No More Learning

The king had an intention at that time to have pre-



The king pared against the next meeting two such bills as he
prepare two mentioned to them, and was well enough content
^' e ls a a g *' s "f that the parliament had not presented such to him,
and sect- which he well foresaw would not have been such as



anes.



he should have been pleased with. He would have
liked the most rigorous acts against all the other
factions in religion, but did not think the papists
had deserved the same severities, which would have
been provided against them with the other, it being
very apparent, that the kingdom generally had re-
sumed their old jealousies of them, provoked by the
very unwary behaviour of that people, who bragged
of more credit in the court than they could justify,
though most men thought they had too much : and
- that was the reason that he had commanded the
chancellor to require the judges, who were then be-
ginning their circuits, to cause the Roman catholics
to be convicted, which he believed would allay much
of the jealousies in the country, as for the present
it did. And then he resolved to cause two such
bills to be prepared for several reasons, of which the
principal was, that he might divide them into two
bib's ; presuming that when he had sent one against
either, they would not affect reducing both into
one, which was that which the catholic party most
apprehended.

imprudent His majesty was himself very unsatisfied with the
. ! f the' pa- imprudent carriage of the catholics, and thought
they did affect too much to appear as if they stood
upon the level with all other subjects : and he re-
ceived very particular and unquestionable informa-
tion, that some priests had made it an argument to
some whom they endeavoured to make their prose-



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 215

lytes, " that the king was of their religion in his 1663.
" heart, and would shortly declare it to all the world;" '
with which his majesty was marvellously offended,
and did heartily desire that any of those indiscreet
persons might be proceeded against with severity.
Yet he had no mind that any man should be put to
death, which could hardly be avoided if any man
should be brought to trial in the case aforesaid, ex-
cept he had granted his pardon, which with these
circumstances would have carried scandal in it. Be-
sides, he did think the wisest of that party had not
carried themselves with modesty enough, with what
was good for themselves and for his majesty's ho-
nour. And therefore he had, without imparting it
to any friends of theirs, given that direction to the
judges for convicting them, as the best means to re-
claim them to a better temper : and he had a pur-
pose, that the bill he meant should be prepared
should more effectually perform that part, without
exposing them to any notable inconveniences in
their persons or their fortunes, if they behaved them-
selves well and warily.

He did believe, that it was necessary for his ser- The king

. 1-111 -i i i designs to

vice that they should be all convicted, that it might have the
be evident to himself what their numbers consisted JJJ2! c<
of and amounted to, which he believed would be
found much inferior to what they were generally
computed, and then the danger from their power
would not be thought so formidable : and it could
be no prejudice to them without a further proceed-
ing upon their conviction, which he was resolved to
restrain, as he well might, and had done hitherto ;
resolving within himself, that no man should suffer
under those penal laws which had been made against

P 4



216 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1 663. them in the age before, if they lived like good sub-
jects, and administered no occasion of scandal. And
as he was not reserved in declaring that his gracious
purpose towards them, (as hath been said before ;)
so hitherto it had not been attended by any mur-
murs : and yet he was not without a purpose of
keeping such a power over them, as might make
them wholly depend upon him.

His majesty did, in his judgment and inclination,
put a great difference between those Roman catho-
lics, who being of ancient extraction had continued
of the same religion from father to son, without
having ever been protestant, amongst whom there
were very few who had not behaved themselves very
worthily ; and those, who since the late troubles had
apostatized from the church of England to that of
the Roman, without any such evidence of conscience,
as might not administer just reason to suspect, that
their inducements had been from worldly tempta-
tions. And he did resolve in his bill to make a
distinction between those classes, and to prevent, or
at least to discourage, those lapses which fell out too
frequently in the court ; nor did men believe that
they need make any apology for it, but appeared
the more confidently in all places. He did resolve
likewise to contract and lessen the number of the
ecclesiastical persons, who upon missions resorted
hither as to an infidel nation, (which was and is a
grievance that the catholics would be glad to be
eased in,) and to reduce them into such an order
and method by this bill, that he might himself
know the names of all priests remaining in the king-
dom, and their several stations where they resided ;
which must have produced such a security to those



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 217

who stayed, and to those with whom they stayed, 1663.
as would have set them free from any apprehension ~
of any penalties imposed by preceding parliaments.

But this design (which comprehended many other Measures

. . . ,. , taken to

particulars) vanished as soon as it was discovered, frustrate his
The king's own discourse of a bill that he would design *
cause to be drawn against the Roman catholics
awakened great jealousies; nor did they want in-
struments or opportunities to discover what the
meaning of it could be. Nor was the king reserved
in the argument, but communicated it with those
who he knew were well affected to that party, and
to one or two of themselves who were reputed to be
moderate men, and to desire nothing but the exer-
cise of their religion with the greatest secrecy and
caution, and who often informed him and com-
plained " of the folly and vanity of some of their
*' friends, and more particularly of the presumption
" of the Jesuits. " And such kind of factions and di-
visions there are amongst them, which might be cul-
tivated to very happy productions : but such inge-
nuity, as to be contented with what might gratify
all their own pretences, there is not amongst them.

These moderate men complained already, " that
" the king was deceived by their enemy the chan-
" cellor," who indeed was generally very odious to
them, for no other reason, but because they knew
he was irreconcileable to their profession ; not that
they thought he desired that the laws should be put
in execution against them ; and some of the chief of
them believed him to be much their friend, and had
obligations to him. But they all lamented this di-
rection given to the judges for their conviction,
" which," they informed the king, "was the necessary



218 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1663. " preamble to the highest persecution the law had
~~" prepared against them. That till they were con-
" victed they were in the same predicament with
" the rest of his subjects ; but as soon as they were
" convicted," (which the judges now caused to be
prosecuted throughout the kingdom,) " they were
" liable to all the other penalties, which his majesty
" was inclined to protect them from. " They pre-
sented to him a short memorial of the disadvantages
which were consequent to a conviction, in which
they alleged some particulars which were not clear
in the law, at least had never been practised in the
severest times.

Though the king had well weighed all he had
done before he did it, and well knew, after all their
insinuations and allegations, that none of those in-
conveniences could ensue to them, if he restrained
any further prosecution, which he always had in-
tended to do ; yet they wrought so far upon him,
that he was even sorry that he had proceeded so
far : and though it was not fit to revoke any part of
it, yet he cared not how little it was advanced. And
for the bill he meant to present in the next session^
they said, " all their security and quiet they had en-
" joyed since his majesty's happy return depended
" wholly upon the general opinion, that he had fa-
" vour for them, and satisfaction in their duty and
" obedience as good subjects, and their readiness to
" do him any service, which they would all make
" good with their lives and all that they had. But
" if he should now discover any jealousy of their
" fidelities, and that there was need of a new law
" against them, which his purpose of providing a bill
" implied, what mitigation soever his majesty in-



EDWARD EAUL OF CLARENDON. 219

" tended in it, it would not be in his majesty's power 1663.
" to restrain the passion of other men ; but all those"
" animosities which had been hitherto covered and
" concealed, as grateful to him, would upon this oc-
" casion break out to their destruction : and there-
" fore they hoped, that whatever bitterness the par-
" liament might express against them when they
" came together, they should receive no invitation
" or encouragement by any jealousy or displeasure
" his majesty should manifest to have towards
" them. "

These and the like arguments, or the credit of The king
those who urged them, made that impression, thatC'puTpose.
he declined any further thought of that bill ; nor was
there ever after mention of it. The catholics grew
bolder in all places, and conversant in those rooms of
the court into which the king's chaplains never pre-
sumed to enter ; and to crown all their hopes, the
lady declared herself of that faith, and inveighed
sharply against the church she had been bred in.

During the interval of the parliament, there was
not such a vacation from trouble and anxiety as was
expected. The domestic unquietness in the court
made every day more noise abroad: infinite scan-
dals and calumnies were scattered amongst the
people ; and they expressed their discontents upon Discontents
the great taxes and impositions which they were"r y . ie
compelled to pay, and publicly reproached the par-
liament ; when they were in truth vexed and grieved
at heart for that which they durst not avow, and
did really believe that God was angry with the na-
tion, and resolved to exercise it under greater tri-
bulation than he had so lately freed them from.
The general want of money was complained of, and



220 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1 663. a great decay of trade ; so that the native commo-
"dities of the kingdom were not transported. Yet
both these were but pretences, and resulted from
combinations rather than from reason. For it ap-
peared by the customs, that the trade was greater
than it had ever been, though some of our native
commodities, especially cloth, seemed for some time
to be at a stand ; which proceeded rather from the
present glut, which in the general license the inter-
lopers had irregularly transported in great quan-
tities, by which the prices were brought low, and
could only be recovered by a restraint for some time,
which the merchant adventurers put upon them-
selves, and would have put upon the interlopers, who
were at last too hard for them, even upon the mat-
ter to the suppressing the company, that had stood
in great reputation for very many years, and had
advanced that manufacture to a great height ; and
whether it deserved that discountenance, time must
decide. How unreasonable the other discourse was
of want of money, there needs no other argument,
but the great purchases which were every day made
of great estates ; nor was any considerable parcel of
land in any part of England offered to be sold, but
there was a purchaser at hand ready to buy it.

However, these pretences, together with the sud-
den bringing up all the money, that was collected
for the king, in specie to London, which proceeded
from the bankers' advancing so much present money
for the emergent occasions, for which they had
those assignments upon the money of the country,
A sudden did really produce such a sudden fall of the rents
ts< throughout the kingdom, as had never been known
before : so that men were compelled to abate gene-



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 221

rally a fourth part of their annual rents at the least, l 663.
or to take their lands into their own hands, for"
which they were as ill provided. All this mischief
fell upon the nobility and greatest gentry, who were
owners of the greatest estates, every body whose es-
tate lay in land undergoing a share in the suffering,
which made the discontent general ; which they
thought the best way h to remedy would be to raise
no more taxes, which they took to be the cause why
the rents fell. In the mean time the expenses of
the court, and of all who depended upon it, grew
still higher, and the king himself less intent upon
his business, and more loved his pleasures, to which
he prescribed no limits, nor to the expenses which
could not but accompany them.

There was cause enough to be jealous of the pub- Danger of
lie peace; there being every day discoveries madetion.
of private meetings and conferences between officers
of the old army ; and that correspondences were
settled between them throughout the kingdom in a
wonderful method ; and that they had a grand com-
mittee residing in London, who had the supreme
power, and which sent orders to all the rest, who
were to rise in one day, and meet at several ren-
dezvouses. Hereupon several persons were appre-
hended and committed to prison ; and the king him-
self often took the pains to examine them ; and
they confessed commonly more to his majesty him-
self than upon any other examination. Proclama-
tions issued often for the banishing all officers who
had ever borne arms against the king twenty miles
from London, which did more publish the apprehen-
sion of new troubles.

11 way] Omitted in MS.



an insurrec-



CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF
J 663. There can be no doubt, but that there were many



seditious purposes amongst that people, of which
there often appeared so full evidence, that many
were executed for high treason, who were tried and
condemned by the judges at their 1 general sessions
at Newgate : yet there was often cause to believe
that many men were committed, who in truth had
not been more faulty, than in keeping ill company
and in hearing idle discourses. Informing was
grown a trade, which many affected to get money
by : and as the king's ministers could not reject in
a time of so much jealousy, so the receiving them
gave them great trouble ; for few of them were will-
ing to be produced as evidence against those they
accused, pretending, sometimes with reason, "that
" if they were known they should be rendered use-
" less for the future, whereas they were yet unsus-
" pected and admitted into all councils. " All the
sects in religion spake with more boldness in their
meetings, and met more frequently, than they had
used to do in the times that sir Richard Browne
and sir John Robinson had been lord mayors ; and
the officers who succeeded them proved less vigilant.
A general despondency seemed to possess the minds
of men, as if they little cared what came to pass ;
which did not proceed so much from malice, as from
the disease of murmuring, which had been contract-
ing above twenty years, and became almost incorpo-
rated into the nature of the nation.
An intrigue There happened about this time an alteration in

in the

court to ad- the court, that produced afterwards many other alter-
H. Rennet, ations which were not then suspected, yet even at

1 their] the



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 223

that time was not liked in the court itself, and less 1663.
out of it. The keeper of the privy purse, who was""
more fit for that province than for any other to
which he could be applied, did not think himself yet
preferred to a station worthy of his merit and great
qualifications. Some promises the king had made
to him when he was at Fuentarabia, and had long
much kindness for his person and much delight in
his company : so that his friend, Mr. O'Neile, who
was still ready to put his majesty in mind of all his
services, had nothing hard to do but to find a va-
cancy that might give opportunity for his advance-
ment ; and he was dexterous in making opportuni-
ties which he could not find, and made no 'scruple to
insinuate to the king, " that the abilities of neither
" of -his secretaries were so great but that he might
" be better served. " Indeed his majesty, who did
not naturally love old men, had not so much esteem
of them as their parts and industry and integrity
deserved, and would not have been sorry if either or
both of them had died.

Secretary Nicholas had served the crown very character
many years with a very good acceptation, was made Ni
secretary of state by the late king, and loved and
trusted by him in his nearest concernments to his
death : nor had any man, who served him, a more
general reputation of virtue and piety and unques-
tionable integrity throughout the kingdom. He
was a man to whom the rebels had been always ir-
reconcileable ; and from the end of the war lived in
banishment beyond the seas, was with his majesty
from the time he left France (for whilst the king
was in France with his mother, to whom the secre-
tary was not gracious, he remained at a distance ;



224 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF
1663. but from the time that his majesty came into Ger-



many he was always with him) in the exercise of
the same function he had under his father, and re-
turned into England with him, with hope to repair
his fortune by the just perquisites of his office, which
had been very much impaired by his long sufferings
and banishment. He had neVer been in his youth
a man of quick and sudden parts, but full of industry
and application, (which it may be is the better com-
position,) and always versed in business and all the
forms of despatch. He was now some years above
seventy, yet truly performed his office with punctu-
ality, and to the satisfaction of all men who repaired
to him : and the king thought it an envious as well
as an ill-natured thing, to discharge such an officer
because he had k lived too long.
of secretary The other secretary was secretary Morrice, whose

Mornce. J

merit had been his having transacted all that had
been between the king and the general, which was
thought to be much more than it was. Yet he had
behaved himself very well, and as much disposed
the general as he was capable of being disposed ;
and his majesty had preferred him to that office
purely to gratify and oblige the general; and he
had behaved himself very honestly and diligently in
the king's service, and had a good reputation in the
house of commons, and did the business of his office
without reproach. He had lived most part of his
time in the country, with the repute of a wise man
and a very good scholar, as indeed he was both in
the Latin and Greek learning; but being without
any knowledge in the modern languages, he gave

k had] Omitted in MS.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 225

the king often occasion to laugh at his unskilful 1663.
pronunciation of many words. In the Latin de-~
spatches, which concern all the northern parts, he
was ready, and treated with those ambassadors flu-
ently and elegantly ; and for all domestic affairs no
man doubted his sufficiency, except in the garb and
mode and humour of the court.

And the inducement that brought him in made it
unfit to remove him, lest it might grieve the general,
whose friend and kinsman he was: so that there
was no expedient to provide for sir Harry Bennet,
but by removing secretary Nicholas by his own con-
sent ; for the king would not do it otherwise to so old
and faithful a servant. And his majesty was the
more inclined to it, because it would give him the
opportunity to bring another person into the office
of the privy purse, of whom he was lately grown
very fond, and towards whom he had, when he
came into England, a greater aversion than to any
gentleman who had been abroad with him ; and that
was sir Charles Berkley, who was then captain of
the duke of York's guard, and much in the good
grace of his royal highness.

Whilst this intrigue was contriving and depend-
ing, great care was taken that it might not come to
the notice of the chancellor, lest if he could not di-
vert the king from desiring it, which they believed
he would not attempt, he might dissuade his old
friend the secretary, with whom he had held a long
and particular friendship, from hearkening to any
proposition, or accepting l any composition ; which
they believed not unreasonably that the other would

1 accepting] to accept
VOL. II. Q



226 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1663. be very solicitous in, as well to keep a man in,
""whom he could entirely trust, as to keep another
out, of whose abilities he had no esteem, and in
whose affection he had no confidence : and it was
thought by many, that the same apprehension pre-
vailed with the good old man himself to cherish the
secrecy. Certain it is, that the whole matter was
resolved and consented to, before ever the chancellor
had a suspicion of it.

O'Neile, who had always the skill to bring that
to pass by others which he could not barefaced ap-
pear in himself, insinuated to Mr. Ashburnham, who
pretended, and I think had, much friendship for the
secretary, " that the king thought the secretary too
" old to take so much pains, and often wished that
" his friends would persuade him to retire, that
" there might be a younger man in the office, who
" could attend upon his majesty at all hours and in
" all journeys ; but that his majesty always spake
" kindly of him, and as if he resolved to give him
" an ample recompense :" and in confidence told
him, " that the king had an impatient desire to
" have sir Harry Bennet secretary of state. " Ash-
burnham was well versed in the artifices of court
too ; and thought he might very well perform the
office of a friend to his old confident, and at the
same time find a new and more useful friend for
himself, by having a hand in procuring a large satis-
faction for the old, and likewise facilitating the way
for the introduction of a new secretary, who could
not forget the obligation. So he told O'Neile, " that
" all the world knew that he had for many years pro-
" fessed a great friendship for secretary Nicholas,"
(they had been both servants at the same time to



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 227

the duke of Buckingham, when he was killed,) " and 1 6G3.
" that he should be much troubled to see him dis- ~~
" placed in his old age with contempt ; but if his
" majesty would dismiss him with honour and re-
" ward, that he might be able to provide for his wife
" and children, he would make no scruple to per-
" suade him to quit his employment. " O'Neile had
all he looked for, and only enjoined him secrecy,
" that it might not come to the king's ear that he
" had communicated this secret to any man ; and
" he did presume, that before any resolution was
" taken in it, his majesty would speak of it to the
" chancellor. "

Within a day or two the king sent for Ashburn-
ham, and told him " he knew he was a friend to
" the secretary, who was now grown old, and not
" able to take the pains he had done ; that he had
" served his father and himself very faithfully, and
" had spent his fortune in his service ; that if he
" were willing to retire, for without his consent he
" would do nothing, he would give him ten thou-
" sand pounds, or any other recompense he should
" choose," implying a title of honour : but intimated,
though he referred all to his own will, " that he
" wished, and that it would be acceptable to him,
" that the office might be vacant and at his ma-
" jesty's disposal. "

He undertook the employment very cheerfully,
and quickly imparted all that had passed from the
king, and all that he knew before, to the secretary ;
who was not fond of the court, and thought he had
lived long enough there, having seen and observed
much that he was grieved at heart to see. He con-
sidered, that though this message was very gracious,

Q 2



228 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF
1663. and offered a noble reward for his service, it did



withal appear that the king did desire he should be
gone ; and having designed a successor to him, who
had already much credit with him, if he should
seem sullen or unwilling, he might in a short time
be put out without any consideration, or at most
with the promise of one. Thereupon he wished his
friend " to assure the king, that he would very
" readily do whatsoever his majesty thought neces-
" sary for his service ; but he hoped, that after
" above forty years spent in the service of the crown,
" he should not be exposed to disgrace and con-
" tempt. That he had a wife and children, who
" had all suffered with him in exile till his majesty's
" return, and for whom he could not make a com-
" petent provision without his majesty's bounty ;
" and therefore he hoped, that before his majesty
" required the signet, he would cause the recom-
" pense he designed to be more than what he had
" mentioned, and to be first paid. "

This province could not be put into a fitter hand,
secretary for it was managed with notable skill. And as soon
resigns! 8 as ^ was known that the secretary would willingly
resign, which was feared, and that only a better
recompense was expected, every body was willing
that the king should make the act look as gra-
ciously as might be, that the successor might be at-
tended with the less envy. And Mr. Ashburnham
cultivated their impatience so skilfully, that it cost
the king, in present money and land or lease, very
little less than twenty thousand pounds, to bring in
a servant whom very few cared for, in the place of

* m make] Omitted in MS.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 229

an old servant whom every body loved : and he re- ] 663.
ceived all that was promised, before he resigned his "~
place. And if the change had been as good for the
king, as it was for the good old secretary, every body
would have been glad. And thus sir Harry Bennet sir H. Ben-
was at the king's charge accommodated, even to the "
satisfaction of his own ambition : and his majesty Jlfch
was as well pleased, that he had gotten sir Charles Berkle y

privy purse.

Berkley into the other office about his person, whom
he every day loved with more passion, for what
reason no man knew nor could imagine.

And from this time they who stood at any near The chan-
distance could not but discern, that the chancellor's terest de-
interest and credit with the king manifestly declined : clmes '
not that either of these two pretended to be his rival,
or appeared to cross any thing in council that he
proposed or advised ; on the contrary, they both
professed great respect towards him. One of them,
being no privy counsellor, made great professions
and addresses to him by himself, and by some friends
who had much credit with him ; protested " against
" meddling at all in business, and that he only hoped
" to gain a fortune by his majesty's favour, upon
" which he might be able to live ;" nor did it appear
afterwards, that he did to his death wish that the
chancellor's power should be lessened : and the other
made all the professions imaginable of affection and
respect to him, and repaired upon occasions to him
for advice and for direction. Nor in truth could
either of them have done him any prejudice at that
time with the king by pretending to do it ; but by
pretending the contrary by degrees got power to
do it.

His majesty did not in the least degree withdraw

Q3



230 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1663. his favour from him, heard him as willingly, came
The king as often to him, was as little reserved in any thing ;
nueV^Tfa. on ty * n one P ar ticular he did with some solemnity
vour to him. conjure him never to mention it to him again, in
which he did not yet punctually obey him, nor avoid
seasonably saying any thing to him which he be-
lieved to be his duty, and which his majesty never
seemed to take ill. And whenever he spake to him
of either of the other two gentlemen, which he fre-
quently did with much kindness, he always added
somewhat of both their respects and esteem for him,
as a thing that pleased him well ; and said once,
" that it concerned them, for whenever he should
" discern it to be otherwise, he should make them
" repent it. " Yet notwithstanding all this, from
that time counsels were not so secret, and greater
liberty was n taken to talk of the public affairs in
the evening conversation, than had been before^
when they happened sometimes to be shortly men-
tioned in the production of some wit or jest ; but
now they were often taken into debate, and censured
with too much liberty with reference to things and
persons; and the king himself was less fixed and
more irresolute in his counsels ; and inconvenient
grants came every day to the seal for the benefit of
particular persons, against which the king had par-
ticularly resolved, and at last by importunity would
have passed. Lastly, both these persons were most
devoted to the lady, and much depended upon her
interest, and consequently were ready to do any
thing that would be grateful to her.

There was another mischief contrived about this

n was] Not in MS.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 231

time, that had a much worse influence upon the 1663.

public, except we shall call it the same, because it

did in truth proceed from it. Though the public The first

c . . f . . rise of the

state of affairs, in respect ot the distempers and Dutch war.
discomposures which are mentioned before, and that
the expenses exceeded what was assigned to sup-
port it, whereby the great debt was little diminished,
yielded little delight to those who were most trusted
to manage and provide* for them, and who had a
melancholic and dreadful apprehension of conse-
quences : yet whilst the nation continued in peace,
and without any danger from any foreign enemy,
the prospect was so pleasant, especially to those
who stood at a distance, that they saw nothing wer-
thy of any man's fear ; and there was reasonable
hope, that the expenses might every year be re-
duced within reasonable bounds P. But all that
hope vanished, when there appeared an immoderate
desire to engage the nation in a war.

Upon the king's first arrival in England, he ma-
nifested a very great desire to improve the general
traffick and trade of the kingdom, and upon all oc-
casions conferred with the most active merchants
upon it, and offered all that he could contribute to
the advancement thereof. He erected a council of
trade, which produced little other effect than the
opportunity of men's speaking together, which pos-
sibly disposed them to think more, and to consult
more effectually in private, than they could in such
a crowd of commissioners. Some merchants and sea-
men made a proposition by Mr. William Coventry
and some few others to the duke of York, " for the

" the] that the '' bounds] hopes

Q 4



CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1663. " erection of a company in which they desired his
The erec- " royal highness to preside," (and from thence it
^AW! was called the R y al Company,) " to which his ma-
can com- jesty should grant the sole trade of Guinea, which
" in a short time they presumed would bring great
" advantage to the public, and much profit to the
" adventurers, who should begin upon a joint stock,
" to be managed by a council of such as should be
" chosen out of the adventurers. "

This privilege had before the troubles been f '
granted by the late king to sir Nicholas Crisp and
others named by him, who had at their own charge
sent ships thither : and sir Nicholas had at his own
charge bought a nook of ground, that lay into the
sea, of the true owners thereof, (all that coast being
inhabited by heathens,) and built thereon a good fort
and warehouses, under which the ships lay ; and he
had advanced this trade so far before the troubles,
that he found it might be carried on with very great
benefit. After the rebellion began, and sir Nicholas
betook himself to serve the king, some merchants
continued the trade, and either by his consent or
Cromwell's power had^ the possession of that fort,
called Cormantine ; which was still in the possession
of the English when his majesty returned, though
the trade was small, in respect the Dutch had fixed
a stronger quarter at no great distance from it, and
sent much more ships and commodities thither, and
returned once r every year to their own country with
much wealth. The chief end of this trade was, be-
sides the putting off great quantities of our own ma-
nufactures according as the trade should advance, to

'i been] Omitted in MS. ' once] one



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 233

return with gold, which that coast produced in good 1663.
quantity, and with slaves, blacks, which were readily ~
sold to any plantation at great prices.

The model was so well prepared, and the whole
method for governing the trade so rationally pro-
posed, that the duke was much pleased with it, and
quickly procured a charter to be granted from the A charter

. , , . . , . granted to

king to this company with ample privileges, and it.
his majesty himself to become an adventurer, and,
which was more, to assist them for the first esta-
blishment of their trade with the use of some of
his own ships. The duke was the governor of the
company, with power to make a deputy : all the
other officers and council were chosen by the com-
pany, which consisted of persons of honour and
quality, every one of which brought in five hundred
pounds for the first joint stock, with which they set
out the first ships ; upon the return whereof they
received so much encouragement and benefit, that
they compounded with sir Nicholas Crisp for his
propriety in the fort and castle ; and possessed
themselves of another place upon the coast, and
sent many ships thither, which made very good re-
turns, by putting off their blacks at the Barbadoes
and other the king's plantations at their own prices,
and brought home such store of gold that admin-,
istered the first occasion for the coinage of those
pieces, which from thence had the denomination of
guineas; and what was afterwards made of the
same species, was coined of the gold that was
brought from that coast by the royal company. In
a word, if that company be not broken or disordered
by the jealousy that the gentlemen adventurers have
of the merchants, and their opinion that they under-



234 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1 663. stand the mysteries of trade as well as the other, by
"" which they refuse to concur in the necessary expe-
dients proposed by the other, and interpose unskil-
ful overtures of their own with pertinacy, it will be
found a model equally to advance the trade of Eng-
land with that of any other company, even that of
the East Indies.

From the first entrance into this trade, which the
duke was exceedingly disposed to advance, and was
constantly present himself at all councils, which
were held once a week in his own lodgings at White-
hall, it was easily discovered that the Dutch had a
better trade there than the English, which they were
then willing to believe that they had no right to, for
that the trade was first found out and settled there
by the English ; which was a sufficient foundation to
settle it upon this nation, and to exclude all others,
at least by the same law that the Spaniard enjoys
the West Indies, and the Dutch what they or the
Portuguese possessed in the East. But this they
quickly found would not establish such a title as
would bear a dispute : the having sent a ship or
two thither, and built a little fort, could not be al-
lowed such a possession as would exclude all other
nations. And the truth was, the Dutch were there
some time before us, and the Dane before either:
and the Dutch, which was the true grievance, had
planted themselves more advantageously, upon the
bank of a river, than we had done ; and by the erec-
tion of more forts were more strongly seated; and
drove a much greater trade, which they did not be-
lieve they would be persuaded to quit. This drew
the discourse from the right to the easiness, by the
assistance of two or three of the king's ships, to



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 235

take away all that the Dutch possessed in and about 1663.
Guinea, there having never been a ship of war seen "
in those parts ; so that the work might be presently
done, and such an alliance made with the natives,
who did not love the Dutch, that the English might s
be unquestionably possessed of the whole trade of
that country, which would be of inestimable profit
to the kingdom.

The merchants took much delight to enlarge
themselves upon this argument, and shortly after to
discourse " of the infinite benefit that would accrue
" from a barefaced war against the Dutch, how easily
" they might be subdued, and the trade carried by
" the English. That Cromwell had always beaten
" them, and thereby gotten the greatest glory he
" had, and brought them upon then- knees ; and
" could totally have subdued them, if he had not
" thought it more for his interest to have such a
" second, whereby he might the better support his
" usurpation against the king. And therefore, after
" they had consented to all the infamous conditions
" of the total abandoning his majesty, and as far as
" in them lay to the extirpation of all the royal fa-
" mily, and to a perpetual exclusion of the prince of
" Orange, he made a firm peace with them ; which
" they had not yet performed, by their retaining
'* still the island of Poleroone, which they had so
" long since barbarously taken from the English,
" and which they had expressly promised and un-
" dertaken to deliver in the last treaty, after Crom-
" well had compelled them to pay a great sum of
" money for the damages which the English had

s might] may



236 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1663. " sustained at Amboyna, when all the demands and
~~ " threats from king James could never procure any

" satisfaction for that foul action. "
The duke of These discourses, often reiterated in season and

York much

for it. out of season, made a very deep impression in the
duke ; who having been even from his childhood in
the command in armies, and in his nature inclined
to the most difficult and dangerous enterprises, was
already weary of having so little to do, and too im-
patiently longed for any war, in which he knew he
could not but have the chief command. But these
kind of debates, or l the place in which they were
made, could contribute little to an affair of so huge
an importance, otherwise" than by inciting the
duke, which they did too much, to consider and af-
fect it, and to dispose others who were near him to
inculcate the same thoughts into him, as an argu-
ment in which his honour would be much exalted in
the eye of all the world : and to these x good offices
they were enough disposed by the restlessness and
unquietness of their own natures, and by many
other motives for the accomplishing their own
designs, and getting more power into their own
hands.

But there was lately, very lately, a peace fully
concluded with the States General upon the same
terms, articles, and conditions, which they had for-
merly yielded to Cromwell, being very much more
advantageous than they had ever granted in any
treaty to the crown. And at the time of the con-
clusion of the peace, they delivered their orders
from the States General and their East India com-

1 or] nor " otherwise] other x these] the



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 237

pany for the delivery of the island of Poleroone to 1 663.
the English, which y Cromwell himself had extorted ~~
from them with the greatest difficulty : so that
there was now no colour of justice to make a war
upon them. Besides that there were at present
great jealousies from Spain upon the marriage with
Portugal ; nor did France, which had broken pro-
mise in making a treaty with Holland, make any
haste to renew the treaty with England. And
therefore it could not but seem strange to all men,
that when we had only made a treaty of peace with
Holland, and that so newly, and upon so long con-
sideration, and had none with either of the crowns,
we should so much desire to enter into a war with
them.

However, the duke's heart was set upon it, and
he loved to speak of it, and the benefits which would
attend it. He spake of it to the king, whom he The king
found no ways inclined to it, and therefore he knewt i t mc
it was unfit to propose it in council : yet he spake
often of it to such of the lords of whom he had the
best opinion, and found many of them to concur
with him in the opinion of the advantages which
might arise from thence. And sometimes he thought
he left the king disposed to it, by an argument
which he found prevailed with many : " that the
" differences and jealousies in point of trade, which
" did every day fall out and would every day in-
" crease between the English and the Dutch, who
" had in the late distractions gotten great advan-
" tages, would unavoidably produce a war between
" them ; and then that the question only was, whe-

y which] and which



238 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1663. " ther it were not better for us to begin it now,
~ " when they do not expect it, and we are better
" prepared for it than probably we shall be then ;
" or to stay two or three years, in which the same
" jealousy would provoke them to be well provided,
" when probably we might not be ready. That we
" had the best sea officers in the world, many of.
" whom had often beaten the Dutch, and knew how
" to do it again ; and a multitude of excellent mari-
" ners and common seamen : all which, if they
" found that nothing would be done at home, would
" disperse themselves in merchant voyages to the
" Indies and the Straits ; and probably so many
" good men would never be found together again. "

And with such arguments he many times thought
that he left the king much moved : but when he
spake to him again (though he knew that he had no
kindness for the Dutch) his majesty was changed,
and very averse to a war ; which he imputed to
The chan- the chancellor, who had . not dissembled, as often as
poses itS*" his highness spake to him, to be passionately and
obstinately against it. And he did take all the op-
portunities he could find to confirm the king in his
aversion to it, who was in his heart averse from it,
by presenting to him the state of his own affairs,
" the great debt that yet lay upon him, which with
" peace and good husbandry might be in some time
" paid ; but a war would involve him in so much
" greater, that no man could see the end of it. That
" he would be able to preserve himself against the
" factions and distempers in his own kingdom, and
" probably suppress them, if he were without a fo-
" reign enemy : but if he should be engaged in a
" war abroad, his domestic divisions, especially those



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 239

" in religion, would give him more trouble than he 1663.
" could well struggle withal.

" That it was an erroneous assumption, that the
" Dutch would be better provided for a war two or
" three years hence, and his majesty worse, for
" which there was no reason. That within that
" time it would be his own fault, if the distempers
" in his three kingdoms were not composed, which
" would make him much fitter for a war ; whereas
" now neither of them could be said to be in peace,
" that of Ireland being totally unsettled, and that of
" Scotland not yet well pleased, and England far
" from it. That in that time it was very probable
" that the two crowns would be again engaged in a
" war ; since it was generally believed, and with
" great reason, that France only expected the death
" of the king of Spain, who was very infirm, and
" meant then to fall into Flanders, having at the
" same time with great expense provided great ma-
" gazines of corn and hay upon the borders, which
" could be for no other end. That whilst he conti-
" nued in peace, his friendship would be valuable to
" all the princes of Europe, and the two crowns
" would strive who should gain him : but if he en-
" gaged in a war, and in such a war as that with z
" Holland, which would interrupt and disturb all
" the trade of the kingdom, upon which the greatest
" part of his revenue did rise ; all other princes
" would look on, and not much esteem any offices
" he could perform to them. And lastly, that a
" little time might possibly administer a just occa-
" sion of a war, which at present there was not. "

' that witli] Not in MS.



240 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1663. These, and better arguments which the king's

"own understanding suggested to him, made him

fully resolve against the war, and to endeavour to

change his brother from affecting it, which wrought

not at all upon him ; but finding that many things

fell from the king in the argument, which had been

alleged to himself by the chancellor, he concluded

the mischief came from him, and was displeased ac-

The duke cordingly, and complained to his wife, " that her fa-

with him " ther should oppose him in an affair upon which he

" knew his heart was so much set, and of which

" every body took so much notice ;" which troubled

her very much. And she very earnestly desired her

father, " that he would no more oppose the duke in

" that matter.
" He answered her, " that she did

" not enough understand the consequence of that

" affair ; but that he would take notice to the duke

" of what she had said, and give him the best an-

" swer he could. " And accordingly he waited upon

the duke, who very frankly confessed to him, " that

" he took it very unkindly, that he should so posi-

*' tively endeavour to cross a design so honourable

" in itself, and a so much desired by the city of Lon-

" don ; and he was confident it b would be very

" grateful to the parliament, and that they would

" supply the king with money enough to carry it

" on, which would answer the chief objection. That

" he was engaged to pursue it, and he could not but

" be sorry and displeased, that every body should

" see how little credit he had with him. "

ceiior satis- The chancellor told him, " that he had no appre-

duke. be " hension that any sober man in England, or his

a and] Not in M. S. b it] Not in MS.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON.

" highness himself, should believe that he could 16(53.
" fail in his duty to him, or that he would omit~~
" any opportunity to make it manifest, which he
" could never do without being a fool or a madman.
" On the other hand, he could never give an advice,
" or consent to it whoever gave it, which in his
" judgment and conscience would be very mischiev,-
" ous to the crown and to the kingdom, though his
" royal highness or the king himself were inclined
'? to it. " He did assure him, " that he found the
" king very averse from any thought of this war, be-
" fore he ever discovered his own opinion of it ;"
but denied not, "that he had taken all opportuni-
" ties to confirm him in that judgment by argu-
" ments that he thought could not be answered ;
" and that the consequence of that war would be
" very pernicious. That he did presume that many
" good men, with whom he had conferred, did seem
" to concur with his highness out of duty to him,
" arid as they saw it would be grateful to him, or
" upon a sudden, and without making those reflec-
" tions which would afterwards occur to them, and
" make them change their minds. That a few mer-
" chants, nor all the merchants in London, were
. " not c the city of London, . which had had war
" enough, and could only become rich by peace.
" That he did not think the parliament would be
" forward to encourage that war ; nor should the
" king be desirous that they should interpose their
" advice in it, since it was a subject entirely in the
" king's own determination : but if they should ap-
" pear never so forward in it, he was old enough to

c not] Omitted in MS.
VOL. II. R



CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1663. " remember when a parliament did advise, and upon

" the matter compel, his grandfather king James to

" enter into a war with Spain, upon promise of
" ample supplies ; and yet when he was engaged in
" it, they gave him no more supply ; so that at last
" the crown was compelled to accept of a peace not
" very honourable. "

Beside the arguments he had used to the king,
he besought his highness to reflect upon some others
more immediately relating to himself, "upon the
" want of able men to conduct the counsels upon
" which such a war must be carried on ; how few
" accidents might expose the crown to those dis-
" tresses, that it might with more difficulty be
" buoyed up than it had lately been ;" with many
other arguments, which he thought made some im-
The design pression upon the duke. And for some months

fo- the pre- . .

sent drop- there was no more mention or discourse in the
court of the war ; though they who first laid the de-
sign still cultivated it, and made little doubt d of
bringing it at last to pass.

The sale At or about this time there was a transaction of
great importance, which at the time was not popular
nor indeed understood, and afterwards was objected
against the chancellor in his misfortunes, as a princi-
pal argument of his infidelity and corruption ; which
was the sale of Dunkirk: the whole proceeding where-
of shall be plainly and exactly related from the be-
ginning to the end thereof.

The charge and expense the crown was at ; the
pay of the land forces and garrisons; the great
fleets set out to sea for the reduction of the Turkish

(1 doubt] Not in MS.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 243

pirates of Algiers and Tunis, and for guarding the j 663.

narrow seas, and security of the merchants ; the

constant yearly charge of the garrison of Dunkirk, of
,that at Tangier, and the vast expense of building a
mole there, for which there was an establishment,
together with the garrisons at Bombay ne and in
Jamaica, (none of which had been known to the
crown in former times ;) and the lord treasurer's
frequent representation of all this to the king, as so
prodigious an expense as could never be supported ;
had put his majesty to frequent consultations how
he might lessen and save any part of it. But no
expedient could be resolved upon. The lord trea-
surer, who was most troubled when money was
wanted, had many secret conferences with the ge-
neral and with the best seamen, of the benefit that
accrued to the crown by keeping of Dunkirk ; the
constant charge and expense whereof amounted to
above one hundred and twenty thousand pounds
yearly : and he found by them that it was a place
of little importance. It is true that he had- con-
ferred of it with the chancellor, with whom he held
a fast friendship ; but found him so averse from it, The chan-
that he resolved to speak with him no more, till the against it.
king had taken some resolution. And to that pur-
pose he persuaded the general to go with him to
the king and to the duke of York, telling them both,
" that the chancellor must know nothing of it :"
and after several debates the king thought it so
counsellable a thing, that he resolved to have it de-
bated before that committee which he trusted in his
most secret affairs ; and the chancellor being then
lame of the gout, he commanded that all those lords
should attend him at his house. Beside his majesty

R 2



244 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1663. himself and the duke of York, there appeared the
The busi- lord treasurer, the general, the earl of Sandwich,
fenreTto a ^ e vice-chamberlain sir George Carteret, who had
committee, been a great commander at sea, and the two secre-
taries of state. When the king entered the room
with the lord treasurer, he desired his majesty, smil-
ing, " that he would take the chancellor's staff
" from him, otherwise he would break his head. "
When they were all sat, the king told him, " they
" were all come to debate an affair that he knew
" he was against, which was the parting with Dun-
" kirk ; but he did believe, when he had heard all
" that was said for it and against it, he would
" change his mind, as he himself had done. " And
so the debate was entered into in this method, after
enough was said of the straits the crown was in, and
what the yearly expense was.

Reasons 1. " That the profit which did or could accrue to
parting " the kingdom by the keeping of Dunkirk was very
" inconsiderable, whether in war or peace. That
" by sea it was very little useful, it being no harbour,
" nor having place for the king's ships to ride in
" with safety ; and that if it were in the hand of
" an enemy, it could do us little prejudice, because
" three or four ships might block it up, and keep it
" from infesting its neighbours : and that though
" heretofore it had been a place of license at sea, and
" had much obstructed trade by their men of war,
" yet that proceeded only from the unskilfulness of
" that time in applying proper remedies to it ; which
" was manifest by Cromwell's blocking them up,
" and restraining them when he made war upon
" them, insomuch as all the men of war left that
" place, and betook themselves to other harbours.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 245

" That it was so weak to the land (notwithstanding 1663.
" the great charge his majesty had been at in the"
" fortifications, which were not yet finished) by the
" situation and the soil, that it required as many
" men within to defend it, as the army should con-
" sist of that besieged it ; otherwise that it could
" aever hold out and endure a siege of two months :
" as it appeared clearly by its having been taken
" and retaken so many times within the late years,
" in all which times it never held out so long, though
" there was always an army at no great distance to
" relieve it.

2. " That the charge of keeping and maintaining
" it, without any accidents from the attempt of an
" enemy, did amount unto above one hundred and
" twenty thousand pounds by the year, which was
" a sum the revenue of the crown could not supply,
" without leaving many other particulars of much
" more importance unprovided for. " And this was
not lightly or cursorily urged ; but the state of the
revenue, and the constant and indispensable issues,
were at the same time presented and carefully
examined.

3. " It could not reasonably be believed, but that
" if Dunkirk was kept, his majesty would be shortly
" involved in a war with one of the two crowns.
" The Spanish ambassador had already demanded
" restitution of it in point of justice, it having been
" taken from his master by the late usurper, in a
" time when there was not only a peace between
" his majesty and the king of Spain, but when his
" majesty resided, and was entertained by the ca-
" tholic king, in Flanders : and at this time both
" France and Spain inhibited their subjects from

R 3



246 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1663. "paying those small contributions to the garrison
~" at Dunkirk, and endeavoured to restrain the go-
" vernor himself from enjoying some privileges,
" which had been always enjoyed by him from the
" time that it had been put into Cromwell's hands. "
And it was upon this and many other reasons then
conceived, " that as it would be very hard for the
" king to preserve a neutrality towards both crowns,
" even during the time of the war between them,"
(which temper was thought very necessary for his
majesty's affairs ;) " so it would be much more diffi-
" cult long to avoid a war with one of them upon
" the keeping Dunkirk, if the peace that was newly
" made should remain firm and unshaken. "

Upon these reasons, urged and agreed upon by

those who could not but be thought very competent

judges, in respect of their several professions and

The king great experience, the king resolved to ease himself

resolves to _ - . ' 111 i /> TX i i

dispose of of the insupportable burden of maintaining Dunkirk,
and to part with it in such a manner as might be
most for his advantage and benefit. There remained
then no other question, than into what hand to put
it : and the measure of that was only who would
give most money for it, there being no inclination
to prefer one before another. It was enough under-
stood, that both crowns would be very glad to have
it, and would probably both make large offers for it.

Reasons for B u t it was then as evident, that whatsoever France

selling it to

France. should contract for, the king would be sure to re-
ceive, and the business would be soon despatched :
whereas on the other hand it was as notorious and
evident to his majesty, and to all who had any
knowledge of the court of Spain, and of the scarcity
of money there and in Flanders ; that how large of-



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 24-7

fers soever the Spaniard might make, they could J663.

not be able in any time to pay any considerable sum

of money ; and that there would be so much time
spent in consult between Madrid and Brussels before
it could be despatched, that the keeping it so long
in his majesty's hands would in the expense disap-
point him of a good part of the end in parting
with it. Besides that it seemed at that time pro-
bable, that the Spaniard would shortly declare him-
self an enemy ; for besides that he demanded Dun-
kirk as of right, so he likewise required the resti- ~
tution of Tangier and Jamaica upon the same reason,
and declared, " that without it there could be no
" lasting peace between England and Spain," and
refused so much as to enter upon a treaty of alliance
with the king, before he should promise to make
such a restitution.

There wanted not in this conference and debate
the consideration of the States of the United Pro-
vinces, as persons like enough to desire the posses-
sion of Dunkirk, from whence they had formerly re-
ceived so much damage, and were like enough to
receive more whenever they should be engaged in
any war : and if in truth they should have any such
desire, more money might be reasonably required,
and probably be obtained from them, than could be
expected from either of the kings. But upon the
discussion of that point, it did appear to every man's
reason very manifest, that though they had rather
that Dunkirk should be put into the hands of the
Spaniard than delivered to France, or than it should
be detained by the English ; yet they durst not re-
ceive it into their own possession, which neither of
the two crowns would have approved of, and so it

R 4



248 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1663. would have exposed them to the displeasure, if not
~ to the hostility, of both the kings.

Upon this full deliberation, his majesty inclined

rather to give it up to France than to Spain ; but

deferred any positive resolution till he had imparted

The king the whole matter to the council-board, where the

refers it to . . .

the privy- debate was again resumed, principally, " whether it
" were more counsellable to keep it at so vast a
" charge, or to part with it for a good sum of money. "
And in that debate the mention of what had been
heretofore done in the house of commons upon that
subject was not omitted, nor the bill that they had
sent up to the house of peers for annexing it inse-
parably to the -crown : but that was not thought of
moment ; for as it had been suddenly entertained in
the house of commons, upon the Spanish ambas-
sador's first proposition for the restitution, so it was
looked upon in the house of peers as unfit in it-
self, and so laid aside after once being read, (which
had been in the first convention soon after the king's
return,) and so expired as soon as it was born. After
a long debate of the whole matter at the council-
board, where all was averred concerning the useless-
ness and weakness of the place, by those who had

where only said it at the committee ; there was but one lord
of the council who offered his advice to the king
against parting with it : and the ground of that
lord's dissenting, who was the earl of St. Alban's,
was enough understood to have nothing of public in
it, but to draw the negotiation for it into his own
hands. In conclusion, his majesty resolved to put
it into the hands of France, if that king would
comply with his majesty's expectation in the pay-
ment of so much money as he would require for it :



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 249

and a way was found out, that the king might pri- 1663.
vately be advertised of that his majesty's resolution,"
if he should have any desire to deal for it.

The advertisement was very welcome to the
French king, who was then resolved to visit Flan-
ders as soon as he should know of the death of the
king of Spain, which was expected every day. Nor
had he deferred it till then, upon the late affront
his ambassador had received at London from the
Spanish ambassador, (who by a contrived and la-
boured stratagem had got the precedence for his
coach before the other ; which the king of France
received with that indignation, that he sent pre-
sently to demand justice at Madrid, commanded his
ambassador to retire from thence, and would not
suffer the Spanish ambassador to remain in Paris
till he should have satisfaction, and was resolved to
have begun a war upon it,) if the king of Spain had
not acknowledged the fault of his ambassador, and
under his hand declared the precedence to belong to
France ; which declaration was sent to the courts of
all princes : and so for the present that spark of fire
was extinguished, or rather raked up.

The king sent M. D'Estrades privately to London Monsieur

. . D'Estrades

to treat about Dunkirk, without any character, but comes over
pretending to make it his way to Holland, whither
he was designed ambassador. After he had waited pnce>
upon the king, his majesty appointed four or five of
the lords of his council, whereof the chancellor and
treasurer and general were three, to treat with
M. D'Estrades for the sale of Dunkirk ; when the
first conference was spent in endeavouring to per-
suade him to make the first offer for the price, which
he could not be drawn to : so that the king's com-



250 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1663. missioners were obliged to make their demand.
~~And they asked the sum of seven hundred thousand
pounds sterling, to be paid upon the delivery of
Dunkirk and Mardike into the possession of the
king of France ; which sum appeared to him to be
so stupendous, that he seemed to think the treaty at
an end, and resolved to make no offer at all on the
part of his master. And so the conference brake
up.

At the next meeting he offered three millions of
livres, which according to the common account
amounted to three hundred thousand pistoles, which
the king's commissioners as much undervalued ; so
that any further conference was discontinued, till he
had sent an express or two into France, and till
their return : for as the expectation of a great sum
of ready money was the king's motive to part with
it, besides the saving the monthly charge ; so they
concluded that his necessities would oblige him to
part with it at a moderate price. And after the re-
turn of the expresses, the king's commissioners in-
sisting still upon what D'Estrades thought too much,
and he offering what they thought too little, the
treaty seemed to be at an end, and he prepared for
his return. In conclusion, his majesty being fully
as desirous to part with it as the king of France
could be to have it, it was agreed and concluded,
The price " that upon the payment of five hundred thousand
upon? " pistoles in specie at Calais to such persons as the
" king should appoint to receive it, his majesty's
" garrison of Dunkirk and Mardike should be with-
" drawn, and those places put into the hands of the
" king of France:" all which was executed accord-
ingly. And without doubt it was a greater sum of



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 251

money than was ever paid at one payment by any 1663.
prince in Christendom, upon what occasion soever ; ""
and every body seemed very glad to see so vast a sum
of money delivered into the Tower of London, as it
was all together ; the king at the same time declar-
ing, " that no part of it should be applied to any or-
" dinary occasion, but be preserved for some press-
" ing accident, as an insurrection or the like," which
was reasonably enough apprehended.



Nor was there e the least murmur at this bargain A vi

tion of the

in all the sessions of the parliament which sat after, chancellor

. -. _,, in this af-

until it fell out to some men s purposes to reproach fair.
the chancellor : and then they charged him " with
" advising the sale of Dunkirk, and that the very
" artillery, ammunition, and stores amounted to
" a greater value than the king received for the
" whole ;" when upon an estimate that had been
taken f of all those, they were not esteemed to be
more worth than twenty thousand pounds sterling ;
and the consideration of those, when the king's
commissioners insisted upon their being all shipped
for England, and the necessity of keeping them
upon the place where they were, had prevailed with
M. D'Estrades to consent to that sum of five hun-
dred thousand pistoles. But whether the bargain
was ill or well made, there could be no fault imputed
to the chancellor, who had no more to do in the
transaction than is before set down, the whole mat-
ter having been so long deliberated and so fully de-
bated. Nor did he ever before, or in, or after the
transaction, receive the value of half a crown for re-
ward or present, or any other consideration relating

e there] Omitted in MS. f taken] Omitted in MS.



252 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1663. to that affair: and the treatment he received after
"his coming into France was evidence enough, that

that king never thought himself beholden to him.
The queen A little before this time, the queen mother re-
brings a na- turned again for England, having disbursed a great
10 sum f money in making a noble addition to her
S " palace of Somerset-house. With the queen there
came over a youth of about ten or a dozen years of
age, who was called by the name of Mr. Crofts, be-
cause the lord Crofts had been trusted to take care
of his breeding ; but he was generally thought to be
the king's son, begotten upon a private Welch wo-
man of no good fame, but handsome, who had trans-
ported herself to the Hague, when the king was
first there, with a design to obtain that honour,
which a groom of the bedchamber willingly pre-
ferred her to ; and there it was this boy was born.
The mother lived afterwards for some years in France
in the king's sight, and at last lost his majesty's fa-
vour: yet the king desired to have the son deli-
vered to him, that he might take care of his educa-
tion, which she would not consent to. At last the
lord Crofts got him into his charge ; and the mo-
ther dying at Paris, he had the sole tuition of him,
and took care for the breeding him suitable to the
quality of a very good gentleman. And the queen
after some years came to know of it, and frequently
had him brought to her, and used him with much
grace ; and upon the king's desire brought him with
her from Paris into England, when he was about
twelve years of age, very handsome, and performed,
those exercises gracefully which youths of that age
used to learn in France. The king received him
with extraordinary fondness, and was willing that



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 253

every body should believe him to be his son, though 1663.
he did not yet make any declaration that he looked""
upon him as such, otherwise than by his kindness
and familiarity towards him. He assigned a liberal
maintenance for him ; but took not that care for a
strict breeding of him % as his age required.

The general, during the time of his command in
Scotland, had acquaintance with a lady of much ho-
nour there, the countess of Weemes, who had been
before the wife of the earl of Buccleugh, and by him
had one only daughter, who inherited his very great
estate and title, and was called the countess of Buc-
cleugh, a child of eight or ten years of age. All
men believed, that the general's purpose was to get
this lady for his own son, a match h suitable enough:
but the time being now changed, the lord Lauther-
dale, being a good courtier, thought his country-
woman might be much better married, if she were
given to the king for this youth, towards whom he
expressed so much fondness, those kinds of extrac-
tions carrying little disadvantage with them in Scot-
land ; and the general, whatever thoughts he had
before, would not be so ill a courtier as not to ad-
vance such a proposition. The lady was already in
possession of the greatest fortune in Scotland, which
would have a fair addition upon the death of her
mother. i>:< f

The king liked the motion well ; and so the mo-
ther was sent to, to bring up her daughter to Lon-
don, they being then both in Scotland. And when
they came, the king trusted the earl of Lautherdale
principally to treat that affair with the mother, who

e him] it h match] Not in MS.



254 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1663. had rather have been referred to any other body,
"~ having indeed some just exceptions. They were
traded to both yet under the years of consent ; but that time
ess of BUC- drawing on, such a contract was drawn up as had
leugh * been first proposed to the king, which was, " that
" the whole estate, for want of issue by the young
" lady, or by her death, should be devolved upon
" the young man who was to marry her, and his
" heirs for ever ; and that this should be settled by
" act of parliament in Scotland. " Matters being
drawn to this length, and writings being to be pre-
pared, it was now necessary that this young gentle-
man must have a name, and the Scots advocate had
prepared a draught, in which he was styled the
king's natural son : and the king was every day
pressed by the great lady, and those young men who
knew the customs of France, to create him a noble-
man of England ; and was indeed very willing to be
advised to that purpose.
The king Till this time, this whole matter was treated in

consults the 11-

chancellor secret amongst the ocots : but now the king thought
son 5 fit to consult it with others ; and telling the chan-
cellor of all that had passed, shewed him the draught
prepared by the Scots advocate, and asked him
" what he thought of it," and likewise implied,
" that he thought fit to give him some title of ho-
" nour. " After he had read it over, he told his ma-
The chan- jesty, " that he need not give him any other title of
vice. " honour than he would enjoy by his marriage, by
" which he would by the law of Scotland be called
" earl of Buccleugh, which would be title enough ;
" and he desired his majesty to pardon him, if he
" found fault with and disliked the title they had
" given him who prepared that draught, wherein



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 255

" they had presumed to style him the king's natural 1663.
" son, which was never, at least in many ages, used
" in England, and would have an ill sound in Eng-
" land with all his people, who thought that those
" unlawful acts ought to be concealed, and not pub-
" lished and justified. That France indeed had,
" with inconvenience enough to the crown, raised
" some families of those births ; but it was always
" from women of great quality, and who had never
" been tainted with any other familiarity. And
" that there was another circumstance required in
" Spain, which his majesty should do well to ob-
" serve in this case, if he had taken a resolution in
" the main ; which was, that the king took care for
" the good education of that child whom he believed
" to be his, but never publicly owned or declared
" him to be such, till he had given some notable evi-
" dence of his inheriting or having acquired such
" virtues and qualities, as made him in the eyes of
" all men worthy of such a descent. That this gen-
" tleman was yet young, and not yet to be judged
" of: and therefore if he were for the present mar-
" ried to this young lady, and assumed her title, as
" he must do, his majesty might defer for some
" years making any such declaration ; which he
" might do when he would, and which at present
" would be as unpopular an action in the hearts of
" his subjects as he could commit. "

Though the king did not seem to concur in all
that was said, he did not appear at all offended, and
only asked him, " whether he had not conferred
" with the queen his mother upon that subject. "
When he assured him, " he had not, nor with any
" other person, and though helwd heard some gene-



256 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1663. " ral discourse of his majesty's purpose to make that
" marriage, he had never heard either of the other
" particulars mentioned ;" the king said, " he had
*' reason to ask the question, because many of those
" things, which he had said had been spoken to him
" by the queen his mother, who was entirely of his
" opinion, which she used not to be ;" and con-
cluded, " that he would confer with them together,"
seeming for the present to be more moved and
doubtful in the matter of the declaration, than in
the other, of the creation; and said, " there was
" no reason, since she brought all the estate, that
" she should receive no addition by her husband. "
The queen afterwards took an occasion to speak at
large to the chancellor of it with much warmth, and
The king manifestation that she did not like it. But the king
owns his spake with neither of them afterwards upon it, but
creates" him signed the declaration, and created him to be duke
f Monmouth ; very few persons dissuading it, and
the lady employing all her credit to bring it to pass:
and the earl of Bristol (who in those difficult cases
was usually consulted) pressed it as the only way to
make the king's friendship valuable.

Since the earl of Bristol is mentioned upon this
occasion, it will not be unseasonable to give him the
next part in this relation. Though he had left no
way unattempted to render himself gracious to the
king, by saying and doing all that might be accept-
able unto him, and contriving such meetings and
jollities as he was pleased with ; and though his ma-
jesty had been several ways very bountiful to him,
and had particularly given him at one time ten
thousand pounds in money, with which he had pur-
chased Wimbleton of the queen, and had given him



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 257

Ashdown-forest and other lands in Sussex: yet he 1663.
found he had not that degree of favour and interest ~~
in the king's affections, as he desired, or desired
that other people should think he had. The change
of his religion kept him from being admitted to the
council, or to any employment of moment. And
whereas he made no doubt of drawing the whole
dependance of the Roman catholics upon himself,
and to have the disposal of that interest, and to that
purpose had the Jesuits firm to him ; he found that he
had no kind of credit with them, nor was admitted
by them to their most secret consultations, and that
the fathers of the society had more enemies than
friends amongst the catholics.

His estate had been sold and settled by his own
consent, upon the marriage of his eldest son twice
to great fortunes : so that when he returned from
beyond the seas, he could not return to his estate as
others did, and had little more to subsist upon than
the king's bounty ; and that was not poured out
upon him in the measure he wished, though few per-
sons tasted more of it. He was in his nature very
covetous, and ready to embrace all ways that were
offered to get money, whether honourable or no, for
he had not a great power over himself, and could
not bear want, which he could hardly avoid, for he
was nothing provident in his expenses, when he had
any temptation from his ambition or vanity. Be-
sides, his appetite to play and gaming, in which he
had no skill, and by which he had all his life spent
whatever he could get, was not at all abated. He
spent as much money at Wimbleton in building and
gardening, as the land was worth.

By all these means he found himself in straits,

VOL. II. S



258 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1663. which he could neither endure nor get from, and
""which transported him to that degree, that he re-
solved to treat the king in another manner than
he had ever yet presumed to do. And having asked
somewhat of him that his majesty did not think fit
The eari of to grant, he told him, " he knew well the cause of
travagant*" " his withdrawing his favour from him ; that it pro-
to the'kiDg. " cee ded only from the chancellor, who governed
" him and managed all his affairs, whilst himself
" spent his time only in pleasures and debauchery :"
and in this passion upbraided him with many ex-
cesses, to which no man had contributed more than
he had done. He said many truths which ought to
have been more modestly and decently mentioned,
and all this in the presence of the lord Aubigny,
who was as much surprised as the king ; and con-
cluded, " that if he did not give him satisfaction '
" within such a time," (the time allowed did not ex-
ceed four and twenty hours,) " he would do some-
" what that would awaken him out of his slumber,
" and make him look better to his own business ;"
and added many threats against the chancellor.
The king stood all this time in such confusion, that
though he gave him more sharp words than were
natural to him, he had not that presentness of mind
(as he afterwards accused himself) as he ought to
have had ; and said, " he ought presently to have
" called for the guard," it being in his own closet,
" and sent him to the Tower. "

The court and the town was full of the discourse
that the earl of Bristol would accuse the chancellor
of high treason, who knew nothing of what had

' give him satisfaction] Omitted in MS.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 259

passed with the king. And it seems when the time 16C3.
was past that he prescribed to the king to give him ~~
satisfaction, he came one morning to the house of
peers with a paper in his hand ; and told the lords,
" that he could not but observe, that after so glori- He accuse*

3 . thechan-

" ous a return with which God had blessed the kingceiiorof
" and the nation, so that all the world had expected, !
" that the prosperity of the kingdom would have
" far exceeded the misery and adversity that it had
" for many years endured ; and after the parliament
" had contributed more towards it, than ever parlia-
" ment had done : notwithstanding all which, it was
" evident to all men, and lamented by those who
" wished well to his majesty, that his affairs grew
" every day worse and worse ; the king himself lost
" much of his honour, and the affection he had in
" the hearts of the people. That for his part he
? ' looked upon it with as much sadness as any man,
" and had made inquiry as well as he could from
" whence this great misfortune, which every body
*' was sensible of, could proceed ; and that he was
" satisfied in his own conscience, that it proceeded
" principally from, the power and credit and sole
" credit of the chancellor : and therefore he was re-
" solved, for the good of his country, to accuse the
" lord chancellor of high treason ; which he had
" done in the paper which he desired might be read,
" all written with his own hand, to which he sub-
" scribed his name. "

The paper contained many articles, which he
called Articles of High Treason and other Misde-
meanors ; amongst which one was, " that he had
" persuaded the king to send a gentleman (a crea-
" ture of his own) to Rome with letters to the pope,

s 2



260 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1663. " to give a cardinal's cap to the lord Aubigny, who
~~" was almoner to the queen. " The rest contained
" his assuming to himself the government of all
" public affairs, which he had administered unskil-
" fully, corruptly, and traitorously ; which he was
" ready to prove. "

The chancellor, without any trouble in his coun-
tenance, told the lords, " that he had had the ho-
" nour heretofore to have so much the good opinion
" and friendship of that lord, that he durst appeal
" to his own conscience, that he did not himself be-
" lieve one of those articles to be true, and knew
" the contrary of most of them. And he was glad
" to find that he thought it so high a crime to send
" to Rome, and to desire a cardinal's cap for a ca-
" tholic lord, who had been always bred from his
" cradle in that faith : but he did assure them, that
" that gentleman was only sent by the queen to
" the pope, upon an affair that she thought herself
** obliged to comply with him in, and in hope to do
" some good office to Portugal ; and that the king
" had neither writ to the pope, nor to any other
" person in Rome. " He spake at large to most of
the articles, to shew the impossibility of their being
true, and that they reflected more upon the king's
honour than upon his ; and concluded, " that he
" was sorry that lord had not been better advised,
" for he did believe that though all that was alleged
" in the articles should be true, they would not all
" amount to high treason, upon which he desired
" the judges might be required to deliver their
" opinion ; the which the lords ordered the judges
" to do. " It was moved by one of the lords, " that
" the copy of the articles might be sent to the king,



EDWARD ARL OF CLARENDON. 261

" because he was mentioned so presumptuously in 1663.
" them ;" which was likewise agreed; and the arti-~
cles were delivered to the lord chamberlain to pre-
sent to the king.

The chancellor had promised that day to dine in
Whitehall, but would not presume to go thither till
he had sent to the king, not thinking it fit to go
into his court, whilst he lay under an accusation of
high treason, without his leave. His majesty sent
him word, " that he should dine where he had ap-
" pointed, and as soon as he had dined that he
" should attend him. " Then his majesty told him
and the lord treasurer all that had passed between
the earl of Bristol and him in the presence of the
lord Aubigny; and in the relation of it expressed
great indignation, and was angry with himself,
" that he had not immediately sent him to the
" Tower, which," he said, " he would do as soon as
" he could apprehend him. " He used the chancel-
lor with much grace, and told him, "that the earl of
" Bristol had not treated him so ill as he had done
" his majesty ; and that his articles were more to
" his dishonour, and reflected more upon him, for
" which he would have justice. "

His majesty commanded the lord chamberlain to
return his thanks to the house, " for the respect
" they had shewed to him in sending those articles
" to him ;" and to let them know, " that he looked
" upon them as a libel against himself more than a
" charge against the chancellor, who upon his know-
" ledge was innocent in all the particulars charged
" upon him ;" which report the lord chamberlain
made the next morning to the house ; and at the
same time the judges declared their opinion unani-

s 3



262 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1 663. mously, " that the whole charge contained nothing
~ " of treason though it were all true. " Upon which
the earl of Bristol, especially upon what the lord
chamberlain had reported from the king, appeared
in great confusion, and lamented his condition,
" that he, for endeavouring to serve his country
" upon the impulsion of his conscience, was discoun-
" tenanced, and threatened with the anger and dis-
" pleasure of his prince ; whilst his adversary kept
" his place in the house, and had the judges so much
" at his devotion that they would not certify against
" him. " The chancellor moved the house, " that a
" short day might be given to the earl, to bring in
" his evidence to prove the several matters of his
" charge ; otherwise that he might have such repa-
" ration, as was in their judgments proportionable
" to the indignity. " The earl said, " he should
" not fail to produce witnessess to prove all he had
" alleged, and more : but that he could not appoint
" a time when he could be ready for a hearing,
" because many of his most important witnesses
" were beyond the seas, some at Paris, and others
" in other places ; and that he must examine the
" duke of Ormond, who was lieutenant in Ireland,
" and the earl of Lautherdale, who was then in
" Scotland, and must desire commissioners h to that
" purpose. "

The eari of But from that day he made no further instance :
mmbupon an ^ understanding that the king had given warrants
warrantee * a ser g eail t a ^ arms to apprehend him, he con-
apprehend cealed himself in several places for the space of near

him.

two years ; sending sometimes letters and petitions

k commissioners] commissions



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 263

by his wife to the king, who would not receive them. 1 663.
But in the end his majesty was prevailed with by~
the lady and sir Harry Bennet to see him in pri-
vate ; but would not admit him to come to the
court, nor repeal his warrants for his apprehension :
so that he appeared not publicly till the chancellor's
misfortune ; and then he came to the court and to
the parliament in great triumph, and shewed a more
impotent malice than was expected from his gene-
rosity and understanding.

We shall in the next place take a view of Scot- The affairs
land, whither we left Middleton sent the king's com-
missioner, who performed his part with wonderful
dexterity and conduct, and with more success than
some of his countrymen were pleased with. We
have remembered before the debate upon his in-
structions, and the earnest advice and caution given
by Lautherdale against any hasty attempt to make
alteration in the matters of the church, which was
at last left to the discretion of the commissioner, to
proceed in such a manner, and at such a time, as he
found most convenient. As soon as he came thi-Thecom-
ther, he found himself received with as universal an
exclamation, and the king's authority as cheerfully ed '
submitted to, as can be imagined or could be wish-
ed ; and such a consent to every thing he proposed,
that he made no question but any thing his majesty
required would find an entire obedience. The earl
of Glencarne, who was chancellor, and the earl of
Rothes, and all the nobility of any interest or credit,
were not only faithful to the king, but fast friends
to Middleton, and magnified his conduct in all their
letters.

The earl of Crawford alone, who was treasurer,
s 4



264 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1663. which is an office that cannot be unattended by a
~ great faction in that kingdom, retained still his ri-
gid affection for the presbytery, when the ministers
themselves grew much less rigid, and were even
ashamed of the many follies and madnesses they had
committed. But the earl of Crawford did all he
could to raise their spirits, and to keep them firm to
the kirk. In all other particulars he was full of de-
votion to the king, being entirely of the faction of
Hamilton, and nearly allied to it; and when the
king was in Scotland had served him signally, and
had then been made by him high treasurer of that
kingdom ; and upon Cromwell's prevailing and con-
junction with Argyle, was as odious as any man to
them both, and had for many years been prisoner in
England till the time of the king's return. There
was always a great friendship between him and
Lautherdale ; the former being a man of much the
greater interest, and of unquestionable courage ;
the other excelling him in all the faculties which
are necessary to business, and being 1 a master in
dissimulation.

Middleton, and the lords who went with him,
and the general, (upon whose advice the king de-
pended as much in the business of Scotland,) were
all earnest with his majesty to remove the earl of
Crawford from that great office, which would enable
him to do mischief. But the king's good-nature
prevailed. over him, though he knew him as well as
they did : and he thought it too hardhearted a thing
to remove a man, whom he found a prisoner for his
service, from an office he had formerly conferred

1 being] Not in MS.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 265

upon him for his merit, and which he had not for- 1663.