sometimes rising by their counterfeit art to the position of
privy councillor. He disposes of the mystery of dreams, explain-
ing them as after-effects of the day's activity ; 'echoes of our con-
ceipts,' often coloured by sensations felt in sleep, so that the sound
of a dog's bark suggests the 'complaint of damned ghosts' in hell,
and he that is spiced wyth the gowte or the dropsie' dreams of
fetters and manacles. This theory had already been outlined by
Scot', but Nashe surpasses the older controversialist when he
describes the moral terrors of the night. Not only does a guilty
conscience breed 'superstitions as good as an hundred furies, but
the sorrows and anxieties of life have special power, as Bullein
had pointed out? , in the loneliness and gloom of sleep-time.
But Nashe was never again to approach so near the high level
of a moralist. Some more skirmishing took place between him
and Gabriel Harvey in the autumn of 1593 and in 1594%. And
then, in 1596, he produced Have with you to Saffron-Walden, or,
Gabriell Harveys Hunt is up.
This piece of invective is unique in English literature, and it
exhausts the literary resources of the age. To multiply his
ridicule and give scope to his digressions, he borrowed from
comedy and cast the lampoon into the form of a tetralogue, in
which four speakers contribute to criticise Harvey's style and to
make merry over his humble origin. Then ensues a burlesque
biography of the doctor. His conception and birth are narrated
in the manner of Rabelais, and his academic character is travestied
on the model of Pedantius * Nashe creates a truly infernal
picture of the university scholar, absorbed in his own spite:
In the deadest season that might bee, hee lying in the ragingest furie of
the last plague, when there dyde above 1600 a week in London, ink-squitter-
ing and printing against me at Wolfes in Powles churchyard.
1 Discoverie of Witchcraft, 1584, Bk. x.
? Bulwarke of Defence : Booke of Compoundes, fol. liiij.
3 Ante, vol. in, ch. XVII, bibl. , p. 546.
* See ed. Moore Smith (Louvain, 1905) and post, vol. v, the chapter on Academic
Plays.
## p. 327 (#349) ############################################
Lenten Stuffe
327
Neither Nashe nor anyone else expected such accusations to
be taken seriously. But the tract deserves a place in permanent
literature. It is a saturnalia of invective such as only the age
could produce. Nor must we regard this intellect and ingenuity
as altogether wasted in a barren attempt to defame a fellow-
creature. The impeachment was composed for a critical audience,
and, in the effort to attain rhetorical effect, the art of expression
was perceptibly enlarged. Among other features, there is a full-
length portrait of Harvey, executed with a thoroughness of detail
which Mme de Scudéry might have envied, and the character of
an intelligencer which the Overbury collection never surpassed.
Nashe passed through two years of adversity, and then
reappeared in 1599 with Lenten Stuffe. This pamphlet is an
ambitious attempt to 'wring juice out of a flint’: to heighten his
humour by extracting it from unproductive material, and he
succeeds in uniting many of the lighter types of prose literature
in a single pamphlet. He begins by introducing a personal note
telling the public of his literary difficulties and financial em-
barrassments. These led him to leave London. In return for the
hospitality which he enjoyed at Yarmouth, he recounts the history
of that town (drawn from Camden) in a fine spirit of pageantry,
trumpeting its origin and development 'as I have scrapped out of
worm-eaten Parchments. He then treats his readers to a speci-
men of burlesque encomium, such as the Romans, Italians and
especially the German anti-Grobianists, had made popular",
working up an eulogy on the herring fisheries, not forgetting
their services to Lent (hence the title). The Prayse of the
Red Herring soon develops into a kind of jest-book. But the
tales and anecdotes no longer turn on the humiliation of
monks or the 'quicke answers' of wenches? . Nashe wittily
parodies the legends of antiquity and adapts them to the
glorification of this homely fish. How the fable of Midas, who
turned everything to gold, originated from the fact that he
ate a red herring. How Leander and Hero (after a burlesque
account of their adventures, in Nashe's best manner) were con-
verted into fish-the youth to a ling, the maiden to a Cadwallader
herring and the old nurse, who had a sharp temper, into the
mustard which always accompanies them at table. The curing of
the herring was discovered in a manner suggestive of Charles
1 Vide C. H. Herford, The Literary Relations of England and Germany, chap. VII,
pp. 381--3. Also bibl. under Burlesque Encomia.
* Cf. A C. Mery Talys, Merie Tales of Master Skelton, The Geystes of Skoggan.
## p. 328 (#350) ############################################
328 London and Popular Literature
6
Lamb's roast pig, and the first red herring was sold to the pope
by methods reminiscent of the sibyl's sale of the prophetic books.
But, besides a sense of the romance of history, and an ingenious
appropriation of classical lore, there is an unmistakable love for
the sea and sympathy with the rough, simple life of seamen.
In one place, he tells how 'boystrous woolpacks of ridged tides
came rowling in. ? Again, he describes the cobbles which skim
'flightswift thorow the glassy fieldes of Thetis as if it were the land
of yce, and sliding over the boiling desert so earely and never
bruise one bubble of it. ' And he talks of these frostbitten crab-
tree faced lads, spunne out of the hards of the towe. '
Yet, Lenten Stuffe never enjoyed the popularity of Pierce
Penilesse. With all its cleverness and narrative power, the tract
did not gratify the Londoner's interest in city life. This taste for
realistic satire and humour continually increased and tended every
year to number more educated men within its ranks. At the same
time, court circles began to grow weary of Euphuism, and to prefer
discussing their fellow-creatures rather than indulging in the
apostrophes and soliloquies of prose romances' or such poems as
Ovid's Elegies? and Venus and Adonis.
These two elements com-
bined to form an upper stratum in the general reading public.
'Select' persons lived in the same city as ordinary members of the
middle classes, and were attracted by the same phenomena. But
they were more fastidiously critical, and they looked more uncom-
promisingly for the stamp of classicism in any publication of which
they were to approves. Even Sir John Harington's Rabelaisian
descents into the secrets of cloacinean burlesque (1596) are illu-
minated with bookish allusions and classical quotations. The school
of pamphleteers who had formerly secured patronage with erotic
poetry now followed, perforce, the new tendency. Thomas Lodge set
the example, in 1595, by producing a slim volume of verse eclogues
and satires, and, with a show of self-assertion made fashionable by
Nashe, he entitled the venture A Fig for Momus.
Verse satire had flourished throughout the sixteenth century,
and, in many instances, developed individual portraiture under
the guise of types. Within the last fifty years, Crowley's One and
Thirty Epigrams (1550), Bansley's Pryde and Abuse of Women
6
* Ante, vol. II, ch. XVI.
3 Marlowe.
3 Note the condescension of Peacham : Compleat Gentleman, . There is no book 80
bad, even Sir Bevis himselfe, Owleglasse, or Nashe's herring, but some commodity may
be got out of it. '
4 See bibl. under Miscellaneous Burlesques.
## p. 329 (#351) ############################################
box
FI
PX
de
PP
Rise of Formal Satire 329
(1550), Hake’s Newes out of Poules Churcheyarde (1567) and
Gosson's Quippes for Upstart Gentlewomen (1596) had covered the
most prominent abuses of the time and kept pace with the growing
spirit of puritan censoriousness. But Lodge ignored their example
and revived the new genre which Wyatt' had introduced, almost
unobserved, into English literature: the avowed imitation and
occasional paraphrase of classical models. He chose Horace for
his satirical prototype; but, attempting to copy the Roman's genial
discursiveness, he merely gave the public ten dull, ill-constructed
satires and epistles, mingled with a few Vergilian eclogues. And
yet A Fig for Momus is important. Wyatt was before his time
and, moreover, confined his animadversions to the court, in a
difficult metre borrowed from the Italian. Lodge's production is
as miscellaneous and bookish as a volume of essays. Moreover, he
made current the use of pseudonymous allusion, and, while
Gascoigne had rather unsuccessfully experimented in blank verse,
he demonstrated that classical satire could be most effectively
written in the decasyllabic couplet.
In 1597, Joseph Hall, then a young fellow of Emmanuel college,
claimed the honour of being the first English satirist with
Virgidemiarum. It is possible that Hall's satires existed in
manuscript as early as 1591, and, again, it is just conceivable that
he was unacquainted with the work of Wyatt, Gascoigne, Donne
and Lodges. But, in any case, the boast of originality was partly
justified, inasmuch as Hall discovered Juvenal as the true model
for Elizabethan and Jacobean satire. In the hands of Horace, the
Roman Satura was little more than a series of desultory conver-
sations, dominated by an unembittered scepticism of human
activities. Juvenal, however, was a rhetorician, who devoted a life's
training in oratory to the task of making out a case against society.
As such, his satires have all the uncompromising sweep of an
indictment and are enforced with every artifice of arrangement
and expression. Both his systematic thoroughness and his aggres-
sive indignation, though largely a pose, were adapted to this
contentious age, and Hall may fairly claim to be the first who
reproduced his method and spirit in English verse“.
72
inte
A
1 Ante, vol. 11, chap. vi. For popular satirists, see ibid. chap. v.
? Sat. v, however, is an imitation of Juvenal x, and a forerunner of The Vanity
of Human Wishes.
3 Vide A. B. Grosart, Occasional Issues, vol. 1x, 1879; Bp. Hall's Complete Poems,
intro. , pp. vi-viii.
* Vide A. B. Grosart, ibid. pp. viii-xiv, for list of parallel passages between Hall
and Horace, Juvenal and Persius.
## p. 330 (#352) ############################################
330
London and Popular Literature
But this originality of imitation did not fetter a very living
interest in the questions of his own day. This was an age when all
educated men discussed literary criticism', and Hall devotes the
first book of his satires to these debatable topics. He merely
champions the poetic reaction of the nineties,' when he censures
the insipidity of love poetry, declaring that Cupid has now made
himself a place among the muses, who begin to tolerate stories of
the stews. ' Academic circles, however, must already have been
preparing the way for the Augustan age, when Hall ridicules such
poets as Spenser for compiling 'worm-eaten stories of old time,'
full of invocations and strange enchantments, and when, in a
graphic description of a play-house, he represents ‘Turkish Tam-
berlaine' stalking across the stage, declaiming verses of half
Italianised English, and followed by a 'selfe misformed lout,' who
mimics his gestures, disgraces the tragic muse and sets all his
spectators in a roar? . The second and third books deal with more
general abuses. But the commonplaces of satire gain new force
and directness from the spirit of cultured irony with which Hall
invests them. The time-honoured accusation against the fee-
serving physician3 reappears in the form of a sarcastic com-
mendation". The impostures of astrology are ridiculed by a
maliciously absurd calculation on the issue of a love affairs. We
have the inevitable satire on the gallant, but the form is new.
Ruffio is seen disporting himself in 'Pawles,' “picking his glutted
teeth since late noontide. Yet, on closer inspection, we find that
his face is pinched and his eye sunken, and we realise that the
youth is starving himself to buy clothing, the fantastic embellish-
ments of which give him the appearance of a scarecrow. And
Hall's most perfect piece of workmanship is a mock advertisement
in which a “gentle squire' looks for a “trencher-chaplaine,' and, in
return for abject servility and unremitting toil, offers him 'five
markes and winter liverie? ! '
The first three books of Virgidemiarum are termed 'tooth-
less satires,' because they aim at institutions, customs or con-
ventionalities. The last three are styled 'byting,' since they
attack individuals under pseudonyms which were probably no
a
i Ante, vol. II, bibl. to ch. xiv, p. 526.
3 Sat. III.
As Marlowe in his prologue deprecates the 'conceits' of 'clownage,'
Hall's tirade should be considered as an attack on the actors rather than on the author.
3 Cf. Chaucer's Canterbury Tales and Bullein's Dialogue against the Fever Pestilence,
1584.
4 Bk. 11, Sat. iv.
Ibid. Sat. VII.
6 Bk. III, Sat. VII.
7 Bk. 11, Sat. VI.
## p. 331 (#353) ############################################
Hall's Virgidemiarum 331
disguise to contemporaries. The composition is even more defec-
tive. Some pieces suggest the incoherences and obscurities of the
rough copy. But the future bishop had studied human nature in
the provinces, where a moralist may trace the ravages of a vicious
propensity through all the actions of a man's life. And so, among
the confusions and solecisms of his thought and diction, we find
a few sketches of misspent lives fully charged with mordant
irony. There is the story of old drivelling Lollio, toiling night
and day in poverty and squalor, extracting every groat from the
land, in order that his son may study at the inns of court
and have means to cultivate the dissipated refinements of the
cavalier. The son revels in the pleasures of the capital, where
he is too proud to recognise his father's acquaintances. But, when
visiting his home, he is an object of admiration to the simple
rustics. That is his father's reward. By and bye, the old man
dies, the son succeeds to the property and proves more grasping
than his sire. Hall entitles this sketch Arcades Ambo! . Then
there is Gallio, whose self-indulgence is regulated by an effeminate
regard for his well-being. He is a glutton at heart, but considera-
tions of health keep him from coarser food than plovers' wings.
Others may turn soldier or pirate from lust for blood or hope
of booty. Gallio must pick roses, play tennis and wed in early
adolescence. What though his children be puny? Virginius de-
layed too long and now regrets that he cannot marry? Lastly, there
is the picture of the glittering hall along the roadside. You knock
at the gates but, like Maevius's Italianate poetry, all is showy with-
out but empty within. No smoke comes from the chimneys, the
sign of old-fashioned hospitality. The truth is that hunger and
death are now abroad, and the rich, who should make head against
them, have fled, leaving the poor to bear the brunt.
Although Hall's moral earnestness found few imitators in verse
satire, others were not slow to recognise the possibilities of Juve-
nalian invective as a literary exercise. Edward Guilpin produced
a volume entitled Skialetheia or A Shadowe of Truth (1598), pos-
sibly influenced by Du Bartas's Semaines“, in which he vigorously
protested against the emasculated poetry of his age, and claimed
that satires and epigrams were the only antidote. John Marston,
in the same year, coupled a very erotic poem, The Meta-
morphosis of Pygmalion's Image, with Certaine Satyres, which
were probably composed in haste to keep up with the new
1 Bk. iv, Sat. 11.
2 Ibid. Sat. iv.
* See bibl.
• Translated that year into English by Joshua Sylvester.
## p. 332 (#354) ############################################
332 London and Popular Literature
1
6
trend of literary taste. The work of both writers bears the mark
of academic fabrication. Yet both are unmistakably influenced
by the London around them. These satires are not moral de-
nunciations, but studies in hypocrisy, affectation and compromise
-vices peculiar to urban society—which they illustrate with life-
like silhouettes culled from the court, the ordinary, the street and
the aisle of St Paul's. Marston adds zest to these character
sketches by a literary controversy with Hall, who had satirised him
as Labeo? ; and, next year, abandoning love poetry once for all, he
produced another volume of satires, The Scourge of Villanie
(1599), in which the hypocrisy of the sensualist is exhibited in
its most offensive forms. The tract is memorable for an essay in
criticism' and a 'Dunciad’ combined, in the sixth satire. After in-
geniously accounting for The Metamorphosis of Pygmalion as an
object-lesson against erotic verse, Marston turns on his literary con-
frères, ridiculing the invocations of some, the dreams and visions
of others and the bathos to which the over-inspired descend. The
critics are even more contemptible. When Capro approves, we
know that he has found a line which 'incends his lustful blood';
Muto, the fop, admires what he cannot understand ; Friscus, in
criticising a book, always pretends to recognise passages from
Horace and Juvenal, though he has never read a line of either.
In these and similar productions, scurrility was rapidly becoming
an end and object in itself. The spirit of the Tudor 'flytings,'
which had reappeared in the Marprelate controversy and the
Harvey-Nashe feud, was now taking yet another lease of life
under the stimulating influence of Roman satire. But the licensers
became alarmed at this recrudescence of envy and hatred, and,
before the end of 1599, an order was issued to suppress the
offensive works of Nashe, Harvey, Hall, Guilpin, Marston and
others? However, the edict by no means brought peace and
goodwill into literature. A 'flyting' arose over The Scourge of
Villanie within two years of its suppression, and gladiatorial
combats continued, in the world of letters, to be the recognised
resource of the intellectually unemployed.
But, quite apart from personal animosity, formal satire was
bound to thrive among the upper classes. As we have seen, this
form of classical imitation originated in a reaction from love
poetry, but its subsequent developments were due to a deeper
movement. By the beginning of the seventeenth century, a sense
1 Bk. Ili, Sat. x.
? See bibl. for particulars of the edict.
3 See bibl. under Flytings.
## p. 333 (#355) ############################################
( Humours'
333
of disillusionment was pervading the nation, caused, partly, by the
corruption of the governing classes, and, even more, by the bitter
social and religious antagonisms among the people themselves.
They began to lose faith in high ideals and heroic sentiments, and,
as the passions and deeds of men lost their hold on the imagina-
tion, the petty curiosities and materialised interests, inseparable
from city life, came out of the shadow. Attention was drawn
more and more to the commonplace side of human nature. This
tendency is already noticeable in Nashe, and, by the death of
Elizabeth, the moods and idiosyncrasies of people were becoming
the commonest themes of creative literature. As the physicians
had explained temperament to be dependent on the predominance
of one of the four humours or moistures-phlegm, blood, choler
and melancholy-which pervaded the physiology of man, it became
fashionable to dignify any mental characteristic or even pose with
the name of humour,' and to deem the most miserable affectations
worthy of literary comment!
The debasement of thought was accompanied by a growing
preoccupation in form and style. Seneca's maxim in hoc omnis
hyperbole extenditur ut ad verum mendacio perveniat began to be
universally abused. It will be pointed out elsewhere how this
decadence affected the theatre and caused the unsympathetic and
exaggerated portrayal of types to take the place of the humour
and pathos of incident. But it concerns us to notice here that
this artificiality of sentiment and expression, which caused the
decay of comedy, stimulated an enormous output of tractarian
literature. A vast number of miscellaneous pamphlets began to
appear. They treated the 'humours' of men hardly less effectively
than the theatre, and they offered endless opportunity for experi-
ments in style and classical imitation which the theatre did not
offer.
Juvenalian satire fell under this influence and became a fashion.
A large number of writers wrote in this style with elaborate and
suggestive titles? . Even R. C. , author of The Times Whistle, chose
the decasyllabic couplet as the vehicle for his homilies on such
subjects as atheism, pride, avarice, gluttony and lasciviousness.
His moralisations, like some of George Wither's, are unsuited to
1 Vide Shadwell, The Humourists, Epilogue; Ben Jonson, Every Man out of his
Humour, The Induction and The Magnetic Lady, introduction; John Marston, Scourge
of Villanie, Sat. &; S. Rowlands, The Letting of Humors Blood, Epig. 27; Nym bope-
lessly misuses the word : vide H. B. Wheatley, intro. to Merry Wives, 1886. Also
N. & Q. Ser. x, vol. xi, Feb. 20, 1909.
2 See bibl. under Satire.
## p. 334 (#356) ############################################
334
London and Popular Literature
dramatic form, but so vitalising was the study of London 'humours,'
that, while his denunciations of the more heinous vices are dull to
the extreme, his character sketches of men's weaknesses and
affectations are bright and vivid'.
At the end of the sixteenth century, it was discovered that the
abnormalities and eccentricities of conduct about which men
laughed and talked, rather than waxed indignant, could be best
portrayed by some detached, fragmentary form of composition,
and imitation of the Latin epigram became the rage. This interest
in human peculiarities and oddities dates from the production of
Mery Tales and Quicke Answers, and the new departure in
classicism impoverished the development of the jest-books as well
as of the drama. Even at that period, John Heywood had
embodied this type of anecdote in fragments of rough verse which
his publishers chose to call epigrams? , and Robert Crowley had
issued sallies of moral and social satire under the same name?
But the progress of civilisation and the growth of London had
made character far more complex, and the taste for literary form,
coupled with increasing social intercourse, had prepared men of
culture for the pointed Latin epigram which had already been
refined into a subtle but formidable weapon by the Italians from
the days of Pius II to Leo X (1458—1522). Sir John Harington
and Sir John Davies were among the first who adapted
this type to English uses, and they were followed by Thomas
Bastard (1597), John Weever (1598) and Samuel Rowlands (1600).
After the accession of James, Catullus and Martial were imitated
as frequently as Juvenal, and were preferred by those who realised
that 'humours' were a theme for the witticisms of conversation
rather than for the tirades of a moralist. John Davies of Hereford
was, perhaps, the most typical. In 1610 he brought out The
Scourge of Folly, depicting such social offences as Fuscus's
boorishness", Gorgonius's slovenly appearance", Brunnus's unctuous
manners and Classus's loquacity? . But the epigram, then as
always an offspring of social intercourse, must culminate in a
conceit, and Davies frequently relinquishes the scourging of folly
merely to present a play of paradox or fancy. In parting
company with satire, the epigram came to rely more on the
1 Vide satires Against shamıs' and 'Against pride. '
• See bibl.
3 The One and Thirty Epigrams, 1560.
4 Epig. 8.
* Epig. 101.
