Darunter
steht - wie eben immer die Tat, die den Mann beru ?
Trakl - IN CONTEXT- POETRY AND EXPERIENCE IN THE CULTURAL DEBATES OF THE BRENNER CIRCLE
Historisch-Kritische Ausgabe, ed.
by Walther Killy and Hans Szklenar, 2nd edn, 2 vols (Salzburg: Otto Mu ?
ller, 1987), I, p.
246.
Further references to this edition will be given parenthetically in the text using the abbreviation HKA, in the form (HKA, I, 246).
poem, which isn't explained by anything like the 'Machtgebot' of 'Confiteor', but which plunges the speaker into a different world.
The third poem I want to draw on to present my sketch of a recurring technique in Trakl's poetry is taken from Sebastian im Traum, the volume of poems that Trakl had already sent to press in 1914 before he volunteered for active service as a member of the medical corps of the Austrian army in August 1914, but which didn't appear until 1915, a few months after Trakl's death. The poem in question is also autumnal and is entitled 'Herbstseele'. In this poem we are presented with human society in the aggressive form of the cries of hunters and the baying of their hounds: 'Ja ? gerruf und Blutgebell' (HKA, I, 107). But nature is also represented by the harsh cry of the predatory hawk. Yet the prey escapes: 'Bald entgleitet Fisch und Wild' (HKA, I, 107). And although the speaker, writing in the first person plural, talks of a separation from loved ones, a transformation occurs nevertheless: 'Abend wechselt Sinn und Bild' (HKA, I, 107). The closing, fourth strophe of the poem then draws on an explicitly religious vocabulary to describe how human beings can lay their guilt and 'rote Pein' in God's hands.
It might be tempting to construct a biographical narrative around these three poems, one that starts with 'Confiteor', an early poem that registers a sense of dislocation which the poet can't explain, moves on to the poem 'Herbst'/'Verfall' that is taken up from the 1909 collection into the 1913 volume and that begins to reflect on how the shift or dislocation occurs, and then finishes with the redemptive peace of 'Herbstseele' written later in 1913 (HKA, II, 180-81). But this teleology is in fact hard to impose on the poetry. To give two brief examples from poems to which I will be returning later in the argument: the late, prose poem 'Verwandlung des Bo ? sen' was modified by Trakl between its first appearance in the issue of the Innsbruck-based journal Der Brenner of 15 October 1913 and the version included in Sebastian im Traum. The final version added a line which destroyed the very redemption the final paragraph of the first published version had seemed to achieve: 'Dem folgt unverga ? ngliche Nacht' (HKA, I, 98). If, in Sebastian im Traum, the re-writing of 'Verwandlung des Bo ? sen' seems to overturn the optimism of 'Herbstseele', in the earlier Gedichte we can observe the opposite movement. In drafting the final version of the poem 'Psalm', Trakl adds a line which adopts precisely the redemptive perspective he denies himself in other poems: 'Schweigsam u ? ber Scha ? delsta ? tte o ? ffnen sich Gottes goldene Augen' (HKA, I, 56). In the later poems, therefore, it can be said that Trakl focuses consciously on the kind of shift described in 'Verfall' and 'Herbstseele', since it is an element he attends to as he drafts and re-drafts his poems. At the same time, the shift can go in either direction. The line: 'Abend wechselt Sinn und Bild' (HKA, I, 107) that Trakl uses in 'Herbstseele' to describe a shift in a positive direction could actually refer to a shift in either direction. All it says is that the speaker moves from one type of meaningful world to another. It does not commit us to necessarily moving in one direction.
Trakl's poetry could be read as an extended reflection on this shift: on the images by which it can be presented, and the images that might be appropriate to participating in, bringing about, or simply surrendering to the shift. Trakl's poetic world is labile. Redemption is reversible; God's presence is palpable, but sometimes only in its potential withdrawal. At the same time, his world is populated by a recurring set of figures of redemption: the figures of the prey and of
GEORG TRAKL IN CONTEXT 329
330 BEN MORGAN
the soul which appear in 'Herbstseele' are examples, but so also are named figures, like Sonja, who refers intertextually to the character of the same name in Dostoevsky's Crime and Punishment, or figures, like Elis and Helian, who are as pure and long-suffering as Dostoevsky's Sonja but are of Trakl's invention. It will be part of my argument that these characters are the key to understanding how Trakl's poetry functioned in the 1910s and beyond, creating - albeit unstable - points of identification for readers confronting the awe-inspiring lability of Trakl's poetic world. But to understand this claim, we need first to have seen more of the context from which Trakl's poetry emerged. To this end I will start by setting out the limited sense in which the term 'Expressionism' can be applied to his writing, before moving on to give a positive account of Trakl's relations to his contemporaries and peers.
II TRAKL BEFORE EXPRESSIONISM
Trakl can be called an Expressionist poet for two reasons: first, because ten of his poems were included in the book which retrospectively defined Expressionist poetry, Kurt Pinthus's Menschheitsda ? mmerung (1919); and, secondly, because the two volumes of poems which he prepared for publication in his lifetime, as well as the collection of his poems edited by Karl Ro ? ck immediately after his death, were published by the Kurt Wolff Verlag, a publishing house closely associated with Expressionism as a literary movement. 4 Indeed, Trakl's first volume, Gedichte, appeared in 1913 as No. 6/7 of the series 'Der Ju ? ngste Tag', that is to say as part of a collection of texts which the historian of the Kurt Wolff Verlag, Wolfram Go ? bel, has called the most important Expressionist series. 5 'Der Ju ? ngste Tag' published new work by young writers including Johannes R. Becher, Gottfried Benn, Max Brod, Kasimir Edschmid, Iwan Goll, Ferdinand Hardekopf, Emmy Hennings, Franz Kafka, Oskar Kokoschka, Carl Sternheim and Franz Werfel. Trakl's work thus appeared alongside that of many authors now included in Expressionist collections. But Trakl would not have called himself an Expressionist. Nor indeed would any of the other writers included in the series 'Der Ju ? ngste Tag' in 1913 when Kurt Wolff was first creating the project. 6 From a letter the publisher sent to Trakl on 28 April 1913 explaining his idea, it is clear that Wolff himself was not thinking in terms of a unified literary movement: 'Ich bringe in den na ? chsten Wochen zu billigstem Preise (M 0,80) eine Reihe von Bu ? chern junger Autoren heraus, deren Werke (ohne da" sie selbst irgendwie zu einer gemeinsamen Gruppe oder Clique geho ? ren) das gemeinsam haben, da" sie irgend ein selbststa ? ndiger und starker Ausdruck unserer Zeit sind' (the letter is reprinted in full in HKA, II, 792).
4 The poems included in Menschheitsda ? mmerung were 'De profundis', 'Ruh und Schweigen', 'In den Nachmittag geflu ? stert', 'An den Knaben Elis', 'Elis', 'Helian', 'Der Herbst des Einsamen', 'Abendlied', 'Sebastian im Traum', and 'Gesang des Abgeschiedenen. ' For a discussion of the importance of Kurt Wolff as the publisher of Expressionism, see Wolfram Go ? bel, Der Kurt Wolff Verlag 1913-1930: Expressionismus als verlegerische Aufgabe (Frankfurt a. M. : Buchha ? ndler- Vereinigung, 1977).
5 On the publication of Trakl's first volume of poems, see Go ? bel, p. 1377. Go ? bel gives a complete listing of the series 'Der Ju ? ngste Tag', pp. 1377-79, and discusses the history of the series, pp. 573-92.
6 Go ? bel, p. 568.
Trakl was one of the writers who, to Wolff, seemed symptomatic of the age. But to understand how Trakl's poetry relates to its literary and historical context it is helpful to forget the labels that have been retrospectively applied, and to see instead how he and his contemporaries positioned his writing. 7 To some of his contemporaries, Trakl's difficult writing, stretching language almost to the point of nonsense, made him appear to be a Futurist. 8 Meanwhile, if Trakl himself adopted any label, he called himself a Christian (if the testimony of Hans Limbach is to be believed). In one of the very few poetological statements he made he described poetry as an - albeit inadequate - form of expiation: 'eine unvollkommene Su ? hne'. 9 However, I do not want to argue that Trakl was a Futurist or a Christian rather than an Expressionist poet. 10 Rather than being limited by the labels people tried out on Trakl at the time, or by what Trakl said, or is thought to have said, about his work, we can look to what he did as a more reliable indicator of the cultural context to which his poetry belongs. For the last two and half years of his life, a period in which much of the poetry for which he is remembered was written, Trakl was actively involved with a group of writers and artists clustered around the Innsbruck bi-weekly journal Der Brenner that had been published by Ludwig von Ficker since 1910. 11 Indeed, he can be said to have become by 1914 the poetic figurehead of the journal. The first of his poems to be published in Der Brenner was 'Vorstadt im Fo ? hn' in the issue of 1 May 1912. The next poem to be published was 'Psalm', dedicated to Karl Kraus, which appeared in the issue of 1 October 1912. At least one poem by Trakl then appeared in each of the following thirty- eight consecutive issues of Der Brenner from October 1912 until spring 1915, when Ficker released a final 'Jahrbuch' before ceasing publication for the duration of the Great War. The 'Jahrbuch' contained, amongst other things, Trakl's last poems, including 'Grodek', a translation of Kierkegaard's 'Vom Tode' (one of his Three Discourses on Imagined Occasions), Carl Dallago's translation-cum- paraphrase of Lao Tse, and an essay critical of the culture that produced the
7 For a considered account of what Trakl's writing has in common with other writers associated with Expressionism in terms of his use of the 'Reihungsstil' and his treatment of madness, see Maurice Gode ? , 'Trakl et L'expressionisme', Austriaca 65/66 (2007/2008), 115-30.
8 Eberhard Sauermann discusses contemporary reviews of Trakl's poetry in which he is called a Futurist in Eberhard Sauermann, 'Trakls Lesung in Innsbruck im Jahre 1913: Zur Produktion, Interpretation und Rezeption des Programms', Sprachkunst, 18 (1987), 181-207 (pp. 192, 195, and 197).
9 '''Ich bin Christ'' -- antwortete Trakl. ' Hans Limbach, 'Begegnung mit Georg Trakl', in Erinnerung an Georg Trakl, ed. by Ludwig von Ficker (Innsbruck: Brenner Verlag, 1926), pp. 103-09 (p. 106). The authenticity of Limbach's record has been defended by Walter Methlagl, 'Hans Limbach ''Begegnung mit Georg Trakl''. Zur Quellenkritik', Mitteilungen aus dem Brenner-Archiv, 4 (1985), 3-47. Trakl's brief poetological aphorism was first published in Der Brenner, 5 (1915), p. 7. It is reprinted in HKA, I, 463. The most compelling reason for treating Trakl as a Christian writer is that that is how he appeared to his contemporaries, even to those such as Carl Dallago, to whom being a Christian was not a recommendation, as Dallago explained in a letter to Ludwig von Ficker of 19 February 1914. Ludwig von Ficker, Briefwechsel 1909-1914, ed. by Ignaz Zangerle and others (Salzburg: Otto Mu ? ller, 1986), pp. 202-03.
10 The study which established the Christian reading of Trakl is Eduard Lachmann, Kreuz und Abend: Eine Interpretation der Dichtungen Georg Trakls (Salzburg: Otto Mu ? ller, 1954).
11 For a survey of Trakl's key relationships with members of the Brenner circle, see Richard Detsch, Georg Trakl and the Brenner Circle (New York: Peter Lang, 1991).
GEORG TRAKL IN CONTEXT 331
332 BEN MORGAN
war by the Kierkegaard translator Theodor Haecker. The issue was read by contemporaries as honouring Trakl more than criticizing the Great War, although Ficker had hurried the issue into print because of the topical nature of Haecker's contribution. 12
If Trakl's poetry formed the burden of the journal's farewell message in 1915, it was no less important after the war. In 1919, it was a quotation from Trakl's 'An die Verstummten' describing the labour of forging a new humanity that served as the peroration of Ficker's programmatic preface to the first issue of the new series of Der Brenner: 'Aber stille blutet in dunkler Ho ? hle stummere Menschheit, | Fu ? gt aus harten Metallen das erlo ? sende Haupt. '13 Trakl's name was invoked alongside those of the three other figures who for Ficker summed up the cultural mission of his journal as 'Wegbereiter' for a future culture in the aftermath of the Great War: Lao Tse, SOren Kierkegaard and Karl Kraus. To understand what Trakl's poetry meant in the 1910s, therefore, we need to reconstruct the cultural project embodied by Der Brenner during the first phase of its publication 1910-1915. 14 This will involve a consideration not only of Der Brenner but also of similar journals of the period, especially Karl Kraus's Die Fackel, for Kraus in particular appeared to the contributors to Der Brenner - including Georg Trakl - as an aesthetic and ethical model.
III THE CULTURAL CONCERNS OF DER BRENNER
The number of Der Brenner which initiated the uninterrupted sequence of issues containing poems by Trakl captures the journal at a moment of transition. The issue in question is the first number of the third year: 1 October 1912. 'Vorstadt im Fo ? hn' had been published the previous May in the penultimate issue of the second year, a fortnight before the summer break that lasted from June to the end of September. Trakl's poetry had been brought to the attention of Ficker by Robert Mu ? ller, an editor of the avant-garde cultural journal Der Ruf, published by the Akademischer Verband fu ? r Literatur und Musik in Vienna in 1912 and 1913, and bringing together different types of avant-garde culture from the Austrian metropolis: the first issue included contributions by, amongst others, Robert Mu ? ller, Hermann Bahr, Stefan Zweig, Christian Morgenstern, Adolf Loos, Arnold Scho ? nberg and Peter Altenberg; the 1913 issue on the theme 'Krieg' bore a self- portrait by Egon Schiele on the cover. 15 Der Brenner and Der Ruf had similar concerns as critically oriented, cultural journals, and Mu ? ller's recommendation of Trakl to Ficker was part of - ultimately unsuccessful - efforts by the two editors to
12 Eberhard Sauermann, 'Das ''Brenner-Jahrbuch 1915'' und seine Rezeption. Trakl- Verehrung oder Kriegsgegnerschaft? ', Mitteilungen aus dem Brenner-Archiv, no. 20 (2001), 35-55.
13 Ludwig von Ficker, 'Vorwort zum Wiederbeginn', Der Brenner, 6 (1919), p. 4. A facsimile edition of the entire run of the journal is available on-line at ,http://corpus1. aac. ac. at/brenner/. [accessed 23 August 2012].
14 For an invaluable introduction to the journal for the period 1910-1915, with a selection of articles, see Sieglinde Klettenhammer and Erika Wimmer-Webhofer, Aufbruch in die Moderne: Die Zeitschrift ''Der Brenner'' 1910-1915 (Salzburg: Haymon, 1990).
15 The five issues of the journal are reprinted as Der Ruf: ein Flugblatt an junge Menschen (Nendeln, Liechtenstein: Kraus Reprint, 1969).
ally their publications. 16 However, after Ficker met Trakl in May 1912, his interest in his poetry came to be driven by more than just strategic concerns. The whole focus of the journal changed from 1912 to 1915, moving away from a vitalist critique of early twentieth-century urban culture propounded in the essays that Carl Dallago contributed to the journal, to the more religiously-oriented view of a fragile, suffering humanity articulated by the poetry of Trakl and by the translations of works by Kierkegaard that began to appear from May 1914. 17 When, therefore, Der Brenner resumed publication after the summer break in 1912 with the first of the sequence of Trakl publications, a milestone had been reached in the development of the journal.
Trakl's poetry can thus be seen to formulate a model of human fragility that was used, in the pages of Der Brenner from 1912, as a perspective from which to articulate a mild form of social critique. So far so good. Yet to reconstruct Trakl's poetic project it helps to consider not only the new impulses found in the journal with which Trakl's poetry was more directly aligned, such as the turn towards Kierkegaard, but also the wider array of positions associated with Der Brenner. For Trakl shared the concerns and took part in the conversations of the circle, and the poems published in the journal often read as variations on themes that other contributors were also dealing with. 18 Something of the journal's cultural affiliation is registered in the few advertisements it carried. In order to maintain independence, Der Brenner did not include commercial advertisements. 19 Instead, the two-page advertising section at the end of the issue of 1 October 1912 promotes reprints of essays by Dallago, but it also contains advertisements for books by Karl Kraus and for the architectural school about to be opened by Adolf Loos. 20 Both figures were important for the journal because of their critique of empty ornamentation, be it in architecture or in the phrase-making of journalistic style. Ficker would go on to publish brief essays by Loos in Der Brenner. 21 For Kraus, he organized readings in Innsbruck and Munich, but he and other contributors also discussed, praised and emulated Kraus in the pages of the Innsbruck publication from the very outset. Trakl himself not only dedicated his 'Psalm' to Kraus but published a poem with Kraus as its subject, so it will be worth following up the relation between the Brenner circle and Kraus in more detail to show what Trakl and Kraus had in common.
16 Sieglinde Klettenhammer, Georg Trakl in Zeitungen und Zeitschriften seiner Zeit: Kontext und Rezeption (Innsbruck: Institut fu ? r Germanistik, 1990), pp. 148-56.
17 'Nicht mehr der heroische Mensch, der die sich ihm feindlich entgegengesetzte Welt als intakte Perso ? nlichkeit u ? berwindet, sondern der Leidende und der am Leiden der Mitwelt Teilnehmende begann fu ? r Ficker seit der Begegnung mit Trakl vorbildhaft zu werden. Dieses neue Menschenbild fand Ficker in den Schriften Kierkegaards beispielhaft vorgezeichnet [. . . ]. ' Klettenhammer, Georg Trakl in Zeitungen und Zeitschriften seiner Zeit, pp. 173-74.
18 '''Der Brenner'' als Kontext zur Lyrik Georg Trakls', in Alfred Doppler, Die Lyrik Georg Trakls: Beitra ? ge zur poetischen Verfahrensweise und zur Wirkungsgeschichte (Vienna: Bo ? hlau, 1992), 94-103.
19 Klettenhammer and Wimmer-Webhofer, Aufbruch in die Moderne, p. 11.
20 Der Brenner, 4 (1912/1913), pp. 47-48.
21 Adolf Loos, 'Regeln fu ? r den, der in den Bergen baut', Der Brenner, 4 (1913/1914), pp.
40-41 (1 October 1913). Adolf Loos, 'Keramika', Der Brenner, 4 (1913/14), 224-30 (1 December 1913).
GEORG TRAKL IN CONTEXT 333
334 BEN MORGAN
Kraus was the editor and, from 1910, sole author of Die Fackel, which he had starting publishing in April 1899, throwing down the gauntlet before a public caught, as he put it, between obstinacy and apathy, between empty phrases and thoughtlessness. 22 Die Fackel counted as a model of enlightened, ethical writing to the men associated with the newer journal Der Brenner. 23 Kraus characterized his approach in a stinging attack he wrote on Stefan Zweig in Die Fackel in 1913, contrasting his own style with the moneyed dilettantism he disapproved of in Zweig: 'Ich habe den Fehler, Halt zu machen bei den Dingen und die Phrasen konsequent zu Ende zu denken. Das ist nicht scho ? n von mir. Das ist ungemu ? tlich fu ? r die Jugend. '24 It was his thinking through the consequences of the use and abuse of language that particularly won him admiration from the Brenner circle.
But how did Kraus's linguistic critique compare to other cultural endeavours of the early twentieth century? Kraus set out the relation as he saw it in an article entitled 'Untergang der Welt durch schwarze Magie' that he published in Die Fackel in December 1912 lambasting a new generation that was directing its critical energies in the wrong direction. Kraus focuses in particular on the use of language, the status of art in its relation to commercial interests and the press, and attitudes to technology and war. The article seems to have been prompted by a photograph that particularly enraged Kraus showing a cafe ? owner with his wife being praised for their inspired idea of driving their customers home for a fee if the customers required:
Ich sehe zum Beispiel irgendwo ein Bild: ein Ehepaar. Er ein Charakterkopf.
Darunter steht - wie eben immer die Tat, die den Mann beru ? hmt gemacht hat, mit einem Schlagwort, gleich unter dem Bild und vor der eigentlichen Biographie, umrissen wird: 'Cafetier Anton Stern, der Besitzer des Wiener Cafe ? Pru ? ckl, und seine Gattin, die in eigenen Autos die Ga ? ste gegen Erlag einer Krone in ihre Wohnungen fu ? hren lassen. ' So hat er ausgesehen, das hat er vollbracht; ein Blick, und man u ? bersieht ein Leben und ein Werk. U ? berall Bild und Wort zur Feier genialer Initiative. 25
Kraus is worried by the attitudes to language and the narrativization of experience that this episode betrays. The caption to the photograph not only reduces a life to a pithy one-liner, but creates a world in which we experience only phrases and advertising slogans. More importantly, it reflects a world in which reporting an event bleeds into promoting the cafe ? in question, erasing the boundary between cultural comment and commerce. Kraus is aware that his readers might think that, in fixing on a random photo in a newspaper and connecting it to wider social changes, he is making a mountain out of a molehill (or, in the German idiom, an 'elephant out of a flea'). But he nevertheless sees the episode as an indicator of how a journalistic language that is essentially the language of advertising is eroding the
22 Die Fackel, Nr. 1 (April 1899), 1: 'einer O ? ffentlichkeit gegenu ? ber, die zwischen Unentwegtheit und Apathie ihr phrasenreiches oder vo ? llig gedankenloses Auskommen findet [. . . ]'.
23 Klettenhammer, Georg Trakl in Zeitungen und Zeitschriften seiner Zeit, p. 239.
24 Karl Kraus, 'Der Schmock, das Talent und die Familie', Die Fackel, Nr. 366-367 (11 January 1913), 28.
25 Karl Kraus, 'Untergang der Welt durch schwarze Magie', Die Fackel, Nr. 363-364-365 (12 December 1912), 1-28 (p. 2).
separate sphere of culture. 26 The celebration of war and technology evident in an issue of Der Sturm of June 1912 appears to Kraus as a further symptom of this erasure of intellectual life. Kraus would prefer a younger generation that marched emptily around a candelabrum to the posturing of what in a polemic earlier in the year he disparagingly dismissed as 'Futuristen, Neo-pathetikern, Neoklassizisten und sonstigen Inhabern von Titeln'. 27 Indeed, he would prefer almost anything:
neben den Pathetikern der Maschine, die einem Chauffeur die Pferde ausspannen wollen, und neben den Krafttinterln, die die Technik deshalb dem Ingenium vorziehen, weil sie vor diesem verloren, hinter jener aber, selbst sie, Helden sind. Man kurbelt; das ist so schnell wie schreiben und noch unperso ? nlicher. 28
The younger generation prizes technology because it allows them to cast themselves as heroes, inducing in them a misplaced sense of agency and achievement. A more responsible writing, for Kraus, requires an allergic attention to the abuse of language as set phrase or slogan, requires a thinking of ideas through, and an acknowledgement of the distinction between aesthetic and journalistic language, which nevertheless does not retreat into an aesthetic sphere to avoid engaging with the issue of the day. What we find in Kraus's essays, therefore, is critical engagement with standardized forms of language, and a position on art which combines aesthetic autonomy with ethical responsibility. This situates him between l'art pour l'art on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the celebration of passing movements which he thought irresponsibly collapsed art into journalism.
The contributors to Der Brenner valued the critique of language. But they also prized the experience from which they believed it to be inseparable, explaining Kraus's moral authority in terms of his person, and of a particular sort of experience, which readers must share with Kraus if they are to understand him properly. The result was a mythologization of the figure of Kraus himself in which Trakl also participated. Thus, in the second-ever issue of the journal, published on 15 June 1910, Ficker published a brief article entitled 'Karl Kraus' in which he insisted: 'da" na ? mlich dieses publizistische Pha ? nomen, das Karl Kraus hei"t, nicht zu erlesen, nur zu erleben ist, indem es eine geistige Bekanntschaft vermittelt, die man erst tief erlitten haben mu", ehe man das Recht hat, sich ihrer zu erfreuen'. 29 The intertwining of Kraus's linguistic critique with his moral experience persisted in the articles that appeared on the editor of Die Fackel with titles such as 'Karl Kraus, der Mensch', or 'Karl Kraus als Erzieher' (playing on the title of Nietzsche's
26 The origin of this tendency can, for Kraus, be traced back to Heine: 'Ohne Heine kein Feuilleton. ' Karl Kraus, 'Heine und die Folgen', Die Fackel, Nr. 329-330 (31 August 1911), 7. For an account of the critique of contemporary journalism that Kraus develops through his reading of Heine, see Anthony Phelan, Reading Heirich Heine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 3-13.
27 Die Fackel, Nr. 351-352-353 (21 June 1912), 53.
28 Kraus, 'Untergang der Welt durch schwarze Magie', p. 27.
29 Fortunat [5Ludwig von Ficker], 'Karl Kraus', Der Brenner, 1 (1910/11), 46-48 (p. 48).
GEORG TRAKL IN CONTEXT 335
336 BEN MORGAN
third 'untimely meditation' Schopenhauer als Erzieher). 30 In 'Karl Kraus, der Mensch', Carl Dallago presents Kraus as a mythical Siegfried, whose confronta- tion with the world has hardened his exterior, as Siegfried was made invincible by the blood of the dragon he slayed: 'Kraus ist hart geworden. Alle Grausamkeiten unsrer Zeit traten auf sein Inneres. Die Unkultur einer ganzen Gro"stadt trampelte auf ihm herum. Es machte seine Gu ? te zuletzt wohl ho ? rnern wie das Drachenblut die Haut Siegfrieds. '31 Later in the essay, this Viennese Siegfried is hailed as a creative warrior ('Auch Kraus ist scho ? pferischer Krieger') and compared to Napoleon. 32 An admiration for Kraus's writing, and linguistic critique is thus inseparable from a certain mythologizing of his person. In a similar vein, in 'Karl Kraus als Erzieher', Karl Borroma ? us Heinrich views Kraus as the conscience of Austrian culture, or of what he hyperbolically terms 'the world': 'In der Tat: nicht allein dem Geschehnis gegenu ? ber, das seine edle Empfindsamkeit herausfordert, waltet sein ethisches Pathos; auch gegen die Sprache selbst, in welcher er die Herausforderung beantwortet, zeigt er sich von einer Gewissenhaftigkeit, die vor ihm unbekannt gewesen ist. Karl Kraus wirkt als das Gewissen der Welt, die unter ihm lebt. '33 Kraus's writing and Kraus's person are here once again collapsed into each other, and the amalgam is said to be policing language as such.
Trakl shared this admiration for Kraus, and, indeed, as Alfred Doppler has pointed out, he uses terms similar to those in which Dallago and Heinrich express their praise for the editor of Die Fackel in a short aphorism that appeared in the Brenner of 15 June 1913 as his contribution to the 'Rundfrage u ? ber Karl Kraus' organized and published by the journal in response to an article attacking Kraus which was printed in the Munich-based magazine Zeit im Bild. 34 Thomas Mann, Frank Wedekind and many other contemporary figures contributed their own short defences of Kraus. Wedekind regretted that Kraus did not put his talents to use on the stage; Mann praised him whilst also judiciously differentiating between his own concerns as an artist and those of Kraus the polemical anti-journalist. 35 Trakl's response, as it was printed in the journal, was as follows:
Georg Trakl:
Karl Kraus: wei"er Hohepriester der Wahrheit,
Kristallne Stimme, in der Gottes eisiger Odem wohnt,
Zu ? rnender Magier,
Dem unter schwarzem Mantel der blaue Panzer des Kriegers klirrt. 36
30 Carl Dallago, 'Karl Kraus, der Mensch', Der Brenner, 2 (1911/12), 871-94 (15 May 1912); Karl Borroma ? us Heinrich, 'Karl Kraus als Erzieher', Der Brenner, 3 (1912/13), 373-85 (1 February 1913).
31 Dallago, 'Karl Kraus, der Mensch', p. 874.
32 Dallago, 'Karl Kraus, der Mensch', pp. 882-83.
33 Karl Borroma ? us Heinrich, 'Karl Kraus als Erzieher', p. 378.
34 '''Der Brenner'' als Kontext zur Lyrik Georg Trakls', in Doppler, pp. 97-98. Doppler
points out the parallels between Trakl's formulations and those of Dallago and Heinrich but does not consider how Trakl changes them by compressing them in his poem.
35 'Rundfrage u ? ber Karl Kraus', Der Brenner, 3 (1912/13), 839-40. 36 Ibid. , p. 840.
The poem was then taken up in Sebastian im Traum. The later version makes the words 'Karl Kraus' the title of the poem, and changes an epithet in the final line: 'unter schwarzem Mantel' becomes 'unter flammendem Mantel' (HKA, I, 123). The poem consists in an apostrophe to a figure described as priest, magician and warrior (like Dallago's Siegfried or Napoleon), whose attributes are whiteness, a crystalline voice, wrath, a black or flaming mantle and a blue suit of armour (hardening his exterior, as the dragon's blood did for Dallago's Siegfried-Kraus; the Man in Kokoschka's Mo ? rder Hoffnung der Frauen (1908/1910) is similarly described as 'blaugepanzert'). 37 The stakes are set very high: the figure is a high priest of Truth, and his voice is inhabited by God. At the same time, the figure does nothing in particular in the poem. Rather, the text performatively summons the figure up: creates him by its declarations and links the figure to Kraus through the occasion (in the 'Rundfrage' edition of Der Brenner) or through the title (in Sebastian im Traum).
IV MEANINGFUL MEANINGLESSNESS: TRAKL'S POETIC METHOD
We can now return to Trakl's poetic method to analyse it in more detail and so explore further how it engaged with the concerns of his peers and associates. For Dallago and Heinrich, Kraus becomes a mythological or rhetorical figure (Siegfried, Napoleon, or the embodiment of a personified Conscience). For Trakl, too, he is mythologized, but the invocation is not merely hyperbolic but excessive even to the point of meaninglessness. The images of Siegfried and Napoleon reinforce each other as aspects of an underlying warrior archetype. But the epithets used by Trakl are not so easily subsumable: priest, magician, warrior; whiteness, crystal, wrath, do not straightforwardly combine. Indeed, the change from a 'black' to a 'flaming' mantel might even be explained by the fact that wrath and blackness fit too easily, as do white and black as simple opposites. Despite the changes, moving the poem further from immediately comprehensible oppositions, the poem is nevertheless evocative. It presents a moral authority that is incontrovertible and embodied in a real person (so part of this world), but at the same time, the language challenges the tropes available for domesticating that authority: Kraus is not simply a hero.
Gerald Stieg has argued that the poem is striking because of the way it differs in attitude from other straightforwardly adulatory responses to Kraus in the 'Rundfrage'. Indeed, for Stieg, the poem pre-empts the critical line that the Brenner circle will come to take on Kraus in the 1920s. 38 I will in the end be disagreeing with Stieg, but it is useful to follow his lead and think a little more about other responses to Kraus published in the 'Rundfrage' and elsewhere. As we have seen, both Wedekind and Mann had a sense of a realm in relation to which Kraus's project could be understood: theatre, in the case of Wedekind, or art, in the case of Mann. They knew how to deal with Kraus, insofar as they could measure his authority by their preferred standard. Scho ? nberg's response to the
37 Oskar Kokoschka, Schriften 1907-1955, ed. by Hans Maria Wingler (Munich: Langen Mu ? ller, 1956), pp. 137-51 (p. 141).
38 'Karl Kraus und Georg Trakl', in Gerald Stieg, Der Brenner und Die Fackel: Ein Beitrag zur Wirkungsgeschichte von Karl Kraus (Salzburg: Otto Mu ? ller, 1976), pp. 261-71 (pp. 269-70).
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'Rundfrage', in contrast, is more emphatic but less secure. Here the issue seems to be precisely that it was hard not simply to imitate Kraus: 'Ich habe von Ihnen [Kraus] vielleicht mehr gelernt, als man lernen darf, wenn man noch selbsta ? ndig bleiben will. '39 Mann and Wedekind can avoid being overwhelmed by Kraus, or the Krausian ethical project, because they know how to situate it culturally. Scho ? nberg lacks an equivalent sovereignty. But that need not be seen as a problem. In a note written almost twenty years later, but thinking about the influence of Kraus on his intellectual development, Wittgenstein similarly abandons the claim to independence. Kraus, alongside other figures like Loos, Russell, Frege, is one of the writers in relation to whom Wittgenstein's own thought was simply reproduktiv. The terms in which Wittgenstein then explains to himself what he contributes despite this intellectual recycling are relevant to an understanding of Trakl's poetic project. Wittgenstein concludes: 'Was ich erfinde sind neue Gleichnisse. '40
To contemporaries, it seems, Kraus, and the ethical project he represented were a force to be reckoned with. If his authority could not be conceptually contained, it demanded simply to be emulated. Wittgenstein's response, as he reflected in the 1930s, was to find a way of inventing new images with which the ethical enterprise to which he was committed could be furthered. In contrast, Trakl could be said not to have invented new images but to stage the failure of existing literary idioms. Tropes and topoi do not combine in Trakl's text, as Siegfried and Napoleon can join to conjure the ultimate warrior of the spirit. The figures of the priest, magician, and warrior gesture towards an authority that cannot directly be invoked, but is rather experienced through the failure of the images to represent it. Kraus's power speaks through, and precisely because of, the equivocations of the poem. Or, to put it another way: Trakl's Kraus poem evokes a powerful idea of human experience, but one which doesn't settle into a easily identifiable figure.
Here we can return to Stieg's reading which copes with the challenge of Trakl's poem by downplaying any conflict between images and claiming that the magician represents a critique of the means used by the priest-warrior in his service of the truth. 41 Stieg has been questioned on philological and biographical grounds. 42 But more important in relation to the view of Trakl that I am presenting here is that Stieg's reading harmonizes the tensions of the poem, arranging them to form a narrative, in this case, of critique. Moritz Ba"ler has taken issue with this sort of approach to Trakl. In a reading of the prose poem 'Verwandlung des Bo ? sen', he argues that Trakl's poetry positively undermines any attempt to generate from it recognizable situations, characters or narratives. The main semantic unit of the
39 'Rundfrage u ? ber Karl Kraus', p. 843.
40 Ludwig Wittgenstein, Culture and Value: A Selection from the Posthumous Remains, ed. by Georg Henrik von Wright, Heikki Nyman, and Alois Pichler, trans. by Peter Winch, 2nd edn (Oxford: Blackwell, 1998), p. 16 (MS 154 15v: 1931).
41 'Die wei"e Magie ist kein Weg zur Wahrheit. ' Stieg, Der Brenner und Die Fackel, p. 269.
42 Stieg's reading depends on a decoding of Trakl's colour scheme which ignores the change
from 'black' to 'flaming' in the revision of the poem for Sebastian im Traum. See Sigurd Paul Scheichl's review of Stieg's book, Sprachkunst, 8 (1977), 144-47. Doppler (p. 98) argues that the critique of Kraus Stieg finds was simply not yet on the agenda for the Brenner circle in 1913, Trakl included.
poem, for Ba"ler, is not the sentence or even the phrase but individual words, which seem luminous because of the way Trakl's dictions draw on existing traditions: Symbolist and Romantic poetry and the language of the Bible. 43
Ba"ler's argument draws attention to aspects of Trakl's poetic technique that Stieg's rationalizing account overlooks. However, I would not go so far as Ba"ler in insisting on the complete disintegration of the poem into a luminous literariness. 44 While the sense of a literary tradition to which he is responding is indeed an important aspect of the poetry, Trakl did something more than staging the impossibility of literary meaning. To his contemporaries, his poems also contained something positive. This is most succinctly expressed in the comment Wittgenstein recorded in his diary on being sent offprints of Trakl's poems 'Helian' and 'Kaspar Hauser Lied' by Ficker in November 1914. 45 On 24 November 1914, Wittgenstein noted: 'Ficker sandte mir heute Gedichte des armen Trakl, die ich fu ? r genial halte ohne sie zu verstehen. Sie taten mir wohl. Gott mit mir. '46 Wittgenstein's comments could perhaps be read as a contemporary confirmation of the reading Ba"ler elaborated eighty years later. The poems convey an aesthetic aura (they are recognized as 'genial') but are incomprehensible: a case of luminous literariness if ever there was one. However, this account omits Wittgenstein's final comments: 'Sie taten mir wohl. Gott mit mir. ' The poems provoke in Wittgenstein a sense of metaphysical comfort. Now, it turns out they have this positive effect only if Wittgenstein's own work is going well. When he was sent a copy of Sebastian im Traum in February 1915, and his own flow of inspiration had dried up, Wittgenstein felt only that he had no space in his head for other people's thoughts, and he noted, without the same sense of involvement, that the poems are 'probably very good', but did not record the same emotional effect as in November of the previous year. 47 Nevertheless, Wittgenstein's record of the experience of reading Trakl as, as it were, a sympathetic onlooker of his literary endeavours in the 1910s, suggests that the poems did something to readers which is neither the clearly articulated critique of rival cultural positions found by Stieg nor the equally unequivocal questioning of meaning uncovered by Ba"ler. The effect of the poems lay somewhere between these two readings. They were, in other words, an inspiring or invigorating form of nonsense.
Wittgenstein was not the only contemporary to react to Trakl's poems in this way. Karl Borroma ? us Heinrich is the author of the first published response to Trakl's poetry, published as his second 'Brief aus der Abgeschiedenheit' in Der
43 Moritz Ba"ler, 'Wie Trakls Verwandlung des Bo ? sen gemacht ist', in Gedichte von Georg Trakl, ed. by Hans-Georg Kemper (Stuttgart: Reclam, 1999), pp. 121-41.
44 Hanna Klessinger develops a similar critique of Ba"ler's approach, seeing in Trakl's poetry a literary response to the ethical problems of the society he lived in. Hanna Klessinger, Krisis der Moderne: Georg Trakl im intertextuellen Dialog mit Nietzsche, Dostojewskij, Ho ? lderlin und Novalis (Wu ? rzburg: Ergon, 2007).
45 The information as to which poems Wittgenstein was sent is derived from the editorial material accompanying the publication of Ficker's correspondence of November 1914: Ficker, Briefwechsel 1914-1925, ed. Ignaz Zangerle and others (Salzburg: Haymon, 1988), p. 468.
46 Ludwig Wittgenstein, Briefe an Ludwig von Ficker, ed. by Georg Henrik von Wright and Walter Methlagl (Salzburg: Otto Mu ? ller, 1969), p. 15.
poem, which isn't explained by anything like the 'Machtgebot' of 'Confiteor', but which plunges the speaker into a different world.
The third poem I want to draw on to present my sketch of a recurring technique in Trakl's poetry is taken from Sebastian im Traum, the volume of poems that Trakl had already sent to press in 1914 before he volunteered for active service as a member of the medical corps of the Austrian army in August 1914, but which didn't appear until 1915, a few months after Trakl's death. The poem in question is also autumnal and is entitled 'Herbstseele'. In this poem we are presented with human society in the aggressive form of the cries of hunters and the baying of their hounds: 'Ja ? gerruf und Blutgebell' (HKA, I, 107). But nature is also represented by the harsh cry of the predatory hawk. Yet the prey escapes: 'Bald entgleitet Fisch und Wild' (HKA, I, 107). And although the speaker, writing in the first person plural, talks of a separation from loved ones, a transformation occurs nevertheless: 'Abend wechselt Sinn und Bild' (HKA, I, 107). The closing, fourth strophe of the poem then draws on an explicitly religious vocabulary to describe how human beings can lay their guilt and 'rote Pein' in God's hands.
It might be tempting to construct a biographical narrative around these three poems, one that starts with 'Confiteor', an early poem that registers a sense of dislocation which the poet can't explain, moves on to the poem 'Herbst'/'Verfall' that is taken up from the 1909 collection into the 1913 volume and that begins to reflect on how the shift or dislocation occurs, and then finishes with the redemptive peace of 'Herbstseele' written later in 1913 (HKA, II, 180-81). But this teleology is in fact hard to impose on the poetry. To give two brief examples from poems to which I will be returning later in the argument: the late, prose poem 'Verwandlung des Bo ? sen' was modified by Trakl between its first appearance in the issue of the Innsbruck-based journal Der Brenner of 15 October 1913 and the version included in Sebastian im Traum. The final version added a line which destroyed the very redemption the final paragraph of the first published version had seemed to achieve: 'Dem folgt unverga ? ngliche Nacht' (HKA, I, 98). If, in Sebastian im Traum, the re-writing of 'Verwandlung des Bo ? sen' seems to overturn the optimism of 'Herbstseele', in the earlier Gedichte we can observe the opposite movement. In drafting the final version of the poem 'Psalm', Trakl adds a line which adopts precisely the redemptive perspective he denies himself in other poems: 'Schweigsam u ? ber Scha ? delsta ? tte o ? ffnen sich Gottes goldene Augen' (HKA, I, 56). In the later poems, therefore, it can be said that Trakl focuses consciously on the kind of shift described in 'Verfall' and 'Herbstseele', since it is an element he attends to as he drafts and re-drafts his poems. At the same time, the shift can go in either direction. The line: 'Abend wechselt Sinn und Bild' (HKA, I, 107) that Trakl uses in 'Herbstseele' to describe a shift in a positive direction could actually refer to a shift in either direction. All it says is that the speaker moves from one type of meaningful world to another. It does not commit us to necessarily moving in one direction.
Trakl's poetry could be read as an extended reflection on this shift: on the images by which it can be presented, and the images that might be appropriate to participating in, bringing about, or simply surrendering to the shift. Trakl's poetic world is labile. Redemption is reversible; God's presence is palpable, but sometimes only in its potential withdrawal. At the same time, his world is populated by a recurring set of figures of redemption: the figures of the prey and of
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the soul which appear in 'Herbstseele' are examples, but so also are named figures, like Sonja, who refers intertextually to the character of the same name in Dostoevsky's Crime and Punishment, or figures, like Elis and Helian, who are as pure and long-suffering as Dostoevsky's Sonja but are of Trakl's invention. It will be part of my argument that these characters are the key to understanding how Trakl's poetry functioned in the 1910s and beyond, creating - albeit unstable - points of identification for readers confronting the awe-inspiring lability of Trakl's poetic world. But to understand this claim, we need first to have seen more of the context from which Trakl's poetry emerged. To this end I will start by setting out the limited sense in which the term 'Expressionism' can be applied to his writing, before moving on to give a positive account of Trakl's relations to his contemporaries and peers.
II TRAKL BEFORE EXPRESSIONISM
Trakl can be called an Expressionist poet for two reasons: first, because ten of his poems were included in the book which retrospectively defined Expressionist poetry, Kurt Pinthus's Menschheitsda ? mmerung (1919); and, secondly, because the two volumes of poems which he prepared for publication in his lifetime, as well as the collection of his poems edited by Karl Ro ? ck immediately after his death, were published by the Kurt Wolff Verlag, a publishing house closely associated with Expressionism as a literary movement. 4 Indeed, Trakl's first volume, Gedichte, appeared in 1913 as No. 6/7 of the series 'Der Ju ? ngste Tag', that is to say as part of a collection of texts which the historian of the Kurt Wolff Verlag, Wolfram Go ? bel, has called the most important Expressionist series. 5 'Der Ju ? ngste Tag' published new work by young writers including Johannes R. Becher, Gottfried Benn, Max Brod, Kasimir Edschmid, Iwan Goll, Ferdinand Hardekopf, Emmy Hennings, Franz Kafka, Oskar Kokoschka, Carl Sternheim and Franz Werfel. Trakl's work thus appeared alongside that of many authors now included in Expressionist collections. But Trakl would not have called himself an Expressionist. Nor indeed would any of the other writers included in the series 'Der Ju ? ngste Tag' in 1913 when Kurt Wolff was first creating the project. 6 From a letter the publisher sent to Trakl on 28 April 1913 explaining his idea, it is clear that Wolff himself was not thinking in terms of a unified literary movement: 'Ich bringe in den na ? chsten Wochen zu billigstem Preise (M 0,80) eine Reihe von Bu ? chern junger Autoren heraus, deren Werke (ohne da" sie selbst irgendwie zu einer gemeinsamen Gruppe oder Clique geho ? ren) das gemeinsam haben, da" sie irgend ein selbststa ? ndiger und starker Ausdruck unserer Zeit sind' (the letter is reprinted in full in HKA, II, 792).
4 The poems included in Menschheitsda ? mmerung were 'De profundis', 'Ruh und Schweigen', 'In den Nachmittag geflu ? stert', 'An den Knaben Elis', 'Elis', 'Helian', 'Der Herbst des Einsamen', 'Abendlied', 'Sebastian im Traum', and 'Gesang des Abgeschiedenen. ' For a discussion of the importance of Kurt Wolff as the publisher of Expressionism, see Wolfram Go ? bel, Der Kurt Wolff Verlag 1913-1930: Expressionismus als verlegerische Aufgabe (Frankfurt a. M. : Buchha ? ndler- Vereinigung, 1977).
5 On the publication of Trakl's first volume of poems, see Go ? bel, p. 1377. Go ? bel gives a complete listing of the series 'Der Ju ? ngste Tag', pp. 1377-79, and discusses the history of the series, pp. 573-92.
6 Go ? bel, p. 568.
Trakl was one of the writers who, to Wolff, seemed symptomatic of the age. But to understand how Trakl's poetry relates to its literary and historical context it is helpful to forget the labels that have been retrospectively applied, and to see instead how he and his contemporaries positioned his writing. 7 To some of his contemporaries, Trakl's difficult writing, stretching language almost to the point of nonsense, made him appear to be a Futurist. 8 Meanwhile, if Trakl himself adopted any label, he called himself a Christian (if the testimony of Hans Limbach is to be believed). In one of the very few poetological statements he made he described poetry as an - albeit inadequate - form of expiation: 'eine unvollkommene Su ? hne'. 9 However, I do not want to argue that Trakl was a Futurist or a Christian rather than an Expressionist poet. 10 Rather than being limited by the labels people tried out on Trakl at the time, or by what Trakl said, or is thought to have said, about his work, we can look to what he did as a more reliable indicator of the cultural context to which his poetry belongs. For the last two and half years of his life, a period in which much of the poetry for which he is remembered was written, Trakl was actively involved with a group of writers and artists clustered around the Innsbruck bi-weekly journal Der Brenner that had been published by Ludwig von Ficker since 1910. 11 Indeed, he can be said to have become by 1914 the poetic figurehead of the journal. The first of his poems to be published in Der Brenner was 'Vorstadt im Fo ? hn' in the issue of 1 May 1912. The next poem to be published was 'Psalm', dedicated to Karl Kraus, which appeared in the issue of 1 October 1912. At least one poem by Trakl then appeared in each of the following thirty- eight consecutive issues of Der Brenner from October 1912 until spring 1915, when Ficker released a final 'Jahrbuch' before ceasing publication for the duration of the Great War. The 'Jahrbuch' contained, amongst other things, Trakl's last poems, including 'Grodek', a translation of Kierkegaard's 'Vom Tode' (one of his Three Discourses on Imagined Occasions), Carl Dallago's translation-cum- paraphrase of Lao Tse, and an essay critical of the culture that produced the
7 For a considered account of what Trakl's writing has in common with other writers associated with Expressionism in terms of his use of the 'Reihungsstil' and his treatment of madness, see Maurice Gode ? , 'Trakl et L'expressionisme', Austriaca 65/66 (2007/2008), 115-30.
8 Eberhard Sauermann discusses contemporary reviews of Trakl's poetry in which he is called a Futurist in Eberhard Sauermann, 'Trakls Lesung in Innsbruck im Jahre 1913: Zur Produktion, Interpretation und Rezeption des Programms', Sprachkunst, 18 (1987), 181-207 (pp. 192, 195, and 197).
9 '''Ich bin Christ'' -- antwortete Trakl. ' Hans Limbach, 'Begegnung mit Georg Trakl', in Erinnerung an Georg Trakl, ed. by Ludwig von Ficker (Innsbruck: Brenner Verlag, 1926), pp. 103-09 (p. 106). The authenticity of Limbach's record has been defended by Walter Methlagl, 'Hans Limbach ''Begegnung mit Georg Trakl''. Zur Quellenkritik', Mitteilungen aus dem Brenner-Archiv, 4 (1985), 3-47. Trakl's brief poetological aphorism was first published in Der Brenner, 5 (1915), p. 7. It is reprinted in HKA, I, 463. The most compelling reason for treating Trakl as a Christian writer is that that is how he appeared to his contemporaries, even to those such as Carl Dallago, to whom being a Christian was not a recommendation, as Dallago explained in a letter to Ludwig von Ficker of 19 February 1914. Ludwig von Ficker, Briefwechsel 1909-1914, ed. by Ignaz Zangerle and others (Salzburg: Otto Mu ? ller, 1986), pp. 202-03.
10 The study which established the Christian reading of Trakl is Eduard Lachmann, Kreuz und Abend: Eine Interpretation der Dichtungen Georg Trakls (Salzburg: Otto Mu ? ller, 1954).
11 For a survey of Trakl's key relationships with members of the Brenner circle, see Richard Detsch, Georg Trakl and the Brenner Circle (New York: Peter Lang, 1991).
GEORG TRAKL IN CONTEXT 331
332 BEN MORGAN
war by the Kierkegaard translator Theodor Haecker. The issue was read by contemporaries as honouring Trakl more than criticizing the Great War, although Ficker had hurried the issue into print because of the topical nature of Haecker's contribution. 12
If Trakl's poetry formed the burden of the journal's farewell message in 1915, it was no less important after the war. In 1919, it was a quotation from Trakl's 'An die Verstummten' describing the labour of forging a new humanity that served as the peroration of Ficker's programmatic preface to the first issue of the new series of Der Brenner: 'Aber stille blutet in dunkler Ho ? hle stummere Menschheit, | Fu ? gt aus harten Metallen das erlo ? sende Haupt. '13 Trakl's name was invoked alongside those of the three other figures who for Ficker summed up the cultural mission of his journal as 'Wegbereiter' for a future culture in the aftermath of the Great War: Lao Tse, SOren Kierkegaard and Karl Kraus. To understand what Trakl's poetry meant in the 1910s, therefore, we need to reconstruct the cultural project embodied by Der Brenner during the first phase of its publication 1910-1915. 14 This will involve a consideration not only of Der Brenner but also of similar journals of the period, especially Karl Kraus's Die Fackel, for Kraus in particular appeared to the contributors to Der Brenner - including Georg Trakl - as an aesthetic and ethical model.
III THE CULTURAL CONCERNS OF DER BRENNER
The number of Der Brenner which initiated the uninterrupted sequence of issues containing poems by Trakl captures the journal at a moment of transition. The issue in question is the first number of the third year: 1 October 1912. 'Vorstadt im Fo ? hn' had been published the previous May in the penultimate issue of the second year, a fortnight before the summer break that lasted from June to the end of September. Trakl's poetry had been brought to the attention of Ficker by Robert Mu ? ller, an editor of the avant-garde cultural journal Der Ruf, published by the Akademischer Verband fu ? r Literatur und Musik in Vienna in 1912 and 1913, and bringing together different types of avant-garde culture from the Austrian metropolis: the first issue included contributions by, amongst others, Robert Mu ? ller, Hermann Bahr, Stefan Zweig, Christian Morgenstern, Adolf Loos, Arnold Scho ? nberg and Peter Altenberg; the 1913 issue on the theme 'Krieg' bore a self- portrait by Egon Schiele on the cover. 15 Der Brenner and Der Ruf had similar concerns as critically oriented, cultural journals, and Mu ? ller's recommendation of Trakl to Ficker was part of - ultimately unsuccessful - efforts by the two editors to
12 Eberhard Sauermann, 'Das ''Brenner-Jahrbuch 1915'' und seine Rezeption. Trakl- Verehrung oder Kriegsgegnerschaft? ', Mitteilungen aus dem Brenner-Archiv, no. 20 (2001), 35-55.
13 Ludwig von Ficker, 'Vorwort zum Wiederbeginn', Der Brenner, 6 (1919), p. 4. A facsimile edition of the entire run of the journal is available on-line at ,http://corpus1. aac. ac. at/brenner/. [accessed 23 August 2012].
14 For an invaluable introduction to the journal for the period 1910-1915, with a selection of articles, see Sieglinde Klettenhammer and Erika Wimmer-Webhofer, Aufbruch in die Moderne: Die Zeitschrift ''Der Brenner'' 1910-1915 (Salzburg: Haymon, 1990).
15 The five issues of the journal are reprinted as Der Ruf: ein Flugblatt an junge Menschen (Nendeln, Liechtenstein: Kraus Reprint, 1969).
ally their publications. 16 However, after Ficker met Trakl in May 1912, his interest in his poetry came to be driven by more than just strategic concerns. The whole focus of the journal changed from 1912 to 1915, moving away from a vitalist critique of early twentieth-century urban culture propounded in the essays that Carl Dallago contributed to the journal, to the more religiously-oriented view of a fragile, suffering humanity articulated by the poetry of Trakl and by the translations of works by Kierkegaard that began to appear from May 1914. 17 When, therefore, Der Brenner resumed publication after the summer break in 1912 with the first of the sequence of Trakl publications, a milestone had been reached in the development of the journal.
Trakl's poetry can thus be seen to formulate a model of human fragility that was used, in the pages of Der Brenner from 1912, as a perspective from which to articulate a mild form of social critique. So far so good. Yet to reconstruct Trakl's poetic project it helps to consider not only the new impulses found in the journal with which Trakl's poetry was more directly aligned, such as the turn towards Kierkegaard, but also the wider array of positions associated with Der Brenner. For Trakl shared the concerns and took part in the conversations of the circle, and the poems published in the journal often read as variations on themes that other contributors were also dealing with. 18 Something of the journal's cultural affiliation is registered in the few advertisements it carried. In order to maintain independence, Der Brenner did not include commercial advertisements. 19 Instead, the two-page advertising section at the end of the issue of 1 October 1912 promotes reprints of essays by Dallago, but it also contains advertisements for books by Karl Kraus and for the architectural school about to be opened by Adolf Loos. 20 Both figures were important for the journal because of their critique of empty ornamentation, be it in architecture or in the phrase-making of journalistic style. Ficker would go on to publish brief essays by Loos in Der Brenner. 21 For Kraus, he organized readings in Innsbruck and Munich, but he and other contributors also discussed, praised and emulated Kraus in the pages of the Innsbruck publication from the very outset. Trakl himself not only dedicated his 'Psalm' to Kraus but published a poem with Kraus as its subject, so it will be worth following up the relation between the Brenner circle and Kraus in more detail to show what Trakl and Kraus had in common.
16 Sieglinde Klettenhammer, Georg Trakl in Zeitungen und Zeitschriften seiner Zeit: Kontext und Rezeption (Innsbruck: Institut fu ? r Germanistik, 1990), pp. 148-56.
17 'Nicht mehr der heroische Mensch, der die sich ihm feindlich entgegengesetzte Welt als intakte Perso ? nlichkeit u ? berwindet, sondern der Leidende und der am Leiden der Mitwelt Teilnehmende begann fu ? r Ficker seit der Begegnung mit Trakl vorbildhaft zu werden. Dieses neue Menschenbild fand Ficker in den Schriften Kierkegaards beispielhaft vorgezeichnet [. . . ]. ' Klettenhammer, Georg Trakl in Zeitungen und Zeitschriften seiner Zeit, pp. 173-74.
18 '''Der Brenner'' als Kontext zur Lyrik Georg Trakls', in Alfred Doppler, Die Lyrik Georg Trakls: Beitra ? ge zur poetischen Verfahrensweise und zur Wirkungsgeschichte (Vienna: Bo ? hlau, 1992), 94-103.
19 Klettenhammer and Wimmer-Webhofer, Aufbruch in die Moderne, p. 11.
20 Der Brenner, 4 (1912/1913), pp. 47-48.
21 Adolf Loos, 'Regeln fu ? r den, der in den Bergen baut', Der Brenner, 4 (1913/1914), pp.
40-41 (1 October 1913). Adolf Loos, 'Keramika', Der Brenner, 4 (1913/14), 224-30 (1 December 1913).
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Kraus was the editor and, from 1910, sole author of Die Fackel, which he had starting publishing in April 1899, throwing down the gauntlet before a public caught, as he put it, between obstinacy and apathy, between empty phrases and thoughtlessness. 22 Die Fackel counted as a model of enlightened, ethical writing to the men associated with the newer journal Der Brenner. 23 Kraus characterized his approach in a stinging attack he wrote on Stefan Zweig in Die Fackel in 1913, contrasting his own style with the moneyed dilettantism he disapproved of in Zweig: 'Ich habe den Fehler, Halt zu machen bei den Dingen und die Phrasen konsequent zu Ende zu denken. Das ist nicht scho ? n von mir. Das ist ungemu ? tlich fu ? r die Jugend. '24 It was his thinking through the consequences of the use and abuse of language that particularly won him admiration from the Brenner circle.
But how did Kraus's linguistic critique compare to other cultural endeavours of the early twentieth century? Kraus set out the relation as he saw it in an article entitled 'Untergang der Welt durch schwarze Magie' that he published in Die Fackel in December 1912 lambasting a new generation that was directing its critical energies in the wrong direction. Kraus focuses in particular on the use of language, the status of art in its relation to commercial interests and the press, and attitudes to technology and war. The article seems to have been prompted by a photograph that particularly enraged Kraus showing a cafe ? owner with his wife being praised for their inspired idea of driving their customers home for a fee if the customers required:
Ich sehe zum Beispiel irgendwo ein Bild: ein Ehepaar. Er ein Charakterkopf.
Darunter steht - wie eben immer die Tat, die den Mann beru ? hmt gemacht hat, mit einem Schlagwort, gleich unter dem Bild und vor der eigentlichen Biographie, umrissen wird: 'Cafetier Anton Stern, der Besitzer des Wiener Cafe ? Pru ? ckl, und seine Gattin, die in eigenen Autos die Ga ? ste gegen Erlag einer Krone in ihre Wohnungen fu ? hren lassen. ' So hat er ausgesehen, das hat er vollbracht; ein Blick, und man u ? bersieht ein Leben und ein Werk. U ? berall Bild und Wort zur Feier genialer Initiative. 25
Kraus is worried by the attitudes to language and the narrativization of experience that this episode betrays. The caption to the photograph not only reduces a life to a pithy one-liner, but creates a world in which we experience only phrases and advertising slogans. More importantly, it reflects a world in which reporting an event bleeds into promoting the cafe ? in question, erasing the boundary between cultural comment and commerce. Kraus is aware that his readers might think that, in fixing on a random photo in a newspaper and connecting it to wider social changes, he is making a mountain out of a molehill (or, in the German idiom, an 'elephant out of a flea'). But he nevertheless sees the episode as an indicator of how a journalistic language that is essentially the language of advertising is eroding the
22 Die Fackel, Nr. 1 (April 1899), 1: 'einer O ? ffentlichkeit gegenu ? ber, die zwischen Unentwegtheit und Apathie ihr phrasenreiches oder vo ? llig gedankenloses Auskommen findet [. . . ]'.
23 Klettenhammer, Georg Trakl in Zeitungen und Zeitschriften seiner Zeit, p. 239.
24 Karl Kraus, 'Der Schmock, das Talent und die Familie', Die Fackel, Nr. 366-367 (11 January 1913), 28.
25 Karl Kraus, 'Untergang der Welt durch schwarze Magie', Die Fackel, Nr. 363-364-365 (12 December 1912), 1-28 (p. 2).
separate sphere of culture. 26 The celebration of war and technology evident in an issue of Der Sturm of June 1912 appears to Kraus as a further symptom of this erasure of intellectual life. Kraus would prefer a younger generation that marched emptily around a candelabrum to the posturing of what in a polemic earlier in the year he disparagingly dismissed as 'Futuristen, Neo-pathetikern, Neoklassizisten und sonstigen Inhabern von Titeln'. 27 Indeed, he would prefer almost anything:
neben den Pathetikern der Maschine, die einem Chauffeur die Pferde ausspannen wollen, und neben den Krafttinterln, die die Technik deshalb dem Ingenium vorziehen, weil sie vor diesem verloren, hinter jener aber, selbst sie, Helden sind. Man kurbelt; das ist so schnell wie schreiben und noch unperso ? nlicher. 28
The younger generation prizes technology because it allows them to cast themselves as heroes, inducing in them a misplaced sense of agency and achievement. A more responsible writing, for Kraus, requires an allergic attention to the abuse of language as set phrase or slogan, requires a thinking of ideas through, and an acknowledgement of the distinction between aesthetic and journalistic language, which nevertheless does not retreat into an aesthetic sphere to avoid engaging with the issue of the day. What we find in Kraus's essays, therefore, is critical engagement with standardized forms of language, and a position on art which combines aesthetic autonomy with ethical responsibility. This situates him between l'art pour l'art on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the celebration of passing movements which he thought irresponsibly collapsed art into journalism.
The contributors to Der Brenner valued the critique of language. But they also prized the experience from which they believed it to be inseparable, explaining Kraus's moral authority in terms of his person, and of a particular sort of experience, which readers must share with Kraus if they are to understand him properly. The result was a mythologization of the figure of Kraus himself in which Trakl also participated. Thus, in the second-ever issue of the journal, published on 15 June 1910, Ficker published a brief article entitled 'Karl Kraus' in which he insisted: 'da" na ? mlich dieses publizistische Pha ? nomen, das Karl Kraus hei"t, nicht zu erlesen, nur zu erleben ist, indem es eine geistige Bekanntschaft vermittelt, die man erst tief erlitten haben mu", ehe man das Recht hat, sich ihrer zu erfreuen'. 29 The intertwining of Kraus's linguistic critique with his moral experience persisted in the articles that appeared on the editor of Die Fackel with titles such as 'Karl Kraus, der Mensch', or 'Karl Kraus als Erzieher' (playing on the title of Nietzsche's
26 The origin of this tendency can, for Kraus, be traced back to Heine: 'Ohne Heine kein Feuilleton. ' Karl Kraus, 'Heine und die Folgen', Die Fackel, Nr. 329-330 (31 August 1911), 7. For an account of the critique of contemporary journalism that Kraus develops through his reading of Heine, see Anthony Phelan, Reading Heirich Heine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 3-13.
27 Die Fackel, Nr. 351-352-353 (21 June 1912), 53.
28 Kraus, 'Untergang der Welt durch schwarze Magie', p. 27.
29 Fortunat [5Ludwig von Ficker], 'Karl Kraus', Der Brenner, 1 (1910/11), 46-48 (p. 48).
GEORG TRAKL IN CONTEXT 335
336 BEN MORGAN
third 'untimely meditation' Schopenhauer als Erzieher). 30 In 'Karl Kraus, der Mensch', Carl Dallago presents Kraus as a mythical Siegfried, whose confronta- tion with the world has hardened his exterior, as Siegfried was made invincible by the blood of the dragon he slayed: 'Kraus ist hart geworden. Alle Grausamkeiten unsrer Zeit traten auf sein Inneres. Die Unkultur einer ganzen Gro"stadt trampelte auf ihm herum. Es machte seine Gu ? te zuletzt wohl ho ? rnern wie das Drachenblut die Haut Siegfrieds. '31 Later in the essay, this Viennese Siegfried is hailed as a creative warrior ('Auch Kraus ist scho ? pferischer Krieger') and compared to Napoleon. 32 An admiration for Kraus's writing, and linguistic critique is thus inseparable from a certain mythologizing of his person. In a similar vein, in 'Karl Kraus als Erzieher', Karl Borroma ? us Heinrich views Kraus as the conscience of Austrian culture, or of what he hyperbolically terms 'the world': 'In der Tat: nicht allein dem Geschehnis gegenu ? ber, das seine edle Empfindsamkeit herausfordert, waltet sein ethisches Pathos; auch gegen die Sprache selbst, in welcher er die Herausforderung beantwortet, zeigt er sich von einer Gewissenhaftigkeit, die vor ihm unbekannt gewesen ist. Karl Kraus wirkt als das Gewissen der Welt, die unter ihm lebt. '33 Kraus's writing and Kraus's person are here once again collapsed into each other, and the amalgam is said to be policing language as such.
Trakl shared this admiration for Kraus, and, indeed, as Alfred Doppler has pointed out, he uses terms similar to those in which Dallago and Heinrich express their praise for the editor of Die Fackel in a short aphorism that appeared in the Brenner of 15 June 1913 as his contribution to the 'Rundfrage u ? ber Karl Kraus' organized and published by the journal in response to an article attacking Kraus which was printed in the Munich-based magazine Zeit im Bild. 34 Thomas Mann, Frank Wedekind and many other contemporary figures contributed their own short defences of Kraus. Wedekind regretted that Kraus did not put his talents to use on the stage; Mann praised him whilst also judiciously differentiating between his own concerns as an artist and those of Kraus the polemical anti-journalist. 35 Trakl's response, as it was printed in the journal, was as follows:
Georg Trakl:
Karl Kraus: wei"er Hohepriester der Wahrheit,
Kristallne Stimme, in der Gottes eisiger Odem wohnt,
Zu ? rnender Magier,
Dem unter schwarzem Mantel der blaue Panzer des Kriegers klirrt. 36
30 Carl Dallago, 'Karl Kraus, der Mensch', Der Brenner, 2 (1911/12), 871-94 (15 May 1912); Karl Borroma ? us Heinrich, 'Karl Kraus als Erzieher', Der Brenner, 3 (1912/13), 373-85 (1 February 1913).
31 Dallago, 'Karl Kraus, der Mensch', p. 874.
32 Dallago, 'Karl Kraus, der Mensch', pp. 882-83.
33 Karl Borroma ? us Heinrich, 'Karl Kraus als Erzieher', p. 378.
34 '''Der Brenner'' als Kontext zur Lyrik Georg Trakls', in Doppler, pp. 97-98. Doppler
points out the parallels between Trakl's formulations and those of Dallago and Heinrich but does not consider how Trakl changes them by compressing them in his poem.
35 'Rundfrage u ? ber Karl Kraus', Der Brenner, 3 (1912/13), 839-40. 36 Ibid. , p. 840.
The poem was then taken up in Sebastian im Traum. The later version makes the words 'Karl Kraus' the title of the poem, and changes an epithet in the final line: 'unter schwarzem Mantel' becomes 'unter flammendem Mantel' (HKA, I, 123). The poem consists in an apostrophe to a figure described as priest, magician and warrior (like Dallago's Siegfried or Napoleon), whose attributes are whiteness, a crystalline voice, wrath, a black or flaming mantle and a blue suit of armour (hardening his exterior, as the dragon's blood did for Dallago's Siegfried-Kraus; the Man in Kokoschka's Mo ? rder Hoffnung der Frauen (1908/1910) is similarly described as 'blaugepanzert'). 37 The stakes are set very high: the figure is a high priest of Truth, and his voice is inhabited by God. At the same time, the figure does nothing in particular in the poem. Rather, the text performatively summons the figure up: creates him by its declarations and links the figure to Kraus through the occasion (in the 'Rundfrage' edition of Der Brenner) or through the title (in Sebastian im Traum).
IV MEANINGFUL MEANINGLESSNESS: TRAKL'S POETIC METHOD
We can now return to Trakl's poetic method to analyse it in more detail and so explore further how it engaged with the concerns of his peers and associates. For Dallago and Heinrich, Kraus becomes a mythological or rhetorical figure (Siegfried, Napoleon, or the embodiment of a personified Conscience). For Trakl, too, he is mythologized, but the invocation is not merely hyperbolic but excessive even to the point of meaninglessness. The images of Siegfried and Napoleon reinforce each other as aspects of an underlying warrior archetype. But the epithets used by Trakl are not so easily subsumable: priest, magician, warrior; whiteness, crystal, wrath, do not straightforwardly combine. Indeed, the change from a 'black' to a 'flaming' mantel might even be explained by the fact that wrath and blackness fit too easily, as do white and black as simple opposites. Despite the changes, moving the poem further from immediately comprehensible oppositions, the poem is nevertheless evocative. It presents a moral authority that is incontrovertible and embodied in a real person (so part of this world), but at the same time, the language challenges the tropes available for domesticating that authority: Kraus is not simply a hero.
Gerald Stieg has argued that the poem is striking because of the way it differs in attitude from other straightforwardly adulatory responses to Kraus in the 'Rundfrage'. Indeed, for Stieg, the poem pre-empts the critical line that the Brenner circle will come to take on Kraus in the 1920s. 38 I will in the end be disagreeing with Stieg, but it is useful to follow his lead and think a little more about other responses to Kraus published in the 'Rundfrage' and elsewhere. As we have seen, both Wedekind and Mann had a sense of a realm in relation to which Kraus's project could be understood: theatre, in the case of Wedekind, or art, in the case of Mann. They knew how to deal with Kraus, insofar as they could measure his authority by their preferred standard. Scho ? nberg's response to the
37 Oskar Kokoschka, Schriften 1907-1955, ed. by Hans Maria Wingler (Munich: Langen Mu ? ller, 1956), pp. 137-51 (p. 141).
38 'Karl Kraus und Georg Trakl', in Gerald Stieg, Der Brenner und Die Fackel: Ein Beitrag zur Wirkungsgeschichte von Karl Kraus (Salzburg: Otto Mu ? ller, 1976), pp. 261-71 (pp. 269-70).
GEORG TRAKL IN CONTEXT 337
338 BEN MORGAN
'Rundfrage', in contrast, is more emphatic but less secure. Here the issue seems to be precisely that it was hard not simply to imitate Kraus: 'Ich habe von Ihnen [Kraus] vielleicht mehr gelernt, als man lernen darf, wenn man noch selbsta ? ndig bleiben will. '39 Mann and Wedekind can avoid being overwhelmed by Kraus, or the Krausian ethical project, because they know how to situate it culturally. Scho ? nberg lacks an equivalent sovereignty. But that need not be seen as a problem. In a note written almost twenty years later, but thinking about the influence of Kraus on his intellectual development, Wittgenstein similarly abandons the claim to independence. Kraus, alongside other figures like Loos, Russell, Frege, is one of the writers in relation to whom Wittgenstein's own thought was simply reproduktiv. The terms in which Wittgenstein then explains to himself what he contributes despite this intellectual recycling are relevant to an understanding of Trakl's poetic project. Wittgenstein concludes: 'Was ich erfinde sind neue Gleichnisse. '40
To contemporaries, it seems, Kraus, and the ethical project he represented were a force to be reckoned with. If his authority could not be conceptually contained, it demanded simply to be emulated. Wittgenstein's response, as he reflected in the 1930s, was to find a way of inventing new images with which the ethical enterprise to which he was committed could be furthered. In contrast, Trakl could be said not to have invented new images but to stage the failure of existing literary idioms. Tropes and topoi do not combine in Trakl's text, as Siegfried and Napoleon can join to conjure the ultimate warrior of the spirit. The figures of the priest, magician, and warrior gesture towards an authority that cannot directly be invoked, but is rather experienced through the failure of the images to represent it. Kraus's power speaks through, and precisely because of, the equivocations of the poem. Or, to put it another way: Trakl's Kraus poem evokes a powerful idea of human experience, but one which doesn't settle into a easily identifiable figure.
Here we can return to Stieg's reading which copes with the challenge of Trakl's poem by downplaying any conflict between images and claiming that the magician represents a critique of the means used by the priest-warrior in his service of the truth. 41 Stieg has been questioned on philological and biographical grounds. 42 But more important in relation to the view of Trakl that I am presenting here is that Stieg's reading harmonizes the tensions of the poem, arranging them to form a narrative, in this case, of critique. Moritz Ba"ler has taken issue with this sort of approach to Trakl. In a reading of the prose poem 'Verwandlung des Bo ? sen', he argues that Trakl's poetry positively undermines any attempt to generate from it recognizable situations, characters or narratives. The main semantic unit of the
39 'Rundfrage u ? ber Karl Kraus', p. 843.
40 Ludwig Wittgenstein, Culture and Value: A Selection from the Posthumous Remains, ed. by Georg Henrik von Wright, Heikki Nyman, and Alois Pichler, trans. by Peter Winch, 2nd edn (Oxford: Blackwell, 1998), p. 16 (MS 154 15v: 1931).
41 'Die wei"e Magie ist kein Weg zur Wahrheit. ' Stieg, Der Brenner und Die Fackel, p. 269.
42 Stieg's reading depends on a decoding of Trakl's colour scheme which ignores the change
from 'black' to 'flaming' in the revision of the poem for Sebastian im Traum. See Sigurd Paul Scheichl's review of Stieg's book, Sprachkunst, 8 (1977), 144-47. Doppler (p. 98) argues that the critique of Kraus Stieg finds was simply not yet on the agenda for the Brenner circle in 1913, Trakl included.
poem, for Ba"ler, is not the sentence or even the phrase but individual words, which seem luminous because of the way Trakl's dictions draw on existing traditions: Symbolist and Romantic poetry and the language of the Bible. 43
Ba"ler's argument draws attention to aspects of Trakl's poetic technique that Stieg's rationalizing account overlooks. However, I would not go so far as Ba"ler in insisting on the complete disintegration of the poem into a luminous literariness. 44 While the sense of a literary tradition to which he is responding is indeed an important aspect of the poetry, Trakl did something more than staging the impossibility of literary meaning. To his contemporaries, his poems also contained something positive. This is most succinctly expressed in the comment Wittgenstein recorded in his diary on being sent offprints of Trakl's poems 'Helian' and 'Kaspar Hauser Lied' by Ficker in November 1914. 45 On 24 November 1914, Wittgenstein noted: 'Ficker sandte mir heute Gedichte des armen Trakl, die ich fu ? r genial halte ohne sie zu verstehen. Sie taten mir wohl. Gott mit mir. '46 Wittgenstein's comments could perhaps be read as a contemporary confirmation of the reading Ba"ler elaborated eighty years later. The poems convey an aesthetic aura (they are recognized as 'genial') but are incomprehensible: a case of luminous literariness if ever there was one. However, this account omits Wittgenstein's final comments: 'Sie taten mir wohl. Gott mit mir. ' The poems provoke in Wittgenstein a sense of metaphysical comfort. Now, it turns out they have this positive effect only if Wittgenstein's own work is going well. When he was sent a copy of Sebastian im Traum in February 1915, and his own flow of inspiration had dried up, Wittgenstein felt only that he had no space in his head for other people's thoughts, and he noted, without the same sense of involvement, that the poems are 'probably very good', but did not record the same emotional effect as in November of the previous year. 47 Nevertheless, Wittgenstein's record of the experience of reading Trakl as, as it were, a sympathetic onlooker of his literary endeavours in the 1910s, suggests that the poems did something to readers which is neither the clearly articulated critique of rival cultural positions found by Stieg nor the equally unequivocal questioning of meaning uncovered by Ba"ler. The effect of the poems lay somewhere between these two readings. They were, in other words, an inspiring or invigorating form of nonsense.
Wittgenstein was not the only contemporary to react to Trakl's poems in this way. Karl Borroma ? us Heinrich is the author of the first published response to Trakl's poetry, published as his second 'Brief aus der Abgeschiedenheit' in Der
43 Moritz Ba"ler, 'Wie Trakls Verwandlung des Bo ? sen gemacht ist', in Gedichte von Georg Trakl, ed. by Hans-Georg Kemper (Stuttgart: Reclam, 1999), pp. 121-41.
44 Hanna Klessinger develops a similar critique of Ba"ler's approach, seeing in Trakl's poetry a literary response to the ethical problems of the society he lived in. Hanna Klessinger, Krisis der Moderne: Georg Trakl im intertextuellen Dialog mit Nietzsche, Dostojewskij, Ho ? lderlin und Novalis (Wu ? rzburg: Ergon, 2007).
45 The information as to which poems Wittgenstein was sent is derived from the editorial material accompanying the publication of Ficker's correspondence of November 1914: Ficker, Briefwechsel 1914-1925, ed. Ignaz Zangerle and others (Salzburg: Haymon, 1988), p. 468.
46 Ludwig Wittgenstein, Briefe an Ludwig von Ficker, ed. by Georg Henrik von Wright and Walter Methlagl (Salzburg: Otto Mu ? ller, 1969), p. 15.
