No More Learning

The
triumph of Cromwell, the proud position which England occupied in
Europe during his protectorate, left however hardly any hope that
the rebellious nation would ever acknowledge the errors of her ways;
and lo! in a moment, without any effort on his part, without any
struggle, the dead king's son resumed his rights, and every one who
had been in arms against him lay prostrate at his feet. The same
nation that had rebelled against the levying of the "ship money"
and the proceedings of the Star Chamber allowed Charles II. almost
as absolute an authority as ever the King of France possessed. Once
cured of her political errors, was England not to be soon cured of
her theological errors? After repenting her rebellion against the
King, was she not to repent her rebellion against the Pope? Such
were the questions which Bossuet, which the whole of France, began
to ask. Or rather, these were to them no longer questions: the
people of France began to look across the Channel with confident


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2212
JACQUES BÉNIGNE BOSSUET
expectation of a religious counter-revolution. The collapse of the
Commonwealth could not but be followed by the collapse of the
Reformation.
When Louis XIV. , after Cardinal Mazarin's death, took in his own
hands the management of the affairs of the State; when the marriage
of the brilliant Henrietta of England with the Duke of Orleans made
the sister of the English King a sister-in-law to the King of France;
when triumph after triumph on the field of war, of diplomacy, of
literature, of art, added to the power and glory of France, which
had never swerved in her allegiance either to King or Church, — the
feeling grew that only in unity of Faith, Law, and King were truth
and prosperity to be found by nations. The saying "Une foi, une
loi, un roi" (one faith, one law, one king), which may be said to
sum up Bossuet's religious, social, and political beliefs, seemed to all
an incontrovertible and self-evident axiom.
-
These were the times when Bossuet's utterances grew in power
and magnificence. He was heard in a number of Parisian churches;
he was heard at court, where he several times was appointed preacher
either for Advent or Lent; he delivered panegyrics of saints, and
was called upon to eulogize in death those who had held the highest
rank in life. He had just delivered the most splendid and the most
touching of his funeral orations, those on Henrietta of France, widow
of Charles I. of England (November 16th, 1669), and less than a year
later, on her unfortunate daughter, Henrietta of England, Duchess
of Orleans (August 21st, 1670), when the King, at the request of the
upright Duke de Montausier, called him to court from the bishopric
of Condom to which he had been raised, and intrusted to him the
education of his son and heir-apparent, the Dauphin of France.
Bossuet's royal pupil never reigned. He died in 1711, four years
before his father's death: and it must be admitted that during the
thirty-one years that elapsed between the moment when he came out
of Bossuet's hands and the end of his life, he gave no evidence of
being anything except a very commonplace sort of a man. No such
halo surrounds him as surrounds his unfortunate son, the Duke of
Burgundy, whose death two years after that of the Dauphin was
mourned as a public calamity. Whether Bossuet's failure to make
a great prince out of the Dauphin was due to a faulty system of
education or to the unresponsive nature of the pupil, can hardly be
considered to-day a matter of great interest. But French literature
was certainly the gainer by the appointment of Bossuet to the post
of tutor to the Prince. Three of his most remarkable works-his
'Discourse upon Universal History,' his Policy according to the
Holy Writ,' and his Treatise on the Knowledge of God and Man'-
were written especially for the Dauphin, and read by him as text-
books a long time before their publication. The opening sentence of
-


## p. 2213 (#411) ###########################################

JACQUES BÉNIGNE BOSSUET
2213
the 'Discourse' tells us clearly the author's purpose: "Were history
useless to other men, it would still be necessary to have it studied
by princes. "
In 1680 Bossuet left the Dauphin, who then married a Bavarian
princess, and one year later he was called to the bishopric of Meaux.
Louis XIV. was then taking steps leading to the important and fatal
venture by which three years later he repealed the Edict of Nantes,
and forbade the existence in France of the Protestant religion. No
one can deny Bossuet's share in determining the king to follow a pol-
icy so fatal to the interests of France, but at the same time so much
in accord with the views of Rome. A natural outcome would have
been the raising of Bossuet, who was certainly then the greatest ora-
tor, the greatest writer, and the greatest theologian in the Catholic
clergy, to the Cardinalate. Still Bossuet was never a cardinal.
The explanation lies in Bossuet's conduct in the year 1682. The
King of France in that year called together a General Assembly of
the clergy of France, a kind of National Council. His object was to
have the clergy assert its national character, and to state that in
civil matters it was subject not to the Pope, but to the King. The
various statements to that effect constitute what is known as 'The
Liberties of the Gallican Church. ' The statements were adopted
after being drafted by Bossuet, who had at the opening of the ses-
sions delivered before the Assembly his celebrated 'Sermon on the
Unity of the Church,' the main part of which is an eloquent defense
of the above-stated views. France was too powerful then for the see
of Rome not to yield, but no favors were thenceforth to be expected
for the spokesman of the French national clergy.
Still the great divine continued his efforts, and in 1688 he put
forth the most complete and masterly exposition of his beliefs, his
'History of the Variations of the Protestant Churches. ' The Revo-
lution of 1688-89 in England did not in the least, sad though it
seemed, weaken his faith in the ultimate triumph of Catholicism. In
France at that time the English revolution was not considered an
assertion by the people of political and religious rights, but the
carrying out of a detestable family conspiracy of a daughter and
son-in-law with their father's enemy. This better than anything else
explains the hatred which was harbored against William III. , and
which found expression in the works even of as free-minded a writer
as La Bruyère. It is during the period of the fiercest struggle
between Louis XIV. and William III. that Bossuet carried on with
the German philosopher Leibnitz a series of negotiations, the object
of which was the return to Catholicism of Protestant Germany. We
need hardly state that the negotiations utterly failed.
In another controversy which occupied Bossuet's last years he was
entirely successful. The most eloquent of his disciples, Fénélon, then


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2214
JACQUES BÉNIGNE BOSSUET
Archbishop of Cambrai, seemed to him to have fallen into dangerous
errors. He had adopted the mystic doctrine of Quietism, which had
been made known to him first by an erratic woman, Madame Guyon.
Bossuet determined that the eloquent archbishop must be compelled
to recant. A number of works were published by him in support of
his position, the most important one being his 'Relation on Quiet-
ism'; and he did not rest until the Pope had condemned his rival,
and Fénélon had submitted to censure in his own cathedral at Cam-
brai. Some accuse Bossuet of too much harshness in the contest.
The Pope himself was reported to have said, "The Archbishop of
Cambrai sinned by too much love of God, the Bishop of Meaux by
too little love of his fellow-man. "
Bossuet was then a very old man, but neither growing age nor
the care that he took of what he considered the general interests of
Catholic Christianity ever kept him from giving the closest attention
to the spiritual government of his flock. He was a model bishop.
He died April 12th, 1704, aged seventy-six years, six months, and
sixteen days.
Bossuet was a very prolific writer. In the best edition, that of
Abbé Caron, begun in Versailles in 1815, his writings fill not less
than forty-one volumes. But it must be stated at once that a great
deal of this production belongs decidedly more to theology than to
French literature. Some of it is not even in French, but in Latin;
for instance, Bossuet's letter to the Pope on the subject of the edu-
cation of the Dauphin. Although in French, such works as the
Treatise on Communion' or the 'Explanation of John the Baptist's
Revelation' are decidedly outside the pale of literature, as the word
is usually understood. We shall mention here only those works of
Bossuet which, by virtue of their perfect form and the accessibility
of the subject to the general reader, are to this day more or less
familiar to the best educated people in France.
The first to be mentioned among these are the 'Sermons,' the
'Funeral Orations,' and the Discourse upon Universal History. '
Bossuet's sermons undoubtedly were among his most perfect pro-
ductions. He was a born orator; his majestic bearing, his melodious
and powerful voice, his noble gestures, made the magnificent sen-
tences, the beautiful and striking imagery of his speeches, doubly
impressive. Unfortunately, with only a few exceptions Bossuet's ser-
mons have reached us in a very imperfect form. He did not, as a
rule, fully write them, and the art of taking down verbatim the
utterances of public speakers had not yet been invented. The ser-
mon On the Unity of the Church' we possess because Bossuet
had committed it to writing before delivering it; other impressive
sermons, those on 'Death,' on the Conversion of the Sinner,' on
<Providence,' on the 'Duties of Kings,' etc. , have reached us in a
(


## p. 2215 (#413) ###########################################

JACQUES BÉNIGNE BOSSUET
2215
sufficiently correct form to give us an idea of Bossuet's eloquence:
but the reader who really wishes to know the great sacred orator
of Louis XIV. 's reign had better turn at once to the Funeral Ora-
tions. '
Bossuet's funeral orations were prepared with great care. They
were delivered as a rule several months after the death of the per-
son to be eulogized, as part of a religious ceremony in which a mass
was said for the repose of his soul.
Bossuet delivered eleven funeral orations, one of which - that of
Anne of Austria, widow of Louis XIII. and mother of Louis XIV,—
is lost. Of the other ten, four are youthful productions and deal
with people of comparatively small importance. Six remain that are
known as the great funeral orations, and they were delivered between
November 16th, 1669, and March 10th, 1687. They are those on
Henrietta of France, Queen of England; Henrietta of England,
Duchess of Orleans; Maria Theresa of Spain, Queen of France; Anne
of Gonzaga and Clèves, Princess of the Palatinate; Michel Le Tellier,
High Chancellor of France; and Louis de Bourbon, Prince of Condé.
The most remarkable of these are the first two and the last one.
In the funeral oration on Henrietta of France, Bossuet had just the
kind of subject which he was best fitted to treat, and it must be
considered his masterpiece. It presents in magnificent style, in
pompous development, a complete exposition of his historical and
political theories, together with a strikingly vivid account of the
great English rebellion. His portraits of Charles I. and Oliver Crom-
well-the one, of course, altogether too enthusiastic, the other too
- stand out in as bold relief as the paintings of Van Dyck or
Velasquez. His theory of revolutions, which he considers the punish-
ments inflicted by God upon sovereigns for violations of His law, is
presented with a wealth of illustrations which was simply overwhelm-
ing for the audience that listened to it. It remains to this day one
of the most plausible, as it will remain forever one of the most elo-
quent pieces of historical and theological reasoning.
-
severe
In the funeral oration on Henrietta of England we find little of
history, still less of politics. Here we have a domestic catastrophe
of appalling suddenness: a brilliant woman, the worshiped centre of
the most brilliant court, one to whom the speaker himself was most
tenderly attached, so abruptly snatched away by death that the
suspicion of foul play at once arose and has not to this day been en-
tirely dispelled. Nowhere has Bossuet, nor perhaps any other orator,
so powerfully depicted the uncertainty of everything human. The
closeness with which he treated his subjects is well illustrated by an
anecdote that is connected with this oration. Only two or three
hours before her death, when already conscious of her desperate
position, the unfortunate princess had directed that an emerald ring


## p. 2216 (#414) ###########################################

2216
JACQUES BÉNIGNE BOSSUET
of hers should be after her death handed to the great preacher.
"What a pity," he was told, "that such an incident cannot find place
in a funeral oration! "-"Why not? " he answered. When he deliv-
ered the oration, the emerald ring was on one of the fingers of his
right hand; and when speaking of the princess's virtues and charm-
ing qualities, he alluded to the art of giving, in which she signally
excelled. "And this art,” he went on, “never deserted her, not even,
I know it, in the throes of death," at the same time raising his right
hand and placing the precious jewel in full view of the audience.
-
The funeral oration on the Prince de Condé shows us how he
triumphed over difficulties. He was a warm friend and ardent ad-
mirer of the Prince, and at the same time a devoted subject of the
King, rebellion against whom he considered a very grievous sin. Yet
the Prince had for years been a rebel against the King during the
wars of the Fronde, and had continued in the ranks of the hostile
Spaniards even after all the other rebels had submitted to the royal
authority. After conducting his narrative down to the time when the
Prince, still a faithful subject, was unjustly imprisoned by order of
Cardinal Mazarin, — "And," he goes on, since I have to speak of
these things over which I would fain keep eternally silent, until this
fatal imprisonment he had not even dreamed that anything could be
attempted against the State. . . This is what made him say
(I certainly can repeat here, before these altars, the words I received
from his lips, since they so clearly show the bottom of his heart) —
he said then, speaking of this unfortunate prison, that he had entered
it the most innocent, and had left it the guiltiest of men. " Nearly
the whole of this oration is devoted to history; it teems with brilliant
passages, the most famous of which is the narrative of the Prince's
first victory, the battle of Rocroi, in 1643.
Thoughtful readers seldom pass by the funeral oration on Anne
of Gonzaga. It forms a curious incident in Bossuet's life. The great
preacher's most striking fault was a lack of energy in his dealings
with royal characters. "He lacks bones," some one said of him: and
thus when his enemies so intrigued as to have him required to
eulogize from the pulpit the erratic princess, who had been a polit-
ical intriguer and the heroine of many scandals before repentance
took hold of her, he lacked the courage to decline the doubtful honor.
But in the pulpit, or whenever the priest had to appear, and not
simply the man, his better manhood, pure and commanding, at once
took the upper hand; and so, facing his critics, "My discourse,"
he said, "which perhaps you think you are to judge, will judge you
when the last day comes; and if you do not depart hence better
Christians, you will depart hence guiltier men! "
With the funeral orations one might mention another series of
religious discourses not strikingly different from them, — the pane-
―――――


## p. 2217 (#415) ###########################################

JACQUES BÉNIGNE BOSSUET
2217
gyrics of saints, of which twenty have been preserved, that of Saint
Paul being indisputably the best.
The 'Discourse upon Universal History,' which was originally
written for the Dauphin, is a masterly attempt to give a philosophical
explanation of the facts of history, beginning with the Biblical
account of the Creation, and ending with the assumption by Charle-
magne of the imperial crown in 800 A. D. It is divided into three
parts: The Epochs; Religion; the Empires. The first part contains
the significance of twelve events considered by Bossuet as epoch-
making: the Creation, the Flood, the calling of Abraham, Moses and
the giving of the Law, the taking of Troy, the building of the Tem-
ple of Solomon, the foundation of Rome, Cyrus and the re-establish-
ment of Hebrew nationality, the defeat of Carthage, the birth of
Christ, the triumph of the Church under Constantine, the re-estab-
lishment of the Empire with Charlemagne.
The second part, which contains thirty-one chapters, has a two-
fold object: to demonstrate that the coming of Christ is clearly fore-
told in the Old Testament, and that the Roman Catholic Church is
the only faithful representative of true Christianity. The third part
is less theological. It is an attempt to explain the facts of history,
at least partially, by a study of the various influences to which the
different nations have been subjected. The general purpose of the
whole work is best explained by the last chapter of this third part,
the title of which is: Conclusion of the whole Discourse, in which is
shown that all events must be ascribed to a Divine Providence.
Next to the above works we must mention the History of the
Variations of the Protestant Churches,' partly a work of theological
controversy, but partly also a brilliant exposition, from a strictly
Catholic point of view, of the history of the Reformation. It con-
tains a portrait of Luther which is almost worthy to be compared
with that of Cromwell in the funeral oration on Henrietta of France.
The only other works of Bossuet that we would mention here
are two admirable devotional works, the Meditations upon the Gos-
pel,' and the Contemplations on the Mysteries of the Catholic
Religion,' the latter a clear and concise but now superannuated
treatise on philosophy; the Treatise on the Knowledge of God and
Man,' a very curious and eloquent and at the same time thoroughly
Biblical treatise on theocratic policy; 'Policy according to the Holy
Writ'; and finally his 'Relation on Quietism,' which shows what
hard blows he could, when thoroughly aroused, deal to a somewhat
disingenuous opponent.
Adolphe Cha


## p. 2218 (#416) ###########################################

2218
JACQUES BÉNIGNE BOSSUET
FROM THE SERMON UPON THE UNITY OF THE CHURCH'
WHE
HEN the time had come at which the Roman Empire of the
West was to collapse and Gaul was to become France,
God did not allow such a noble part of Christendom to
remain long under idolatrous princes; and wishing to hand over
to the kings of the French the keeping of his Church, which he
had formerly intrusted to the emperors, he gave not to France
only, but to the whole Western world, a new Constantine in the
person of Clovis. The miraculous victory which he sent from
heaven to each of these two princes in their wars was a pledge
of his love, and the glorious inducement which attracted them to
Christianity. Faith triumphed, and the warlike nation of the
Franks knew that the God of Clotilda was the true God of
armies.
Then Saint Remi saw that by placing the kings of France
and their people in the bosom of Jesus Christ, he had given to
the Church a set of invincible protectors. This great saint, this
new Samuel called to anoint the kings, anointed these, in his own
words, "to be the perpetual defender of the Church and the
poor": a worthy object for royalty to pursue. After teaching
them how to make churches flourish and populations thrive
(believe ye that he himself is now speaking to you, as I only
recite the fatherly words of this apostle of the French), day and
night he prayed to God that they should persevere in His faith
and reign according to the rules he had given them; assuring
them at the same time that in enlarging their kingdom they
would enlarge the kingdom of Christ, and that if they faithfully
kept the laws he prescribed in the name of God, the empire of
Rome would be given to them, so that from the kings of France
would issue Emperors worthy of that title, through whom Christ
would reign.
Such were the blessings which a thousand and a thousand
times the great Saint Remi poured upon the French and their
kings, whom he always called his dear children; unceasingly
praising God for his kindness, because, with a view to strengthen
the incipient faith of this God-blessed nation, he had deigned,
through his own sinner's hands (these are his own words), to
repeat, before the eyes of all the French and of their king, the
miracles which had burst upon the world in the early foundation
of Christian churches. All the saints then living rejoiced; and


## p. 2219 (#417) ###########################################

JACQUES BÉNIGNE BOSSUET
2219
in this decline of the Roman Empire, it seemed to them that
there appeared in the kings of France "a new Light for the
whole West. " "In occiduis partibus novi jubaris lumen efful-
gurat;" and not for the West alone, but for all the Church, to
which this new kingdom promised new advances. This is what
was said
said by Saint Avitus, the learned and holy bishop of
Vienne, the weighty and eloquent advocate of the Church of
Rome, who was directed by his colleagues, the revered bishops
of Gaul, to recommend to the Romans in the cause of Pope Sym-
machus the common cause of the whole episcopacy; "because,"
so said that great man, "when the Pope, the chief of all the
bishops, is assailed, then not one bishop alone, but the whole
episcopacy is in danger. "
OPENING OF THE
FUNERAL ORATION ON HENRIETTA OF FRANCE
My Lord: *
HⓇ
E WHO reigns in heaven and who is the Lord of all the
empires, to whom alone majesty, glory, and independence
belong, is also the only one who glories in dictating laws
to kings, and in giving them, when it so pleases him, great and
terrible lessons. Whether he raises or lowers thrones; whether
he communicates his own power to princes, or reclaims it all
and leaves them nothing but their own weakness, he teaches
them their duties in a manner both sovereign and worthy of him;
for when giving them his power, he commands them to use it,
as he does, for the good of the world; and he shows them in
withdrawing it that all their majesty is borrowed, and that,
though seated on the throne, they are nevertheless under his
hand and supreme authority. Thus does he teach princes, not
only by words but by deeds and examples.
intelligite; erudimini, qui judicatis terram. "
"Et nunc, reges,
Christians, ye who have been called from all sides to this
ceremony by the memory of a great Queen,- daughter, wife,
mother of powerful kings and of sovereigns of three kingdoms,-
this speech will bring before you one of those conspicuous exam-
ples which spread before the eyes of the world its absolute vanity.
*This oration was delivered in the presence of the Duke of Orleans, son-
in-law of Henrietta of France; it is he whom Bossuet addresses in beginning
his speech.


## p. 2220 (#418) ###########################################

2220
JACQUES BÉNIGNE BOSSUET
You will see in a single life all the extremes of human affairs:
boundless felicity and boundless misery; a long and peaceful pos-
session of one of the world's noblest crowns; all that can be
given of the glories of birth and rank gathered upon a head
which is afterwards exposed to all the insults of fortune; the
good cause at first rewarded by success, then met by sudden turns
and unheard-of changes; rebellion long restrained, at last over-
riding everything; unbridled licentiousness; the destruction of all
laws; royal majesty insulted by crimes before unknown; usurpa-
tion and tyranny under the name of liberty; a queen pursued by
her enemies, and finding no refuge in either of her kingdoms;
her own native land become a melancholy place of exile; many
voyages across the sea undertaken by a princess, in spite of the
tempest; the ocean surprised at being crossed so often, in such
different ways, and for so different causes; a throne shamefully
destroyed and miraculously restored. Those are the lessons which
are given by God to the kings; thus does He show to the world
the emptiness of its pomps and splendors. If I lack words, if
expression is unable to do justice to a subject of such magnitude
and loftiness, things alone will speak sufficiently; the heart* of
a great queen, formerly raised by long years of prosperity and
suddenly plunged into an abyss of bitterness, will speak loudly
enough; and if private characters are not allowed to give lessons
to princes upon such strange occurrences, a king lends me his
voice to tell them. "Et nunc, reges, intelligite; erudimini, qui
judicatis terram: » Understand now, ye kings of the earth; learn,
ye who judge the world.
But the wise and religious Princess who is the subject of this
discourse was not simply a spectacle presented to them that
they may study therein the counsels of Divine Providence and
the fatal revolutions of monasteries: she was her own instructor,
while God instructed all princes through her example. I have
said already that the Divine Lord teaches them both by giving
and by taking away their power. The Queen of whom I speak
understood one of these lessons as well as the other, contrary as
they are, which means that in good as well as in evil fortune
she behaved as a Christian. In the one she was charitable, in
the other invincible. While prosperous she made her power felt
by the world through infinite blessings; when fortune forsook
her, she enlarged her own treasure of virtues, so that she lost
* The Queen's heart was kept in the church where Bossuet was speaking.


## p. 2221 (#419) ###########################################

JACQUES BÉNIGNE BOSSUET
2221
for her own good this royal power which she had had for the
good of others. And if her subjects, if her allies, if the Church
Universal were the gainers by her greatness, she gained by her
misfortunes and humiliations more than she had done by all her
glory.
THE GREAT REBELLION
I CONFESS, on entering upon my undertaking, that I realize
its difficulty more than ever. When I fasten my eyes upon the
unheard-of misfortunes of such a great queen, I fail to find
words; and my mind, revolted by so many undeserved hardships.
inflicted upon majesty and virtue, would never consent to rush
into such a maze of horrors, if the admirable constancy with
which this princess bore her reverses had not risen far above
the crimes by which they were caused. But at the same time,
Christians, I labor under another solicitude: what I meditate
upon is no human work; I am not here a historian, about to
unravel to you the mysteries of cabinets, or the order of battles,
or the interests of parties; I must rise above man in order that
every creature should tremble under the judgments of God. << I
shall enter with David into the powers of the Lord," and I have
to show you the wonders of his hand and of his resolutions:
resolutions of deserved punishment for England, resolutions of
compassion for the Queen's salvation; but resolutions stamped by
the finger of God, whose imprint is so striking and manifest in
the events of which I have to treat, that no one can fail to be
dazzled by his light.
When we go back in time, no matter how far, and investigate
in the histories the instances of great revolutions, we find that
hitherto they have been caused by the licentiousness or violence
of princes. For when princes, ceasing to study their civil and
military affairs, make hunting their only labor, or as was said by
one historian, find all their glory in their splendor, and put all
their mind to the invention of new pleasures; or when, carried
away by their violent natures, they cease to respect the laws and
to know any bounds, and thus lose both the respect and the
fear of their subjects, because the ills those subjects are bearing
seem more unendurable than those they only fear, then, either
excessive licentiousness or patience driven to extremity is full
of menace to reigning houses.


## p. 2222 (#420) ###########################################

2222
JACQUES BÉNIGNE BOSSUET
it.
Charles I. , King of England, was just, moderate, magnani-
mous, very well informed in regard to his affairs and to the arts
of government; never was there a prince more able to make
royalty not only venerable and holy, but also loved and cherished
by his people. What fault can be found with him, save clem-
ency? I am willing to say of him what a celebrated writer said
of Cæsar, that he was so clement as to be compelled to repent
("Cæsari proprium et peculiare sit clementiæ insigne qua
usque ad pœnitentiam omnes superavit. ") Let this be, then, if
you will, the illustrious fault of Charles as well as of Cæsar;
but if any one wishes to believe that misfortune and defeat
are always associated with weakness, do not let him think, for
all that, he can persuade us that either strength was wanting in
Charles's courage or energy in his resolutions. When pursued
to the very last extremities by Fortune's implacable malignity,
and betrayed by all his people, he never deserted his own cause;
in spite of the ill success of his unfortunate arms, though con-
quered he was not subdued; and just as he never when vic-
torious refused that which was reasonable, when captive he
always rejected that which was weak and unjust. I can hardly
behold his great heart in his last trials: but certainly he showed
that no rebels can deprive of his majesty a king who really
knows himself; and those who saw with what visage he appeared
in Westminster Hall and in Whitehall Square can easily judge
how intrepid he was at the head of his armies, how august and
imposing in the middle of his palace and court. Great Queen, I
satisfy your tenderest desires when I celebrate this monarch; and
this heart, which never lived but for him, wakes up from its
dust and resumes sentiment, even under this funeral drapery, at
the name of such a beloved husband, whom his enemies them-
selves will call wise and just, and whom posterity will name among
great princes, provided his history finds readers whose judgment
does not allow itself to be swayed by events and by fortune.
Those who are informed in regard to the facts, being com-
pelled to admit that the king's conduct had given no reason and
not even a pretext for the sacrilegious excesses the memory of
which is abhorred by us, ascribe them to the unconquerable
haughtiness of the nation; and I own that the hatred of parri-
cides is apt to throw our minds into such an opinion: but when
we more closely consider the history of this great kingdom,
especially during the last reigns, in which not simply adult kings,


## p. 2223 (#421) ###########################################

JACQUES BÉNIGNE BOSSUET
2223
but even children under guardianship and queens themselves
have wielded a power so absolute, and inspired so much terror;
when we see the incredible facility with which the true Religion.
was by turns upset and restored by Henry, Edward, Mary, Eliz-
abeth, we do not find either the nation so prone to rebel nor its
Parliaments so proud and factious. Rather we are compelled to
reproach these people with too much docility, since they placed
under the yoke even their faith and conscience. Do not let us
then make blind accusations against the inhabitants of the most
celebrated island in the world, who according to the most reli-
able histories trace their origin back to Gaul; and do not let us
believe that the Mercians, the Danes, and the Saxons have so far
corrupted in them the good blood which they had received from
our ancestors as to lead them to such barbarous proceedings, if
some other causes had not intervened. What is it, then, that
drove them on? What force, what transport, what disturbance
of the elements stirred these agitations, these violences? There
is no doubt, Christians, that false religions, infidelity, the thirst
of disputing on things divine without end, without rule, without
submission, carried away their hearts. Those are the enemies
against which the Queen had to fight, and which neither her
prudence, her leniency, nor her firmness could conquer.
A man appeared, of a mind incredibly deep, a consummate
dissembler and at the same time a powerful statesman, capable
of undertaking everything and of concealing everything, no less
active and indefatigable in peace than in war; who left nothing
to fortune of that which he could take from it by wisdom or
foresight, but withal so vigilant, so well prepared for everything,
that he never failed to improve any opportunity: in short, one
of those restless and audacious minds which seem to have been
born in order to transform the world. How dangerous the fate
of such minds, and how many appear in history who were
ruined by their very boldness! But at the same time, what do
they not achieve when it pleases God to make use of them! To
this one it was given to deceive the people and to prevail against
the kings. For as he had discovered that in this infinite medley
of sects, which no longer had any fixed rules, the pleasure of
dogmatic arguing without any fear of being reprimanded or
restrained by any authority, either ecclesiastical or secular, was
the spell that charmed their minds, he so well managed to con-
ciliate them thereby that out of this monstrous medley he created


## p. 2224 (#422) ###########################################

2224
JACQUES BÉNIGNE BOSSUET
a formidable unit. When a man has once found a way of sedu-
cing the multitude with the bait of freedom, they afterwards
blindly follow, provided they still hear the beloved word. These,
occupied with the object that had first transported them, were
still going on without noticing that they were going to servitude;
and their subtle leader who while fighting and arguing, while
uniting in himself a thousand different characters, while acting
as theologian and prophet as well as soldier and captain, saw
that he had so bewitched the world that he was looked upon by
the whole army as a chief sent by God for the protection of
independence-began to perceive that he could drive them still
further. I shall not relate to you the story of his too prosperous
undertakings nor his famous victories which made virtue indig-
nant, nor his long tranquillity which astonished the world. It
was God's purpose to instruct the kings not to desert his Church.
He wished to reveal by one great example all that heresy can
do, how indocile and independent it naturally is, how fatal to
royalty and to any legitimate authority. Moreover, when this
great God has chosen any one for the instrument of his designs
nothing can stop his course: he either chains or blinds or sub-
dues all that is capable of resistance. "I am the Lord," he says
through the lips of Jeremiah; "I am he who made the earth,
with the men and animals; and I place it in the hands of whom-
soever pleases me; and now I wished to submit these lands to
Nebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon, my servant. " He calls him
his servant, although an infidel, because he selected him for
enforcing his decrees. "And I order," he goes on, "that every-
thing be obedient unto him, even the animals;" thus it is that
everything bends and becomes flexible when God so commands!
But listen to the rest of the prophecy:-"I order that these
people shall obey him, and shall obey his son also, until the
time of the one and the other do come. " See, ye Christians,
how clearly marked the times are, how numbered the genera
tions: God determines how long the sleep of the world shall be,
and also when the awakening is to come.
-
God held twelve years, without relaxing, without any consola-
tion from men, our unfortunate Queen (let us loudly call her by
this title, which she made a cause for thanksgiving), making her
learn under his hand such hard but useful lessons. At last,
softened by her prayers and her humble patience, he restored the


## p. 2225 (#423) ###########################################

JACQUES BÉNIGNE BOSSUET
2225
royal house; Charles II.
is recognized and the injury of the
kings is avenged. Those whom arms could not conquer, nor rea-
soning convince, came back suddenly of their own accord: disap-
pointed in their freedom, they at last came to detest its excesses,
ashamed that they had had so much power, and horrified at their
own success. We know that this magnanimous prince might
have hastened things by making use of the hands of those who
offered to destroy tyranny at one blow: but his great soul dis-
dained these low agencies; he believed that whatever were the
conditions of kings, it behoved their majesty to act only by the
laws or by arms. These laws, which he defended, restored him
almost by themselves; he reigns, peaceful and glorious, on his
ancestors' throne, and with and through him also reign justice,
wisdom, and mercy.
FROM THE DISCOURSE UPON UNIVERSAL HISTORY
INTRODUCTION
E
VEN were history useless to other men, it would still be
necessary to have it read by princes. There is no better
way of making them discover what can be brought about
by passions and interests, by times and circumstances, by good
and bad advice. The books of historians are filled with the
actions that occupy them, and everything therein seems to have
been done for their use. If experience is necessary to them
for acquiring that prudence which enables them to become good
rulers, nothing is more useful to their instruction than to add
to the example of past centuries the experiences with which
they meet every day. While usually they learn to judge of
the dangerous circumstances that surround them, only at the
expense of their subjects and of their own glory, by the help of
history they form their judgment upon the events of the past
without risking anything. When they see even the most com-
pletely hidden vices of princes exposed to the eyes of all men,
in spite of the insincere praise which they received while alive,
they feel ashamed of the empty joy which flattery gives them,
and they acknowledge that true glory cannot obtain without real
merit.
Moreover, it would be disgraceful,—I do not say for a prince,
but in general for any educated man,-not to know the human
kind and the memorable changes which took place in the world.
IV-140


## p. 2226 (#424) ###########################################

2226
JACQUES BÉNIGNE BOSSUET
through the lapse of ages. If we do not learn from history to
distinguish the times, we shall represent men under the law of
nature, or under the civil law, the same as under the sway of
the gospel; we shall speak of the Persians conquered under Alex-
ander in the same way as of the Persians victorious under Cyrus;
we shall represent Greece as free in the time of Philip as in the
time of Themistocles or Miltiades; the Roman people as proud
under the Emperors as under the Consuls; the Church as quiet
under Diocletian as under Constantine; and France, disturbed by
civil wars under Charles IX. and Henri III. , as powerful as in
the time of Louis XIV. , when, united under such a great King,
alone she triumphs over the whole of Europe.
PUBLIC SPIRIT IN ROME
HE
WHO can put into the minds of the people patience in
labor, a feeling for glory and the nation's greatness, and
love of their country, can boast of having framed the polit-
ical constitution best fitted for the production of great men. It
is undoubtedly to great men that the strength of an empire is
due. Nature never fails to bring forth in all countries lofty
minds and hearts; but we must assist it in forming them. What
forms and perfects them consists of strong feelings and noble
impressions which spread through all minds and invisibly pass
from one to another. What is it that makes our nobility so proud
in battle, so bold in its undertakings? It is the opinion received
from childhood and established by the unanimous sentiment of
the nation, that a nobleman without valor degrades himself and
is no longer worthy to see the light of day. All the Romans
were nurtured in these sentiments, and the common people vied
with the aristocracy as to who would in action be most faithful
to these vigorous maxims.
The fathers who did not
bring their children up in these maxims, and in the manner
necessary to enable them to serve the State, were called into
court before the magistrates and there adjudged guilty of a crime
against the public. When such a course has been entered upon,
great men produce great men to succeed them; and if Rome
has had such men in greater number than any other city, it is
nowise due to chance; it is because the Roman State, constituted
in the manner which we have described, possessed as it were
the very nature that must needs be most prolific of heroes.


## p. 2227 (#425) ###########################################

2227
JAMES BOSWELL
(1740-1795)
BY CHARLES F. JOHNSON
AMES BOSWELL was born in Ayrshire, Scotland. His family
was of ancient origin and some social pretension, but the
name derives its real distinction from him. He attended
the University of Edinburgh and was admitted to the Scotch bar.
He was, however, of a socially excitable and adventurous spirit,
which impelled him out of the humdrum life of a petty Scotch laird
into the broad currents of the world, and led him to attach himself
to men of intellectual distinction. He was introduced to Dr. Johnson
in 1763, and scrupulously sought his society
till Johnson's death, making at least nine
journeys to London for the purpose, and
recording his conversation with painstaking
assiduity. To this enthusiastic industry we
owe the 'Life,' published in 1791, a book
allowed on all hands to fulfill the purpose
of a biography, in giving an exact and
lively picture of the central figure and of
his environment better than any other
ever written. Previous to this, Boswell had
spent some time on the Continent, and,
driven by the peculiar form of hero-wor-
ship which was his overmastering impulse,
he visited Corsica and became intimate
with Pascal Paoli, the patriot who freed the island from the Genoese,
but was subsequently conquered by the French. In 1768 Boswell
published 'An Account of Corsica, Memoirs of Pascal Paoli, and a
Journal of a Tour to the Island. Of this Johnson said, "The history
is like other histories, but the journal is in a high degree delightful
and curious. " Gray said the journal was "a dialogue between a
green goose and a hero. "
JAMES BOSWELL

24
In 1793 Boswell was admitted a member of the famous "Literary
Club," and soon after persuaded Dr. Johnson to make a tour of the
Hebrides, a journey at that time presenting almost as many diffi-
culties as a trip to Labrador does now. His journal, a book quite
as entertaining as the 'Life,' was not published till 1786, two years
after Johnson's death. As stated before, Boswell's great book, the


## p. 2228 (#426) ###########################################

2228
JAMES BOSWELL
'Life,' was published in 1791. The author also published a number
of minor works which are not worth enumerating.
The position of James Boswell as a classic author is as well estab-
lished as it is unique. It depends entirely on the two books men-
tioned: The Life of Dr. Samuel Johnson' and the Journal of a
Tour to the Hebrides,' which may be considered as one, and indeed
were amalgamated into one in Croker's edition. Further, the inter-
est of these books depends more on the subject-matter than on the
style. No books are better known than these, and none are buried
deeper in oblivion than his other productions, with the possible ex-
ception of the Corsican journal. One is as obscure as the other is
immortal, though from the artistic standpoint they do not differ
greatly in literary merit. But it is not just to say that the value
of Boswell's Life of Johnson' depends entirely on the subject-
matter. It depends rather on a happy relation or co-ordination
between the subject and the author. In consequence, it is hardly
possible to consider Boswell as a writer without some reference to
Samuel Johnson. Not only is Johnson the central figure in the book,
but in a sense he is a joint author of it. About one-third of the
book is in Johnson's words, and this third is decidedly the best part.
Boswell's reputation as a great writer is unique in that it depends
upon greatness as an interviewer and reporter.
Macaulay says, "If Boswell had not been a great fool he never
would have been a great writer. " This is one of those paradoxical
statements to which Macaulay likes to give a glittering plausibility.
It is true that Boswell wrote a great book, and it is also true that in
some regards he was what we are accustomed to designate as a fool;
but to connect the two as cause and effect is like saying that man
was a great athlete because he was lame, or that Lord Byron had a
beautiful face because he had a club-foot, or that Demosthenes was
a great orator because he stammered. Men have been made by their
foibles, but in those cases weakness in some directions has been more
than compensated for by strength in others. Boswell lacked some of
the great literary powers, but he possessed others, and those that he
did possess happened to be precisely the ones necessary to the writer
of the life of Samuel Johnson. Boswell had no imagination, no
moral elevation, no decided wit or power of phrase, no deep insight,
no invention. But he had one power which lies behind all great
realistic literary work; and that is, observation. Johnson furnished
the power of phrase, in which he was as eminent as any Englishman
between Shakespeare and Charles Lamb. The higher powers are not
needed in a transcript of fact. Boswell possessed too an eye for
the externals which indicate character, and—a quality rare in the
eighteenth century - absolute accuracy. Sir Joshua Reynolds said.


## p. 2229 (#427) ###########################################

JAMES BOSWELL
2229
«< Every word of the 'Life' might be depended on as if it were given
on oath. "
It was this habit of painstaking accuracy, rather than good taste,
which led him to avoid the vice of rhetorical amplification. It also
prevented him from missing the point of a joke of which he was
unconscious. As a rule, his 'Johnsoniana' are better than those of
Sir John Hawkins or Mrs. Piozzi, because they are more literal. In
one or two instances an embellishment which improved a story was
rejected by him because it was not true. These powers — observa-
tion, scrupulous accuracy and industry, and enthusiastic admiration
of his hero-were all that he needed for the production of a great
book; for Dr. Johnson was so unaffected, so outspoken, and so enter-
taining a man, and every sentence he uttered was so characteristic,
that realism was a far better method for his biographer than analy-
sis. Perhaps it is always better when the subject is strongly marked.
That Dr. Johnson was a good subject is so evident that the mere
statement is sufficient. Mrs. Thrale-Piozzi's and even Sir John Haw-
kins's books are entertaining simply because they are about him.
The eighteenth-century man presents a number of excellent feat-
ures for literary portraiture, because he is a compound of formality
and explosiveness. The formal manners and dress and ponderous
courtesy of the eighteenth century, combined with an outspoken way
of calling things by their right names and a boyish petulance and
quickness of temper, make a contrast that is essentially humorous,
and more attractive than the philosophic and broad-minded temper
of earlier times or the reticence and indifference of our own day.
Dr. Johnson was a typical eighteenth-century man, and epitomized
these contrasts. Personally, too, he was a man for whom we must
feel the most profound regard and respect. He represents the nor-
mal Englishman, a compound of moral integrity, rooted prejudice,
and hatred of shams, with a mind which works mechanically and a
kind heart. We instinctively recognize this compound as the ances-
tral type of our race, and are drawn to it. The real power of our
race depends upon the simplicity and solid humanity of this central
type, the heavy-armed and disciplined infantry about which are
grouped the more gifted and erratic types, the scouts and light-horse
of civilization. For these general reasons Samuel Johnson seems to
us the best sitter for a literary portrait that ever fell into the hands
of a literary painter, and the excellence of his biography to depend
quite as much upon the fact that it is a life of Samuel Johnson as
upon the fact that it is a life by James Boswell.
Boswell's private character is outside the question in a considera-
tion of his writings. Macaulay calls him a drunkard. If this be
true, it seems a little severe to call a Scotchman to account for


## p. 2230 (#428) ###########################################

2230
JAMES BOSWELL
being intoxicated one hundred years ago. He also speaks of him as
a toady; but he was a friend of Johnson, whose detestation of syco-
phancy was a positive principle. Hume speaks of him as a "friend
of mine, very good-humored, very agreeable, and very mad. " Mac-
aulay's and Carlyle's essays may be considered as mutually corrective.
The truth is that Boswell was absolutely frank, and if a man is
frank about himself on paper he must write himself down a fool,
unless he belongs to a higher type than Boswell or his critics.
Charles & Johnson
AN ACCOUNT OF CORSICA
Η
AVING said so much of the genius and character of the Cor-
sicans, I must beg leave to present my readers with a very
distinguished Corsican character, that of Signor Clemente
de' Paoli, brother of the General.
This gentleman is the eldest son of the old General Giacinto
Paoli. He is about fifty years of age, of a middle size and
dark complexion; his eyes are quick and piercing, and he has
something in the form of his mouth which renders his appearance
very particular. His understanding is of the first rate, and he
has by no means suffered it to lie neglected. He was married,
and has an only daughter, the wife of Signor Barbaggi, one of
the first men in the island.
For these many years past, Signor Clemente, being in a state
of widowhood, has resided at Rostino, from whence the family of
Paoli comes. He lives there in a very retired manner. He is of
a saturnine disposition, and his notions of religion are rather
gloomy and severe. He spends his whole time in study, except
what he passes at his devotions. These generally take up six or
eight hours every day; during all which time he is in church,
and before the altar, in a fixed posture, with his hands and eyes
lifted up to heaven with solemn fervor.
He prescribes to himself an abstemious, rigid course of life, as
if he had taken the vows of some of the religious orders. He is
much with the Franciscans, who have a convent at Rostino. He
wears the common coarse dress of the country, and it is difficult
to distinguish him from one of the lowest of the people.


## p. 2231 (#429) ###########################################

JAMES BOSWELL
2231
When he is in company he seldom speaks, and except upon
important occasions, never goes into public, or even to visit his
brother at Corte. When danger calls, however, he is the first to
appear in the defense of his country. He is then foremost in
the ranks, and exposes himself to the hottest action; for religious.
fear is perfectly consistent with the greatest bravery, according
to the famous line of the pious Racine, -
"I fear my God, and know no other fear. "
In the beginning of an engagement he is generally calm; and
will frequently offer up a prayer to heaven for the person at
whom he is going to fire; saying he is sorry to be under the
necessity of depriving him of life, but that he is an enemy to
Corsica, and Providence has sent him in his way in order that
he may be prevented from doing any further mischief; that he
hopes God will pardon his crimes and take him to Himself.
After he has seen two or three of his countrymen fall at his
side, the case alters. His eyes flame with grief and indignation,
and he becomes like one furious, dealing vengeance everywhere
around him. His authority in the council is not less than his
valor in the field. His strength of judgment and extent of
knowledge, joined to the singular sanctity of his character, give
him great weight in all the public consultations; and his influ-
ence is of considerable service to his brother the General.
A TOUR TO CORSICA
WHI
HILE I stopped to refresh my mules at a little village, the
inhabitants came crowding about me as an ambassador
going to their General. When they were informed of my
country, a strong black fellow among them said, "English! they
are barbarians; they don't believe in the great God. " I told
him, "Excuse me, sir. We do believe in God, and Jesus Christ,
too.
"And in the Pope? " "No. "—"And why? " This was
a puzzling question in these circumstances; for there was a great
audience to the controversy. I thought I would try a method of
my own, and very gravely replied, "Because we are too far off,"
-a very new argument against the universal infallibility of the
Pope. It took, however; for my opponent mused a while, and
then said, "Too far off! Why, Sicily is as far off as England.
Yet in Sicily they believe in the Pope. "-"Oh,” said I, we are
—


## p. 2232 (#430) ###########################################

2232
JAMES BOSWELL
ten times further off than Sicily. " "Aha! " said he; and seemed
quite satisfied. In this manner I got off very well. I question
much whether any of the learned reasonings of our Protestant
divines would have had so good an effect.
-
THE LIFE OF SAMUEL JOHNSON
IT
SEEMS to me in my moments of self-complacency that this
extensive biographical Work, however inferior in its nature,
may in one respect be assimilated to the Odyssey. ' Amidst
a thousand entertaining and instructive episodes the Hero is
never long out of sight; for they are all in some degree con-
nected with him; and He, in the whole course of the History, is
exhibited by the author for the best advantage of his readers:—
"Quid Virtus et quid sapientia possit,
Utile proposuit nobis exemplar Ulyssen. ”
(What may by virtue be done, and what by wisdom accomplished,
Homer affords in Ulysses for us a helpful example. )
Should there be any cold-blooded and morose mortals who
really dislike this book, I will give them a story to apply. When
the great Duke of Marlborough, accompanied by Lord Cadogan,
was one day reconnoitring the army in Flanders, a heavy rain.
came on, and they both called for their cloaks. Lord Cadogan's
servant, a good-humored, alert lad, brought his Lordship's in a
minute. The Duke's servant, a lazy, sulky dog, was so sluggish
that his Grace, being wet to the skin, reproved him, and had for
answer with a grunt, "I came as fast as I could;"
upon which
the Duke calmly said, "Cadogan, I would not for a thousand
pounds have that fellow's temper. "
Mr. Thomas Davies the actor, who then kept a bookseller's
shop in Russel-street, Covent Garden, told me that Johnson was
very much his friend, and came frequently to his house, where
he more than once invited me to meet him; but by some
unlucky accident or other he was prevented from coming to us.
Mr. Thomas Davies was a man of good understanding and
talents, with the advantage of a liberal education. Though some-
what pompous, he was an entertaining companion; and his liter-
ary performances have no inconsiderable share of merit. He was
a friendly and very hospitable man. Both he and his wife (who


## p. 2233 (#431) ###########################################

JAMES BOSWELL
2233
has been celebrated for her beauty), though upon the stage for
many years, maintained a uniform decency of character; and
Johnson esteemed them, and lived in as easy an intimacy with
them as with any family which he used to visit. Mr. Davies
recollected several of Johnson's remarkable sayings, and was one
of the best of the many imitators of his voice and manner, while
relating them. He increased my impatience more and more to
see the extraordinary man whose works I highly valued, and
whose conversation was reported to be so peculiarly excellent.
I
At last, on Monday the 16th of May, when I was sitting in
Mr. Davies' back-parlor, after having drunk tea with him and
Mrs. Davies, Johnson unexpectedly came into the shop; and Mr.
Davies having perceived him through the glass-door in the room
in which we were sitting, advancing toward us, he announced
his awful approach to me, somewhat in the manner of an actor
in the part of Horatio, when he addresses Hamlet on the appear-
ance of his father's ghost,-"Look, my lord, it comes.
found that I had a very perfect idea of Johnson's figure from the
portrait of him painted by Sir Joshua Reynolds soon after he had
published his Dictionary, in the attitude of sitting in his easy-
chair in deep meditation; which was the first picture his friend
did for him, which Sir Joshua very kindly presented to me, and
from which an engraving has been made for this work. Mr.
Davies mentioned my name, and respectfully introduced me to
him. I was much agitated, and recollecting his prejudice against
the Scotch, of which I had heard much, I said to Davies, "Don't
tell where I came from. "-"From Scotland," cried Davies,
roguishly. "Mr. Johnson" (said I), "I do indeed come from
Scotland, but I cannot help it. " I am willing to flatter myself
that I meant this as light pleasantry to soothe and conciliate
him, and not as an humiliating abasement at the expense of my
country. But however that might be, this speech was somewhat
unlucky; for with that quickness of wit for which he was so
remarkable, he seized the expression "come from Scotland,"
which I used in the sense of being of that country; and as if I
had said that I had come away from it, or left it, retorted,
"That, sir, I find, is what a very great many of your country-
men cannot help. " This stroke stunned me a good deal; and
when he had sat down, I felt myself not a little embarrassed,
and apprehensive of what might come next. He then addressed
himself to Davies: -"What do you think of Garrick? He has


## p. 2234 (#432) ###########################################

2234
JAMES BOSWELL
refused me an order for the play of Miss Williams, because he
knows the house will be full, and that an order would be worth
three shillings. " Eager to take any opening to get into conversa-
tion with him, I ventured to say, "Oh, sir, I cannot think Mr.
Garrick would grudge such a trifle to you. " "Sir," (said he, with
a stern look) "I have known David Garrick longer than you
have done; and I know no right you have to talk to me on
the subject. " Perhaps I deserved this check; for it was rather
presumptuous in me, an entire stranger, to express any doubt
of the justice of his animadversion upon his old acquaintance
and pupil. I now felt myself much mortified, and began to
think that the hope which I had long indulged of obtaining his
acquaintance was blasted. And in truth, had not my ardor been
uncommonly strong, and my resolution uncommonly persevering,
so rough a reception might have deterred me for ever from
making any further attempts. Fortunately, however, I remained
upon the field not wholly discomfited; and was soon rewarded by
hearing some of his conversation, of which I preserved the fol-
lowing short minute, without marking the questions and observa-
tions by which it was produced.
"People" (he remarked) "may be taken in once, who imagine
that an author is greater in private life than other men. Un-
common parts require uncommon opportunities for their exer-
tion. "
"In barbarous society, superiority of parts is of real conse-
quence. Great strength or great wisdom is of much value to an
individual. But in more polished times there are people to do
everything for money; and then there are a number of other
superiorities, such as those of birth and fortune and rank, that
dissipate men's attention and leave no extraordinary share of
respect for personal and intellectual superiority. This is wisely
ordered by Providence, to preserve some equality among man-
kind. "
"Sir, this book" (The Elements of Criticism,' which he had
taken up) "is a pretty essay, and deserves to be held in some
estimation, though much of it is chimerical. "
Speaking of one who with more than ordinary boldness
attacked public measures and the royal family, he said, "I think
he is safe from the law, but he is an abusive scoundrel; and
instead of applying to my Lord Chief Justice to punish him, I
would send half a dozen footmen and have him well ducked. "


## p. 2235 (#433) ###########################################

JAMES BOSWELL
2235
"The notion of liberty amuses the people of England, and
helps to keep off the tadium vitæ. When a butcher tells you
that his heart bleeds for his country,' he has in fact no uneasy
feeling. "
"Sheridan will not succeed at Bath with his oratory. Ridi-
cule has gone down before him, and I doubt Derrick is his
enemy. "
>>
"Derrick may do very well, as long as he can outrun his
character; but the moment his character gets up with him, it is
all over. "
It is, however, but just to record that some years afterwards,
when I reminded him of this sarcasm, he said, "Well, but Der-
rick has now got a character that he need not run away from. "
I was highly pleased with the extraordinary vigor of his con-
versation, and regretted that I was drawn away from it by an
engagement at another place. I had for a part of the evening
been left alone with him, and had ventured to make an observa-
tion now and then, which he received very civilly; so that I was
satisfied that though there was a roughness in his manner, there
was no ill-nature in his disposition.