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The Western martyrology; or Bloody assizes, containing the lives trials, and dying speeches of all those eminent protestants that suffered in the west of England and elsewhere from the year 1678 to this time, together with the life and death of George L. Jeffreys. . . London, Blackwood, 1873.
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WESTERN
OR, BLOODY ASSIZES. I CONTAINING THB
Hi'tter, Crials, ano Dyi'ng §>peeciie0
OF ALL tHOSE EMINEnt PrOtEStANTS
THAT SUFFERED IN THE WEST OF ENGLAND, AND ELSE WHERE, FROM THE YEAR 1678 TO THIS TIME;
TOGETHER WITH THE
LIFE AND DEATH OF GEORGE L. JEFFREYS. TO WHICH IS NOW ADDED, TO MAKE IT COMPLEAT,
AN ACCOUNT OF THE BARBAROUS WHIPPINGS OF SEVERAL PERSONS IN THE WEST.
Also the TRIAL and CASE of Mr. JOHN TUTCHIN (the author of the Observatory), with the Cruel Sentence passed upon him ; and his Petition to K. James to be Hanged : never before printed.
REPRINTED FROM THE FIFTH EDITION, With an Alphabetical Table to the whole.
THE
MARTYROLOGY;
Eontion: ;'*i
" \
JAMES BLACKWOOD & CO* St ^VElI'S' COURT, PATERNOSTER. "ROW// '*'*'' '
MDCCCLXXIII. *3'r i
UNW1N BROTHERS, PRINTERS,
LONDON AND CHILWORTH.
the Memory of those Worthy Protestants who suffered in the West, and elsewhere, from the Year 1678,
to this present Time.
Since that free Agent who conducts the World, His Wheels of Providence has backward whirl'd, And by the Turn Men to their Senses brings,
To loath their Idol-Priests and Idol-Kings, (Finding a Popish Promise proves all one,
From an Ignatian Chair, and from a Throne. ) Since o'er-indulgent Heaven has been so kind, To op'n our Eyes by Miracles, we find
All Men admiring they've so long been blind ;
Surpris'd, they should so long their Friends oppose, And with their credulous Trust caress their Foes. Amidst the numerous Wonders of the Time,
'Tis no small Wonder (not to say a Crime)
We reverence no more their Memory,
Who for their Country's Welfare dar'd to die ; Whose quarter'd Limbs imbru'd with Native Gore, Still cry for Vengeance on the Western Shore.
Why should we with ignoble Triumph tread Upon the silent Ashes of the Dead ?
And with insulting Feet their Dust profane, Whose free-born Souls spurn at a slavish Chain ; Souls (not so sensless, so supine as ours)
That early saw the Drift of Romish Powers,
Early disdained those Yokes with generous Scorn, Which our more servile Necks have tamely born ;
That saw the hovering Storm approach from far, Threatning a thousand Mischiefs (worse than War) And boldly rush'd upon th' impetuous Waves,
Rather to die like Men than live like Slaves ; To save their Native Country bravely try'd, Fail'd in th' Attempt, and then as bravely dy'd.
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In vain would envious Clouds their Fame obscure. Which to eternal Ages must endure :
In vain do virulent Tongues attempt to stain
The Solid Glory Noble Patriots gain : If ill Designs some to the Battle drew, Tis impious to condemn all for a few :
If fawning Traitors in their Councils sate, Tis base to mock, rather lament their Fate :
Tho' God (for England's Sins) refus'd to bless Their brave I )esigns with the desir'd Success :
Tis an unequal brutish Argument
Always to judge the Cause by the Event ; Thus the unthinking giddy Multitude
A suffering JESUS criminal conclude.
Well 'tis enough, Heaven now crowns with Appla«se, And gives Protection to that righteous Cause ;
Nay, did ordain tlrat Spot to be the Scene,
Where the Cause dy'd fort, to revive again.
Great Nassau, favour'd by the Powers above, (Their special care, and then- peculiar Love), An Atlas to our sinking State does prove :
Auspicious Stars on all his Councils smile, That breathe vast Blessings on our joyful Isle.
And now methinks their Manes, wl o of late Fell worthy Mariyrs of our bleeding State,
Reproach us with Ingratitude, and say,
'Is nothing due unto our rmrrther'd Clay?
* Unto our murther'd Names is nothing due ? 'Who sacrific'd both Lives and Names for you f •Does no Tongue deign to move in the Defence 'Of wounded Honour, and wronged Innocence? ' If ih' Alwise God (tho' just) dont yet see good
' With swift Revenge t' appease our crying Blood, ' Save us at least from Envy's darker Grave,
'And let otir Fame a Resurrection have. '
Great Souls, too great for our inferionr Praise !
You for yourselves the Noblest Trophies raise ; Your Dying- Words your Monuments become, More bright, more lasting, than a Marble Tomb ;
To future Times your Fames shall freshly bloom, And speak aloud till Envy finds no Room.
By J. S.
THE INTRODUCTION.
OTHING can be plainer to any Man that is but moderately vers'd in History, than that upon any Turn of Affairs, whoever has won or lost, or whatever Party is
the great Enemy of Mankind has some Way or other advanced his own Interest, and got some plausible Argument for Atheism or Profaneness. And the Reason of it
is evident, for those who are in the highest Stations, by a weakness incident to most, we might, perhaps, say all of Mankind, are apt immediately to conclude themselves the Beloved of Heaven, and that Providence favours only them, as it did the Jews, to the neglect, if not detriment of the rest of the World. But no sooner is the Wheel turn'd, and either by the inscrutable Providence of God, or the Wicked ness of Men, or their own Male- Administration of Affairs, those who are uppermost thrown out of the Helm, to make Room for the next
set of Governours, when those who ascend, take the same Notions with their Predecessors, while such as are gotten under, with all whom Interest or Guilt or Prejudice more closely united to the former Ad ministration, grow discontented and uneasie ; and if their Designs and Expectations are more and more frustrated, morose and melancholy ; the more devout among 'em will be sure to call whoever suffer in Oppo sition to the established Government, Heroes and Martyrs ; and be ever prophesying of some sudden Turn, and visible Appearance of Heaven to confound their Enemies. But the profane or hypocritical Party, which we may, without Breach of Charity suppose very large on all sides, very naturally run into the other extream : They'll fly out into frets and passions ; and because God does not think fit to govern the World according to their minds, impudently pronounce, That there is no God at all, That Religion's a meer Cheat, and Heaven and Hell but Priestcraft and Fable.
But notwithstanding the Difference in Opinion, and all sides arro gating as much as possible to themselves, there are yet hardly any Men to be found so senslesly sceptical, as to deny the Differences of Right or Wrong, Good and Evil. That it hugely alters the Case to consider, whether Opposition has been made against a lawful or unlawful Power ; whether the Means be legal or no, or the reasons sufficient to counter vail all the Mischiefs that may arise from such Undertakings : Whether
such as do it have any Right or Concern to warrant their Actions ; whether for or against, in Defence or Opposition to the laws of Nature (and Nations : Whether those that suffer, meet with their Misfortunes in the discharge of their Duty, or opposing others in theirs. Or if the
uppermost,
vi Hije 3]ntrot>uctton.
Quarrel be Religion ; Whether that Religion on which it is grounded, be a False or a True one. And 'tis from the Examination of such Par ticulars as these, whence 'twill appear, whether they are Patriots or
Rebels, stubborn Enthusiasts, or holy Martyrs.
Now as oft as the Iniquity of the Times encourages Vice, and de
presses Vertue, raises those who are content to be Slaves themselves, so they may but make others so, and trample on others, while they are kicked themselves ; while it industriously opposes the very Sparks of Ingenuity and Liberty, and takes off, as fast as possible, either by clandestine Plots, or open Cruelty, whoever dare be any Braver, or Better, or Honester than their Neighbours ; while Providence all the while seems to nod, and sit an unconcerned Spectator of the Ravage that's made in the World ; then there's no little Danger, lest even those who are truly, though weakly, religious and vertuous, should yet be hurried away in the Stream of sour and melancholly Thoughts ; be tempted to think with the Royal Prophet, that all Things were carried cizco impetu, that they have cleansed their Heart in vain ; and be almost ready with him, to condemn the Generation of the Righteous.
'Tis a Question whether ever any Age in the World gave more Advan tage and Colour for these kind of Thoughts, than this last, wherein we have had the sad Experience of Debauchery and Villany rampant and triumphant, and to all Appearance, most prosperous and happy ; wherein 'twas much more dangerous, either to be distinguishingly vertuous or to forsake Villany, than to continue in one and laugh at t'other ; when so many of the Flower of our Nobility and Gentry, either lost their Lives, or Estates, or Liberties, or Country ; whilst a Crew of Parishes triumphed and fluttered in their Ruins. To see a Russel die meanly and ignobly in the Flower of his Age ; an Essex, or a
Godfrey sacrificed to the insatiable Ambition and Revenge of their Enemies, who yet not content with their Lives, would, like the Italian, stab on after Death ; and though they could not reach their Souls, endeavour to damn their Memories. These, and too many other such melancholy Instances would be ready to make a short-sighted Man ex claim with Hercules in the Tragcedian, That Vertue is but an empty Name, or at least could only serve to make its Owners more sensibly unhappy.
But although such Examples might a little work on a weaker Vertue ; that which is more confirmed and solid, can more easily resist it. 'Tis not impatient nor uneasie, but still believes that Heaven is awake, that the Iron Hands of Justice will at length overtake the Offenders, and by their Destruction vindicate the Honour and Innocence of those whom they have ruined. It considers any Riddles in Providence as a curious piece of Opticks, which, if judged of either before 'tis finished, or by Piece-meal, here an Eye, and there another distorted Feature, appears not only unpleasing, but really dreadful ; which yet, if viewed when 'tis compleat, and taking all the Features together, makes a Figure sufficiently regular and lovely. j
Who almost could have imagined, without some such Reflections}, as these, that those brave Men we have seen for some Years past pick'cl out, and cut off one after another with as much Scandal and ObloquJi
3Introtiuction.
vii
as cou'd be thrown upon'em by the ungenerous Malice of their Enemies ; when the very Attempt to clear their Reputation has been made almost Capital, and involved those who had Courage enough to attempt it in little less Mischief than what they themselves endured : That ever these Phoenixes should rise again, and flourish in their Ashes ! That so many great Pens should already have done some of 'em Justice, and
the World as much to all the rest ! And with how much more Joy, if 'twere possible, would those Heroes have received their Crowns could they have foreseen their Deaths would have tended so far, to work up the Nation to such a just Resentment, as would at last have so great an Influence as we find it had, on our late glorious Deliverance.
But since we have yet no form'd History of all those, who have suf fered under the Cruelty and Injustice, not to use so harsh a Word as Tyranny, of late Years ; since such a Design may be of no little Use, both to shew what our former Discords have cost us, and to vindicate the Memories of the Sufferers, as well from the Malice of their Enemies, as hasty Kindness of their Friends : And besides, to leave
Posterity so many great Examples of those who preferred their Liberty and Religion before all else that was dear in the World ; and because they could not live free, died so. For such Reasons as these, this Work
is undertaken, which, if it deserves the Acceptance of the Reader, no doubt will find it ; there being few good Books written which have not been favourably received in the World.
If any be so weak to object, That the Subjects of this History are ill match'd, some of 'em being of one Communion, and some of another : It might be enough to send 'em to Fox's Martyrology for an Answer,
(though some few Years since 'tis granted this Objection would have look'd more dreadful) where they may find Hooper and Ridley differing in their Opinions, but yet agreeing at the Stake, and accordingly ranged
by that great Man in the same Noble Army.
The Kindness and Gratitude of the Courts of England and Rome
made no Distinction between 'em ; nay, not so much as to eat either of them last, but as Occasion served, took one or t'other. Fas est ab hoste and since they made no Difference in their Deaths, altho' they endeavour'd it as much as possible in their Lives ; since there's no
Doubt there's none betwixt 'em now, but they all agree in Heaven :
see no Reason why any Party should envy the other that Glory which for suffering in the same Cause, they so equally deserve.
There has been formerly some Discourse about Town of a weak or malicious Design a foot, to publish an History of Persecutions, and charge it on one particular Party of Protestants : But as such a Thing would be most pernicious to the Common Cause, so God knows, if it should go round, it would be endless. This Design is quite contrary, as 'tis hoped its Effects will be. 'Tis to lay the Fault where it ought to be, and to make those Friends who have been too long impos'd upon, almost to each other's Ruin.
Others may be offended with the Title of Martyrs and Martyrdom, which so often occurs in the following Paper ; both because some of those concerned were accused for Plots against the Government, and others were in actual Arms. But 'tis possible for a Person at the same
I
viii
31ntxotiuctton.
Time to be a Church and State Martyr. NabotVs Accusation was for speaking blasphemous Words against God and the King. The Apostles of our Saviour, and the Christians afterwards, were accused as those who turned the World upside down, and Enemies of the Empire. These Answers, 'tis owned, may be accommodated to any Party, being general Things ; but in the Body of the Discourse we hope to fix 'em, and to prove in particular of the Persons mentioned, that they deserved that great Name, both on Account of the Cause, and their dying so unjustly, many Ways, from the Perjury of their Accusers, or the In equality of their Judges, or Corruption of Juries ; and that really because they would not yield themselves, but made a vigorous Opposi tion against Popery and Slavery. For the Western Martyrs, we intend a distinct Account of 'em at the Beginning of those Transactions.
One Thing more that may choak such as have a Mind to quarrel, is the particular Faults, and in some, or at least, one Instance, vicious Habits, and ill Life of those to whom we give that high Character. But if little Failures, if Heats and Weaknesses were any valuable Ob
jection against the Worth or Honesty of a Person, 'twould be impos sible to make any tolerable Defence, even for many of those great Men who were the happy Instruments of our Reformation : Tho' it may seem an Excuse dull and common, yet there's none who doth not find it necessary on his own Account, That Allowances are to be made for the best of Men. Cranmer, and the rest of our Reformers, as the Learned Dr. Burnet observes in his Letter to Mr. Thevenot, Tho' we
piously believe 'em Saints and Martyrs, yet never pretended to be in fallible : They were Men, and so were these, tho' they suffer'd for the same Causes, and almost in the same Manner. For such as liv'd ill, if there is more than one Instance, this certainly will be sufficient, that they died well, and gave all the Tokens of a hearty Repentance for their not having lived up to so good a Profession.
Let us then do 'em Justice now they are dead, who so nobly de fended the Cause of our holy Religion while they were living, and at last so freely and joyfully at their Death, sealed it with their dearest Blood. If in any Accounts met with here, some Person should find some particular Words or Phrases not so usual with 'em, let 'em not be so weak or unjust to condemn them as Cant or Nonsense. What Reason is there why every Man should not express himself in that Way which likes him best, and with which he has been most acquainted ? And what matters it if I'm discours'd to in a Yorkshire or a London Dialect, so I talk with an Honest Man, and our Sentiments agree, tho' our Words may a little differ? Especially when, as before was remark'd, all of 'em suffer'd for the same Cause, and with this considerable Cir cumstance, that the first, and some of the last Victims of Popish Cruelty were entirely agreeable in their Judgments, as to the Manners and Merits
of their Deaths, Sir Edmond-bury Godfrey, who begins the Rubrick, having notoriously declared some Days before his Death, That he be lieved in his Conscience he should be the first Martyr : And some of,- those who went last to Glory, as will appear below, mentioning this as one of their greatest Comforts, That they should, in After- Ages, be enrolled among the rest of the Protestant Martyrs. «
THE
Western MARTYROLOGY: OR, THE
LOODY
SIR EDMUND-BURY GODFREY.
AD the Person who wrote that Scandalous Libel upon Sir E. B. G. which he calls The Mystery of his Death, but always confin'd himself to as much
Truth and Reason as we met with in the very First Lines of his Preface to he might have gone both through the World and out of with more Reputation than now he like to do — {There will (saith he) be a Time when Truth shall be believed and the Witnesses of justified. } But notwithstanding
all his boasted Sagacity in winding Alterations at such a Distance, we may safely affirm, that when he writ that Sentence, he little thought 'twould ever have been applied in this manner — That Truth would come to Life again after all the Care he had taken to stifle and the highest Judicatures in the Nation in One Day remove all the Black Dirt which so many Years he had been throwing on its Witnesses, and in so publick and authentick a Manner justifie 'em again. 'Twas in the Heat of those Mischiefs and Miseries, which all thinking Men cou'd long before easily foresee would be the Consequences of such
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Notions as he broached, and were too greedily swallow'd, that lie publish'd the Book before mentioned, at such a Time when he knew 'twas in One Sense unanswerable, wherein he pretends
both to confound all the Evidence given in before the Parliament and Publick Courts of Justice for Sir Edmond's being murthered with Papists ; and over and above — That he was a Self-murtherer
—No better than a Second running him through with his own Sword after his Death. 'Tis some plausible Insinuations he has there heapt together which will make it necessary to be a little larger on him than those who came after ; especially since he led the Way both to the Sufferings of the Protestants, and Malice of
their Enemies.
Sir Edmond-Bury Godfry, was born of a good Family ; his
Relations are sufficiently known, and as justly respected in the City of London : But 'tis not the intention of this Piece to write the Lives, but the Deaths of those who are the Subjects of it ; at least no more of one, than is requisite for describing the other. —The occasion of his Knighthood is reported to be the good Service he did in giving Directions for quenching a Fire which happen'd some Years past at St. James's; which Honour the then Duke of York obtain'd for him, having been under a great Consternation at the apprehension of the Danger. This very probably might be the beginning of his so great Intimacy with the Papists, which Sir Roger so often hints in his History,
and which afterwards cost him so dearly.
He was a Person of known Vertues —For the Instances of his
Secret Charity the World is oblig'd to that Reverend and Learned Person who preach'd his Funeral Sermon. For his Piety and Integrity, even his worst Enemy here gives us several
Instances thereof; that particularly, when after those Prophetic
bodings of his approaching Martyrdom, he took care to settle all -things, and adjust Accompts exactly, and even in Parish Matters
to right such as he thought had formerly been injur'd. Lastly, how vigilant and careful he was in the Execution of that Office the Law had intrusted him with, his Death as well as his Life may testify. — One thing cannot, without great Injury to his Memory, be omitted—'Tis his extraordinary Conduct and Courage in the time of the plague in this City, whence he never stir'd all the while, it rag'd so dreadfully ; but reliev'd the Poor,
and fed them daily with his own Hands : Nor did he neglect Justice while he was exercising Mercy, but to the Amazement,
and almost Terrour of the Beholders, Pursu'd a Malefactor, who had taken Sanctuary in a Pesthouse, thinking none wou'd be so desperate to follow him, and with his own Hands fetch'd him thence, when the other Officers dar^ not venture after him.
'Twas either his Acquaintance among the Papists, before intimated, and hence his being consequently better known by those who were of that Party, or his industry and indefatigable care in the Discharge of his Office, or both, to which we may rationally attribute the addressing of the first Discovery of the Popish Plot to him, rather than any other.
The clearest Method for the Description of his Martyrdom, will be first to enquire into the Occasion of it. And then the Manner, Circumstances, and Authors ; and lastly the several
Endeavours that have been used to clear the Papists of that in- delib'e Guilt which sticks upon 'em from so horrid a Villany.
For the occasion of his Martyrdom, what was said in the Summing up the Evidence concerning him, but modestly and on Supposition only, we may yet venture to affirm positively — This Protestant Magistrate was certainly murder 'd— because he was a Protestant.
But the particular and special Reasons were these following: 1. He had taken Examinations about the Popish Plot, and those not only (as the Attorney-General said in the Trial of the
Assassines) perhaps, but undoubtedly more than are now extant. Mr. Oates addressed himself to him with his Depositions —he had taken them, and enquired something closely into the Design,
as his Manner was in any Thing which belong'd to his Office. This the Papists very well knew, and therefore found it con venient to be rid of a troublesom busie Man, who now he was engaged in the Business, was likely to pierce to the Bottom on't—and he being once out of the Way, the Evidence might rery easily have been dispos'd of to their Satisfaction.
But here those, whose Interest 'tis to get clear of such a Charge, object very pertly — What Need, or what Advantage, in taking offa Justice, when the same Things were deposed in other Places ?
2. The Second Reason or Occasion for this Murder will easily answer that Objection. They not only bore him Malice for
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what he had already done in Oates's Case, and might probably be ignorant of those secret passages transacted before King and Council, in Relation to Gates's Depositions —but were sensible of a deeper Reason than all this, and which brought them into more Danger than the other.
See it in the Lord Stafford's Trial,/. 22. and 24. Mr. Dugdale had received a Letter the very Night on which this Gentleman was martyr'd (of which more anon) with these Words in't—[This Night Sir E. B. G. is dispatch'd. ] —This came from the Papists to Ewers, a Popish Priest at my Lord Aston's, who, after he had read communicated the good News to Mr. Dugdale, telling him One of their Enemies was taken out of the Way. — He being desirous to know how Things went, ask'd what was the Reason they took away his Life Ewers tells him— There was a Message sent to Mr. Coleman, when in Newgate to desire him that he wou'dnot reveal any Thingofthe Plotj which Message camefrom
the Duke of York. — To which Coleman replied — What was he the nearer—for he had been so foolish as to reveal all to Sir E. B. G. already? But upon the Examination of Oates before Sir E. B. G. he was afraid he would come in as Evidence against him, having shewn himself eager in the Business. —To which the Duke of York sent Word again, — If he wou'd take Care not to
reveal, but conceal Sir E. B. G. shou'd not come in against him. —And the next News was — that he was dispatch'd.
Now this effectually takes off the former Cavil and this Sir Roger cou'd not but be sensible of; and concluding so un answerably against what he built so much upon, e'en lets fairly drop, and mentions not a Syllable of in all his Book. — Which Evidence of Mr. Dugdale beyond Contradiction con- firm'd by several Hints unluckily given in Sir Roger's own Depositions—^. 187. where Mr. Wynnel deposes Sir E. told him—Coleman wou'd die—and mention'd Consults about a
Toleration—Adding further — That he was Master ofa dangerous Secret that wou'd be fatal to him. —Hence nothing can be plainer to any reasonable Man, than that Sir Edmond was acquainted with Mr. Coleman as well as Dr. Oates, and knew even the minute Circumstances in those Letters which afterwards were brought against him, and stood in Fear of his Life for that very Reason, as for the same he afterwards lost it.
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"One of the assassins threw a twisted handkerchief round his neck, and drew him behind the rails. " — P 5.
For the Manner of his Death, those who were Accomplices therein shou'd best know it ; and the Objections against their Evidence the Reader may find clear'd if hell take the Pains to look a little lower. —After the poor Gentleman had several Days
been dog^ by the Papists, as Dr. Oates, Mr. Prance, and Mr. Bedlow, unanimously swear, and which he as good as ac knowledged to Mr. Robinson, as appears on the Trial of his
Murtherers, they at last accomplished their wicked Design on Saturday, Octob. 12. 1678. and under a Pretence of a Quarrel, which they knew his Care for the publick Peace wou'd oblige him to prevent, about Nine at Night, as he was going Home, got him into the Water-Gate at Somerset-House. When he was thus trapan'd in, and got out of Hearing from the Street, toward the lower End of the Yard, Green, One of the Assassines, threw a twisted Handkerchief round his Neck, and drew him
behind the Rails,—which, notwithstanding his Age and Weak ness, are objected against its Probability ; taking him thus at a Surprize, and in the Dark, 'twas easie for him to do, especially Three or Four more of 'em immediately falling in to assist him,
there they throtled him ; and lest that shou'd not be enough, punch'd and kickt him on the Breast, as sufficiently appear'd when his body was found, by the Marks upon it ; and lest he shou'd not be yet dead enough, another of 'em, Girald, or, as I find him called in other Places, Fitz-Girald, wou'd have run him through, but was hindered by the Rest, lest the Blood shou'd have discover'd 'em : But Green, to make sure Work, wrung his Neck round, as 'twas found afterwards on the Inspection of the Surgeons.
For the Disposal of the Body, they all carried it up into a little Chamber of Hills, another of the Murtherers, who had been, or was Dr. Godwin's Man, where it lay till Monday Night, when they remov'd it into another Room, and thence back again till
Wednesday, when they carried him out in a Sedan about Twelve a Clock, and afterwards upon a Horse, with Hill behind him, to support him, till they got to Primrose Hill, or, as some say 'tis called, Green-Bury-Hill, near a Publick House, called the White House, and there threw him into a Ditch, with his Gloves and Cane on the Bank near him, and his own Sword run through him, on Purpose to persuade the World he had kill'd himself. Very
6 flfliegtern S^artproloflp.
politickly making Choice of a Place to lay him where they might both think he wou'd be sometime conceal'd, and near where he had been seen walking the same Day, if the Affidavits to this Purpose in Sr. R's Book may be reposed upon.
All this Mr. Prance swears upon the Trial of his Murtherers, with whom he acknowledges he had several Consults before at the Plow-Alehouse, and other Places, concerning it: Whose
Evidence is confirmed, not only by innumerable other Circum stances, but Mr. Bedlow's Confession, who was to have been present at the Action, had not Remorse of Conscience hinder'd him, having been engaged by the Conspirators for a great
Reward, and was afterwards to have a considerable Part of it for carrying off the Body, which he swears he saw in the very Room whither Prance says 'twas remov'd on the Monday Night.
— But even here too he fail'd 'em — So 'twas done without his Assistance in the Manner before described.
And very sure, no doubt, the great Plotters thought they had now made their Business : For we are not to fancy these little Villains attempted such an Action of their own Impulse ; the
great Spring we had before in Dugdale's Story of Coleman, from whence those large Sums must proceed which Bedlow mentions. Now, I say, they thought the Business was as sure as the Jews
had made the Sepulchre —having seal'd all the Mouths of the Parties concern'd, with Oaths and Sacraments, Solemnities com monly abus'd by their Party to the foulest Villanies — But neither that, nor the Darkness of the Night, nor the Distance of Places,
cou'd hinder the Divine Justice from looking through and dis covering the Villains concern'd, and bringing 'em to Punishments worthy their Wickedness. — The Manner thus, — His body being found by some who accidentally walk'd that Way, and generally suspected from his former discourses, and many Pro babilities, that he was murder'd by the Papists, the King issued out a Proclamation with a Promise of Indempnity and 500/. Reward to any who wou'd discover it. On this Mr. Bedlow writ a Letter to the Secretary from the Country, concerning his Knowledge of something considerable in that Matter ; and being, sent for up to Town, reveal'd whate'er he knew of the Business. And a little after, Prance being accidentally seiz'd by a Constable
and then in the House of Lords Lobby, was known by Mr.
»>tr (£timunti=25urp (Botiftep.
7
Bedlow, having seen his Face on that Monday Night, when at the same Time they saw the Body ; and who on Examination discoverd also what his Share was in the Murther : And tho' he afterwards denied for Fear of losing his Trade, and such other Motives, as he himself confest, yet in a Quarter of an Hour he returned again to his first Evidence.
But the most difficult Task will be what yet remains — the clearing those Objections, and some of 'em plausible Ones, and which have led away too many well-meaning Men, against the Truth of this recited Evidence as well as some insinuations spred abroad, and made the most of to persuade the World this worthy Gentleman was guilty of his own Death.
But here can't be expected that a private Person, who has not the Advantages of Sir Roger, to have Warrants from Two K's and all Persons and Papers before him relating to that Business, and who had Wit great, and Honesty little enough to pick out, and leave in, what was for his Turn that such an one shou'd be able to go through so many Hundred Pages as his Book consist of, and answer every Particular therein. 'Twill be Satisfaction enough to any rational Man to' touch some of the Plots and Fetches made Use of from one Time to another to- wash the Blackamoor white, and clear the Papists from this Villany To answer the main Objections against the Evidence, and bring some corroborating Circumstances for the Truth on't. And lastly, To shew Sir Edmond could not murther himself irt
that Place and Manner as pretended.
The first of the Methods they used to sham off this Murther.
And very sure, no doubt, the great Plotters thought they had now made their Business : For we are not to fancy these little Villains attempted such an Action of their own Impulse ; the
great Spring we had before in Dugdale's Story of Coleman, from whence those large Sums must proceed which Bedlow mentions. Now, I say, they thought the Business was as sure as the Jews
had made the Sepulchre —having seal'd all the Mouths of the Parties concern'd, with Oaths and Sacraments, Solemnities com monly abus'd by their Party to the foulest Villanies — But neither that, nor the Darkness of the Night, nor the Distance of Places,
cou'd hinder the Divine Justice from looking through and dis covering the Villains concern'd, and bringing 'em to Punishments worthy their Wickedness. — The Manner thus, — His body being found by some who accidentally walk'd that Way, and generally suspected from his former discourses, and many Pro babilities, that he was murder'd by the Papists, the King issued out a Proclamation with a Promise of Indempnity and 500/. Reward to any who wou'd discover it. On this Mr. Bedlow writ a Letter to the Secretary from the Country, concerning his Knowledge of something considerable in that Matter ; and being, sent for up to Town, reveal'd whate'er he knew of the Business. And a little after, Prance being accidentally seiz'd by a Constable
and then in the House of Lords Lobby, was known by Mr.
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Bedlow, having seen his Face on that Monday Night, when at the same Time they saw the Body ; and who on Examination discoverd also what his Share was in the Murther : And tho' he afterwards denied for Fear of losing his Trade, and such other Motives, as he himself confest, yet in a Quarter of an Hour he returned again to his first Evidence.
But the most difficult Task will be what yet remains — the clearing those Objections, and some of 'em plausible Ones, and which have led away too many well-meaning Men, against the Truth of this recited Evidence as well as some insinuations spred abroad, and made the most of to persuade the World this worthy Gentleman was guilty of his own Death.
But here can't be expected that a private Person, who has not the Advantages of Sir Roger, to have Warrants from Two K's and all Persons and Papers before him relating to that Business, and who had Wit great, and Honesty little enough to pick out, and leave in, what was for his Turn that such an one shou'd be able to go through so many Hundred Pages as his Book consist of, and answer every Particular therein. 'Twill be Satisfaction enough to any rational Man to' touch some of the Plots and Fetches made Use of from one Time to another to- wash the Blackamoor white, and clear the Papists from this Villany To answer the main Objections against the Evidence, and bring some corroborating Circumstances for the Truth on't. And lastly, To shew Sir Edmond could not murther himself irt
that Place and Manner as pretended.
The first of the Methods they used to sham off this Murther.
was by early Reports they spred about, even before his Body was found, That he had kill'd himself. Now this Sir Roger himself can scarce have Brow enough to affirm 'twas done by the Brothers to save the Estate, since 'twas a very odd Way, certainly, to do that, by letting the World openly know that he was a Self- murtherer. That such Reports were spred, we shall by and by prove, and that from Sir Roger's own Book, without the Trouble: of consulting the Paper-Office, —and who got by't, who shou'd
do't, whose Interest was't to do't, but the Papists, altho' the par ticular Authors may be unknown?
Among -the many Evidences of his Death, being known at so many distant Places before 'twas publick here, there are Two
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come up exactly to the Matter in Hand. The First — which was recited by the Reverend Dean of Bangor, now Bishop of St. Asaph, in his Funeral Sermon, and which, it seems, he had of One Mr. Angus — who the same day Sir Edmond was found about Five a Clock on Primrose Hill, being in Mr. Chiswelf s Shop in St. PauFs Church-yard about One or Two, there was a person unknown to him past by, and clapping him upon the Shoulder, ask'd him [Lf'he heard the News that Sir E. B. G. was
found dead, with his own Sword run through him. ]
The second is of Mr. Goldsborough, Clerk of the House of Com
mons, who being in a Barber's Shop on Tuesday Morning while he was missing, a person came in open-mouth'd [That SirK. B. G. was found;] and being ask'd where, reply'd, [He had kilTd himself upon Primrose-Hill ;] where upon Thursday following in the Evening the Body was indeed discover'd.
The Second considerable Attempt made the same Way, was by one Magrath no. Irishman, the Famous Celiers, who foretold both the Prince of Wales, and a great many more after him ; the Jesuits in Newgate, and others, who pretended to prove Sir E. B. G. hang'd himself, and his Clerk Moor cut him down — But being examin'd at the Council-Board, it prov'd only a malicious and false Contrivance.
'Twill be very well worth the while to remark that Mrs. Mary Gibbons was one of the Persons deeply engaged in this Design among so much other good Company ; and that Mrs. Mary
Gibbonsis one of the main Evidences Sir Roger makes use of in his Book—Tho' this Sham was then so thin laid, and this Person so well known, that even Farewell and Pain were asham'd to make Use of either in their letters to Prance on this Subject, but protest very Solemnly, That none of those, neither Celiers, the Newgate Priests, nor Mrs. Mary Gibbons, or other Papists, or Popishly affected, knew any thing of the Matter, but were all Strangers to it.
When this Contrivance was found out by all the World to be as very a Sham as Celiers's being with child in Newgate, or some
Body else in another Place, yet was not the infatigable Zeal of that Party discouraged ; but Mr. Farewell, a person intrusted in managing the Estates and Lands of the Jesuits ; and Pain, Brother to the Famous Pain who wrote St. Coleman's Elegy, set
a new Project on Foot to the same Purpose in some Letters sent to Prance, and Printed by N. Thomson; which indeed, if we look closely into 'em, will appear to be Sir Roger in little, there being the self-same Expressions in one as the t'other, and his Mystery seeming to be hardly more than their Letters spread a little thinner. —The Blood gubling out of the Wound—Bedlow's and Prance's East and West Contradictions, — The Wax dropt on his Cloaths after he mas found, and several other Things the self-same in both of 'em. And I remember, at that very Time 'twas shrewdly suspected and rumoured about Town, that the same Person lay behind the Curtain, and thrust their Cats-Feet into the Fire, who has since appeared publickly in Prosecution of the same Cause.
Before their Trial they reckoned their Witnesses by the Hun dred, pretending to make his Self-murther as clear as the Sun. When they came to and had all the fair Play imaginable, Pain's Heart failed him, and he pleaded Guilty. —Farewell made so poor a Defence, and the Matter was so clearly proved against 'em, that Farewell and Thomson were both fined by the Court, and sentenced to stand in the Pillory, with this Inscription over them, [For Libelling the Justice of the Nation,
the World believe that Sir E. B. G. murthered himself] Where how abundantly they were honoured by the Spectators, all who know anything of the Story can't but remember.
Thus lay for some Time, and no Person was so hardy to make any farther Attempts that Way while there was any Possibility of having Justice against 'em But when the Sheriffs, Juries, nay, King and all were changed; when that past which poor Oates and all the World have Cause to remember when, Prance would not unconfess, he knew he must tread the same dolorous Way that Oates had gone before him and had now done all that could be desired then Sir Roger took up the Cudgels, and published his Book, called, [The Mystery of Sir E. B. G's
Death unfolded;] Or, which would have been a fitter Title, [The Second Edition with Additions (^Farewell's and Pain's Letters] The Main of what he advances there, will be answer'd in clear ing, as was proposed, the Objections against the Evidence relating to that Matter.
If the ill Character of the Persons who gave be urged to in
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validate their Testimony, as this does not reach all of 'em, so it has been often answered — Who but such were fit for such Vil- lanies? If their seeming Disagreement in some Part of their Evidence, what greater Argument that 'twas no Combination ? If Prance retracted —we are told by Sir Roger himself, That he was a white-liver1 d Man, and so might be frighted out of Truth as well as into it. And indeed on that very Reason 'twas long before suspected, that if he should ever be bore hard upon, he would not be able to stand it.
[But the Papists would never kill him, because he had obliged 'em]—As if Gratitude was a Popish Virtue, or Charity, any more than Faith were to be kept with Hereticks : Those that think so let 'em look back, and see if the last Reign be enough to
convince 'em.
It maybe urged on, Here are several Testimonies in the Trial
of the Murtherers, and since, that invalidate the Evidence there given, — Warner and his Wife and Maid about Green — That he was at Home all that Evening when he was accused for commit- ingit. —'Twould be enough to oppose to this, their Confession to Captain Richardson — That they could do him no good. — But besides this, Mr. Justice Dolbin's Observation on the Trial clears it effectually — They swore to the Saturday Fortnight after
Michaelmass-Z><y, which was, says the Justice, the igth of Octob. not the iith, on which the Murther was committed.
If Broadstreet and others testifie they were in the Room where the Body was laid, and Hill's Wife so rubs up her Memory, that after so many Years she remembers what she could not upon his Trial — That she, and he, and their Child lay in the Room all that very Time when the Body was said to be there —'Twould not be a Shift, but an Answer — That they were Papists that swore it, who can swear any Thing. But besides, Broadstreet acknow ledged before the Duke of Monmouth, That Hill was gone from his Lodgings before this Time, as was proved on the Trial- Mrs. Tilden says, There was but One Key to their Door. Mrs. Broadstreet at the same Time, with what she own'd about Hill,
That there were Six or Seven — Contradictions in others, we see, as well as the King's Evidence ; and these being much homer, and more irreconcileable than theirs, must of Necessity destroy the Belief of what else they testifie.
But the Home-thrust is — [The Centinels saw no Sedan carried out—] This the printed Trial easily sets right. The Centinels were Trollop and Wright. Trollop staid till Ten, and saw a Sedan go in, but none out again : Wright till One, but saw none go out. It must be in Trollop's Time, being as Prance says, about Twelve. — The Centinels being then at Burys Lodge smoaking and drinking. Trollop says on the Trial, he was
never at the Lodge, but so does not Wright, as any one may see by consulting he being never asked the Question.
'Twill give a great Light into this Deed of Darkness in the next Place, to consider several circumstantial Evidences, which would, of themselves, go very far to prove that Sir E. B. G. was murthered by the Papists, and that in the very Place and Man ner which has been already described.
The First of these from Sir Edmond's own Mouth, which has been already hinted, but shall here be farther cleared.
'Twas indeed so notorious, that Sir E. B. G. had boding Thoughts, and a Sort of a Prophetical Intimation of his Death, and that by the Papists and discoursed of so publickly and generally, that Sir Roger could not deny all the Matter of Fact, but endeavours to avoid the Force on't when he says, as wit nessed by several — [On my Conscience shall be the First Martyr] This he interprets — doubt shan't live long. ] — Sure,
though he says in one Place, The Man was no Fool, yet he must be supposed to be no better, any more than all the Readers, neither he nor they made any Difference between being hanged and martyred. But the very Reason of this Interpretation was for what Sir R. dearly loved—That he might have Opportunity for a Reflection on the Parliament —He feared, says he, that the
Parliament would call him to Account, and that nothing would satisfie 'em but his Life, for not discovering sooner. — In Oppo sition to this, any impartial Man need but consider what follows. Esquire Robinson, on the Trial of the Murderers, witnesses that he had a Discourse with Sir Edmond a little while before his Death about the Plot then newly talkt on — Says Robinson — wish the Depth of the Matter befound out. — Sir E. answers, am afraid it is not. — Upon my Conscience believe shall be the First Martyr. — He acknowledged he had taken several Examin ations about it, but thought he shou'd have little Thanks for his
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Pains. The Esq. askt him—Are you afraid? [No, said he, /
do not fear 'em, if they come fairly; and
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Life tamely7\ Well, Sir Roger, Is all this the Parliament? Was
he afraid the Parliament would send a Party to dog him, and set upon him ? And that he did not fear the Parliament, but if they came fairly, would not part with his Life tamely? —No ; any Man that has but half an Eye, unless that too blinded with Pre judice, may see the Meaning on't; and that he apprehended Danger only from the Papists, against whom he had taken several Examinations.
The next is of John Wilson the Sadler, who swears, Sir Edmond talking with one Mr. Harris, then told this Informant,
[That he was in Danger for what he acted for the Discovering of the late Plot against his Majesty? ] See how ingeniously this is answered — {His Apprehension was from the Parliament, not the Papists; and for Concealing, not Discovering the Plot. ] These very words Sir Roger has in his Book,/. 281. Now whether this is not a direct Statuimus, i. e. Abrogamus, What Sir Edmond calls Discovering, for Sir R. who knows his mind better, now he's
shan't part with my
dead, than he himself did while alive, to tell us he means Con cealing, which is quite contrary — and how fair a Way of Answer 'tis, let any of his best Friends be Judges.
Twould be tedious to bring any more, when this does effec tually, as to his own Judgment. Only 'tis remarkable, that these very Things are sworn upon the Trial by Mr. Oates, —that Sir E. B. G. had told him— [He had received Affronts from great Persons for being so zealous in the Business — That he had been threatned — That he went in fear of his Life from the Popish Party; and that he had been dog'd several Days, —butfeared 'em not if they came fairly to Work. ]
For other Evidences of his Murther by the Papists, that which indeed made the greatest Noise, was, his Death being heard of so far off, and in so many different Places, before 'twas known in London. This, Sir Roger tells us, was on Purpose spred by the
Brothers to throw it on the Papists: But here's this in Opposi tion : Dugdale, against whom he makes no objection, but allows his Evidence, makes Oath in my Lord Stafford's Trial, and other
Places, —That this News was brought to one Ewers, a Priest, in a Letter which he shewed him, dated the very Night 'twas
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done, — which had these Words in't — [This very Night Sir E. B. G. is dispatch' dP\ Now I'd fain ask — Had these Brothers Correspondence with the Priest? Would they use such a word as that [Dispatched? —] Did they write to Ewers too, and bid him tell Dugdale, That this Sir E. B. G. was a busie Man and fit- to betaken out of the Way? —As Dugdale swears he did. — Could Dugdale conspire with Oates so long before they knew one another, and while he was himself a Prisoner in Stafford shire ? And where all those perjur'd who witness that Mr. Dugdale did report this before it could be known by any but the very Conspirators?
That 'twas done in that very Place, at Somerset-House, Providence has left strange Confirmation.
The First is—Bury the Porter's refusing to admit any Persons into the Gates about that Time, the 12th, l$th, 14th of October. Nay, that he had denied the Prince himself Admittance (Prince
Rupert, I suppose, it must be) and pretended Orders for so doing. But these Orders he never produced. —And more, like a true Papist, denied Matter of Fact when charged with it ; and tho' he had acknowledged to the Council he had never such Orders before, when Sir Thomas Stringer came to witness positively denied it.
Two more very remarkable Affidavits there are, which give mighty Strength to all the former One of Spence (Captain Spence he called in some Copies) and the other of John
Okeley. Spence was a tall, black Man, much like Sir E. B. G. , as was witnessed by those who knew him to all which Sir R. only answers,— He has been told otherwise. This Spence passing by the same Water-Gate at Somerset-House about Seven at Night, Two Days before Sir Edmond's Murther, was drag^d in thither, being seized by Five or Six Men—but one of 'em, when
in, cry'd out— This is not he— on which they immediately let him go. — Here's a plain Evidence of their Intentions, and a Confirmation of what Bedlow, Oates, and
they had him
Prance sware of Sir E's being dog'd so long before. —All that's answered to't —That there was a Suit of Law depending between this Spence and Mr. Broadstreet — and therefore forsooth, he must forswear himself, and wilfully damn his Soul only for a circumstantial Evidence and Reflection on Hill himself Three
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or Four Years after he was hang'd, and so on his Master, Dr. Godden, and thence again on Mrs. Broadstreet ; and all this when it had no Influence at all on the Suit of Law, or them who sued him. — But enough of this. — Let's now take Notice of the next. —'Tis one John Okeley, who that very night, Octob. 12. going by Somerset- House, at the Water-Gate, about Nine a Clock, saw there Sir E. B. G. whom he knew very well, living in the same Lane with him —he past close by him, pulled off his Hat to him, as Sir E. B. G. did to him again ;—when past him, he turned about, and looked on him. —And this he told to several Persons, which witness the same. To this, the main of what Sir R. objects —'Twas dark, and how should he know
him Certainly, any one that knows London, cannot be igno rant that we have Lights in the Streets at Nine at Night And 'twas morally impossible, that one who knew him so welL who looked upon him, who put off his Hat to him, as he to him again, and who after all this look'd back upon him—that such a one should be mistaken in the Person.
The last Thing to be proved —That Sir E. B. G. did not, and could not murder himself in that Place, as is pretended by his Enemies. He was first missing on Saturday, and therefore according to their Account, his Body must have been in the Place where 'twas found till that Thursday Night. But had been there on Tuesday or Wednesday, the Pack of Hounds which hunted there, both of those Days, must have found him. Sir Roger tells us,—They might have been on the other side of the Ditch, or beat the Place carelessly without finding it. But Mr. Faucet's Deposition — That he beat that very Place —
which sure he was capable of knowing, having been himself there to see after the body was found. He repeats and. says Twice, —'Twas in that very Place, And Harwood says as much, who hunted the Day after. —One Circumstance there is, which makes this Evidence yet more conclusive. 'Twas deposed in the Trial of Farewell, and several other Places, that the Body stunk extreamly when 'twas found, which was but the next Day after. Now Id ask any unprejudic'd Man, Whether 'twas so much as possible that this very Place should be beat Two Days after one another, and the Hounds not scent the Body, even
tho' the Hunters might perhaps oversee
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But besides this, there was yet a narrower Search made on another Occasion in that same Field. The Story is told in a Paper, calPd, An Account of the Murther, published by Thompson himself, who, with G. Larkin, another Printer, was present, and avouch'd the Matter of Fact on their own Knowledge. 'Tis this,- — That while the Body lay at the White-House, and the Jury were about one of the Jurymen themselves declared, —
That a Servant ofhis Mother, a Butcher, and two Boys, made a very strict and narrow Search in all Tarts of the Groundfor a Calf that was lost there, and this both on Monday and Tues day — and at that Time there lay no dead Body, Belt, Gloves, or any thing else there. — But were all these too on the wrong Side of the Hedge Or where did they look for this Calf, in the middle of the Field, or in the Ditches and Hedges, where 'twas impossible they could have mist of the Body, had been there
There's one great Objection which Sir Roger makes very much of in this matter—tho' not quite so strong now, as 'twas some, Years since and that —There was no Popish Plot at all, therefore no Popish Murther, —which he expresses in his own peculiar Merry-Andrew Way — They hang both upon the same String, and whoever overthrows the one, trips up the Heels of the other. Nor indeed he singular in his Opinion, as to a great Part of —for my Lord Chief Justice Pemberton says, on the Trial of Farewell, think, 'twas, —If they could have made out that he had killed himself, all of them would have
cried out, the Popish Plot was a Sham raised the Protestants against the Papist, and all the Plot must have gonefor nothing. — But now to retort the Objection — If there was a Popish Plot, 'tis a terrible Argument that there was too a Popish Murther. - But that there was one, we must be forced to believe, till we find these Things, among many others, answered.
1. Coleman's Letters — and that Expression — The Extirpation of this Northern Heresie.
2. The Letter produced in Harcourt's Trial, wherein the very Consult of April 24 mention'd, —and A Design then on Foot among 'em, which they were to manage with all imaginable Secrecy.
3. The positive Oaths of so many Men. Some of 'em of a
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fair Character and blameless Conversation ; others no more able to invent such a Plot, than their Enemies to disprove it.
4. The Endeavours of the Papists to assassinate, disgrace, buy off, or any Way divert the Evidence against 'em ; which they were not such Fools to do for nothing.
5.