The intimations I have thrown out, will suffice to give
your excellency a proper conception of my sentiments:
you will judge of their reasonableness or fallacy; but I
persuade myself you will do justice to my motives.
your excellency a proper conception of my sentiments:
you will judge of their reasonableness or fallacy; but I
persuade myself you will do justice to my motives.
Hamilton - 1834 - Life on Hamilton - v2
* As this statement rests solely upon
the evidence of Madison, and is neither in accordance with the report nor
with this vote, its probability is more than questionable. --1 Mad. 278-9,
280.
? 4 J. C. 152
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THE LIFE OF
of a day, that part of this report which promised substan-
tial and adequate funds, was considered.
The earliest known opinions of Hamilton indicate his
conviction that the command of the revenue should be
vested in congress, and that it should have the collection
of it. He had stated in "the Continentalist,"* as "the
great defect of the confederation, that it gives the United
States no property, or in other words, no revenue, nor the
means of acquiring it inherent in themselves, and inde-
pendent on the temporary pleasure of the different mem-
bers. "--" As power without revenue, in a political society,
was a name; while congress," he then said, "continue
altogether dependent on the occasional grants of the seve-
ral states, for the means of defraying the expenses of the
federal government, it can neither have dignity, vigour,
nor credit. Credit supposes specific and permanent funds
for the punctual payment of interest, with a moral cer-
tainty of the final redemption of the principal. This
credit being to be procured through congress, the funds
ought to be provided, declared, and vested in them. Had
we begun the practice of funding four years ago, we
should have avoided that depreciation of the currency,
which has been as pernicious to the morals as to the cre-
dit of the nation. " It has been seen that he at the same
time expressed the opinion, that congress should have the
appointment " of all officers of the customs, collectors of
taxes, and military officers of every rank, so as to create
in the interior of each state a mass of influence in favour
of the federal government. "
The period had now arrived when he was enabled, per-
sonally, to propose the adoption of a measure which he
had long contemplated--the establishment of a permanent
national revenue. Unfortunately, on the dayt when the
? August 4, 1781--No. 4.
t Jan. 27.
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? HAMILTON.
41
discussion of this subject commenced, the delegates from
Virginia laid before congress an act of their legislature,
repealing her grant of the power to raise an impost; a
repeal not dictated by temporary considerations, but mani-
festing a decided repugnance to the supremacy of the
national legislature over any part of the revenue.
It declared, "that the permitting any power other than
the general assembly of this commonwealth, to levy duties
or taxes upon the citizens of this state, within the same,
is injurious to its sovereignty, may prove destructive of the
rights and liberty of this people, and so far as congress
might exercise the same, is contravening the spirit of the
confederation. " Unpropitious as this procedure was, no
other resource existed, and the debate proceeded in a com-
mittee on " permanent funds. "
The first question to be decided was, whether if funds
were provided they were to be collected by the states, or,
as Hamilton had previo usly urged, should depend on " a
single will. " With a view to its decision, he offered the
following declaratory resolution:--" That it is the opinion
of congress that complete justice cannot be done to the
creditors of the United States, nor the restoration of pub-
lic credit be effected, nor the future exigencies of the war
be provided for, but by the establishment of permanent
and adequate funds, to operate generally throughout the
United States, to be collected by congress. "
The petition of the officers of the army had been heard
and answered; the memorial of the other public creditors
had not been replied to.
After the late act of Virginia repealing the impost, it
was particularly important that they should receive a
similar pledge of ultimate justice. Prompted by this con-
sideration, immediately after the introduction of this im-
portant resolution, Hamilton presented a report on the
memorial of Pennsylvania respecting the debts due to her
6
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THE LIFE OF
citizens. This report stated," that any attempts to pay any
of the past debts, would form so heavy a deduction from
the greatest revenue that could be raised as would totally
obstruct all present service, and that any present provision
should be confined to the interest of the public debts.
That such provision would offer eventual relief to the pub-
lic creditors, and enable them to support their share of the
public burdens without appropriating the whole revenue
which can be drawn from the people to a payment of debts,
and leaving thereby the public service unprovided for,
which would involve the ruin of all ranks, creditors and
others. That congress were and had long been deeply
impressed with the absolute necessity that speedy and
effectual measures should be taken, first to liquidate and
ascertain the public debts, and then to secure the payment
of the interest until the principal could be discharged.
Acts of congress were referred to as evidence of this
assertion. He added, that after a delay of two years,
Rhode Island had entirely refused its concurrence to the
impost, that Virginia had withdrawn its assent once given,
and that a third state had returned no answer.
The inability of congress to perform its engagements,
was stated to have resulted from the defective compliances
of the states during the war. Of the last requisition for
eight millions, only four hundred and twenty thousand dol-
lars had been collected. The proceeds of the foreign
loans* were stated, showing an available balance a little
* In vol. 1, page 273, of Madison's Debates, this passage is found:--
"In a late report, which had been drawn up by Mr. Hamilton, and made
to congress, in answer to a memorial from the legislature of Pennsylvania,
among other things showing the impossibility congress had been under of
paying their creditors, it was observed, that the aid afforded by the court of
France, had been appropriated by that court, at the time, to the immediate
use of the army. This clause was objected to as unnecessary, and as dis.
honourable to congress. The fact also was controverted. Mr. Hamilton
#
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? HAMILTON.
43
exceeding eight hundred thousand dollars; while to feed,
clothe, and pay the army, required nearly six millions.
The whole sum within the command of congress, was
and Mr. Fitzsimmons justified the expediency of retaining it, in order to
justify congress the more explicitly in failing to fulfil their engagements to
the public creditors. Mr. Wilson and Madison proposed to strike out the
words ' appropriated by France,' and substitute the words ' applied by con-
gress to the immediate and necessary support of the army. ' This proposi-
tion would have been readily approved, had it not appeared on examination,
that in one or two small instances, and particularly in the payment of the
balance due to Arthur Lee, Esq. , other applications had been made of the aid
in question. The report was finally recommitted. "
This is no less than a charge of stating an untruth, and justifying it on
the score of expediency, on the part of two gentlemen whose probity never
was suspected, and for the motive of justifying congress with the public
creditors. This minute is of the 24th of January. It speaks of a late report
made to congress. The journal of that date does not refer to this report, but
on the thirtieth of January it is given in full, as having been " agreed to as
follows. " A reason assigned by Madison why the clause thus objected to
was not stricken out, is, that there had been a diversion of the money in one
or two small instances. He adds, that it was recommitted. But if these
instances prevented this clause being expunged, if it had been originally in
the report, it must necessarily have been retained. On referring to this re-
port, " agreed to" by congress, no such clause can be found. Its language
is--" But according to the best accounts which can be obtained, the antici-
pations made in the funds for the year 1782 amounted, at the close of 1781,
to four millions of livres. For the service of that year, his most christian
majesty lent the United States 6,000,000 livres. "--4 J. C. 155.
But if it be assumed that the clause was there originally, and was
stricken out, the charge is unsupported. The journals, page 202, contain
the papers which Madison as chairman of a committee reported, and refer-
red to in an address of which he was the author. One of these papers, No.
IV. , is a letter from the French ambassador at Philadelphia, dated March
15, 1783. It commences thus--" Sir: I have the satisfaction to inform you,
that his majesty procures for the United States a loan of six millions, to be
employed in the war department during the course of the current year. "
"The Count de Vergennes informs me, sir, that the six millions are lent to
the United States in the same manner, and under the same conditions, with
the sum which was lent last year. " "I have had the honour to inform you,
air, that this money is lent to the United States to enable them to carry on
the war. The wisdom of congress will determine according to circum-
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THE LIFE OF
little more than a million and a half of dollars; a sum insuf-
ficient to pay the interest then due on the public debts.
"Yet," Hamilton remarked, " notwithstanding the discour-
aging obstacles they have hitherto encountered, they
conceive it a duty to themselves and to their constituents,
to persevere in their intentions to renew and extend their
endeavours to procure the establishment of revenues equal
to the purpose of funding all the debts of the United States;
and they think it proper to inform the assembly of Penn-
sylvania, that this subject is now before them under so-
lemn deliberation, and that her ready and early compliance
with the recommendation of (an impost) assures congress
of the vigorous support of that state. "
Soon after this pledge was given, a report as to the
mode of valuing the lands was taken into consideration.
This report proposed that the states should pass laws
forming themselves into districts, and should appoint com-
missioners to estimate the value of their lands; which
estimate, if approved by congress, was to determine the
requisitions to be made.
Convinced that no efficient plan would be adopted from
the predominance of state jealousies, and regarding the
contemplated mode as involving inequalities and contro-
versy, Hamilton moved to postpone the valuation. He
assigned as reasons, " the great expense of it, to which the
finances were then inadequate, and that in a matter so
stances on the manner of effecting that important object, and of compelling
the enemy, by joint efforts, to conclude a solid and permanent peace. "
That such was the sole object of this loan made by France, then under
great pecuniary pressure, is obvious. Already a creditor for a large amount,
it cannot be supposed that France would have made an additional loan to
the United States to pay their domestic creditors. A declaration such as
that which Madison represents Wilson as concurring with him in endeavour-
ing to substitute, would have been to declare that congress had violated their
pledge to France in applying this loan to the immediate use of the army--
the express use for which the loan was granted.
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? HAMILTON.
45
fundamental in the confederation, it was essential to the
harmony and welfare of the United States, that it should
be carried into effect with great care, circumspection, and
impartiality, and that a short delay would be much less
pernicious than a defective execution. "
After thus urging that the attempt should be deferred,
he pledged congress to proceed to an accurate valuation
of the land by commissioners, appointed by them, and act-
ing under their authority, upon principles uniform through-
out the United States; that when this valuation is com-
plete, congress will finally adjust the accounts of the
United States with the states separately, agreeably to that
standard, making equitable abatements to such as have
been more immediate sufferers by the war: that in the
mean time they would adhere, in the temporary adjust-
ment of these accounts, to the proportions established by
the requisitions of congress; and with a view to an eventual
plan, he requested the states to transmit to them the valua-
tions they had made, with an explanation of the principles
on which they had been made.
This motion, though supported by a majority of mem-
bers, was lost in a vote by states, and the plan reported
was rejected.
The course of their proceedings gave small prospect
of any salutary results. The officers were urgently press-
ing their claims. The justice of those claims was not to
be questioned. The terms of commutation offered by the
army, could not be excepted to. The claimants were
suffering. They had received nothing but assurances, and
they had reason to believe that, on the part of many, those
assurances were deceptive. There was danger. Hamilton
felt it, and after due reflection, he unbosomed his appre-
hensions to the commander-in-chief.
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HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
Philadelphia, Feb. 7,1783.
SIR,
Flattering myself that your knowledge of me will in-
duce you to receive the observations I make as dictated
by a regard to the public good, I take the liberty to sug-
gest to you my ideas on some matters of delicacy and im-
portance. I view the present juncture as a very interest-
ing one. I need not observe how far the temper and
situation of the army make it so. The state of our finan-
ces was perhaps never more critical. I am under injunc-
tions which will not permit me to disclose some facts that
would at once demonstrate this position, but I think it
probable you will be possessed of them through another
channel. * It is however certain that there has scarcely
been a period of the revolution which called more for
wisdom and decision in congress. Unfortunately for us,
we are a body not governed by reason or foresight, but
by circumstances. It is probable we shall not take the
proper measures; and if we do not, a few months may
open an embarrassing scene. This will be the case, whether
we have peace or a continuance of the war.
If the war continues, it would seem that the army must
in June subsist itself to defend the country; if peace should
take place, it will subsist itself to procure justice to itself.
It appears to be a prevailing opinion in the army, that the
disposition to recompense their services will cease with
the necessity for them, and that if they once lay down
their arms, they part with the means of obtaining justice.
It is to be lamented that appearances afford too much
ground for their distrust.
* Probably from the superintendent of finance.
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? HAMILTON. 47
It becomes a serious inquiry, What is the true line of
policy? The claims of the army, urged with moderation,
but with firmness, may operate on those weak minds
which are influenced by their apprehensions more than
by their judgments, so as to produce a concurrence in the
measures which the exigencies of affairs demand. They
may add weight to the applications of congress to the
several states. So far a useful turn may be given to
them. But the difficulty will be to keep a complaining
and suffering army within the bounds of moderation.
This your excellency's influence must effect. In order
to it, it will be advisable not to discountenance their en-
deavours to procure redress, but rather, by the intervention
of confidential and prudent persons, to take the direction
of them. This, however, must not appear. It is of mo-
ment to the public tranquillity that your excellency should
preserve the confidence of the army, without losing that
of the people. This will enable you in case of extremity
to guide the torrent, and to bring order, perhaps even
good, out of confusion. 'Tis a part that requires address,
but 'tis one which your own situation as well as the welfare
of the community points out.
I will not conceal from your excellency a truth which it
is necessary you should know. An idea is propagated in
the army, that delicacy carried to an extreme prevents
your espousing its interests with sufficient warmth. The
falsehood of this opinion no one can be better acquainted
with than myself; but it is not the less mischievous for be-
ing false. Its tendency is to impair that influence which
you may exert with advantage, should any commotions
unhappily ensue, to moderate the pretensions of the army,
and make their conduct correspond with their duty.
The great desideratum at present is the establishment
of general funds, which alone can do justice to the credi-
tors of the United States, (of whom the army forms the
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THE LIFE OF
most meritorious class,) restore public credit, and supply
the future wants of government. This is the object of all
men of sense; in this the influence of the army, properly
directed, may co-operate.
The intimations I have thrown out, will suffice to give
your excellency a proper conception of my sentiments:
you will judge of their reasonableness or fallacy; but I
persuade myself you will do justice to my motives.
General Knox has the confidence of the army, and is a
man of sense; I think he may be safely made use of.
Situated as I am, your exellency will feel the confidential
nature of these observations.
A few days after writing this letter,* Hamilton proposed
a resolution, which was passed, that "the commander-in-
chief be informed that congress are always happy to receive
his sentiments on the political and military affairs of these
states, the utility of which they have on so many occasions
experienced. " It also stated "the probability of peace," and
directed the secretary of foreign affairs " to make a confi-
dential communication to him of the state of the negotia-
tions for peace when the last advices were received. "
The day after the date of this letter, the discussion of
the mode of ascertaining the quotas of the states was re-
sumed. Various propositions were made, at different
times, until the seventeenth of February, when a plan was
adopted, five members dissenting. f
By this plan, the legislature of each state was required
to take the most effectual measures to obtain a just and
accurate account of the quantity of its land granted or
surveyed, of the number of buildings, distinguishing dwell-
ings from others, and of the number of white and black
inhabitants. These returns were to be examined by a
? Feb. 20. t Hamilton, Madison, Carroll, Floyd, Leo.
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? II A M I I. T O N.
40
grand committee of congress, nine of whom concurring,
were to make an estimate of the value of the granted or
surveyed lands, and of the buildings or improvements, to
be approved or rejected by that body. This estimate was
to be the rule of apportioning among the states the quotas
to be paid into the continental treasury, and also of ad-
justing all accounts between the United States and the
individual states for previous supplies.
As this rule, if strictly adhered to, would charge the
states, which had been the theatres of war, for past sup-
plies according to their future ability, when in an entire
condition, and might operate very unequally upon New-
York, it has been seen that Hamilton embraced in his
resolution, for an eventual valuation, a recommendation
that the states should vest congress with a power of mak-
ing equitable abatements in favour of such as had been
more immediate sufferers by the war.
This motion was in accordance with a recommenda-
tion of the previous congress, that in a final settlement
of the expenses of the war to be borne by each state,
they should be authorized to assume and adopt such prin-
ciples, as from the particular circumstances of the several
states at different periods might appear just and equitable.
It was committed, but as Virginia had disagreed to that
recommendation, a committee reported against it. Ham-
ilton subsequently again brought forward this proposition
in a different form. It was a declaratory resolution by
congress that they would make such abatements.
Though admitted to be within the spirit of the con-
federation, a postponement was moved; but with a view
to defeat it, it was considered and rejected. *
* In vol. 1, page 362, Madison Papers, Madison represents himself as be-
ing in favour of " the abatements proposed by Hamilton"--and in page 418,
as offering an amendment to Hamilton's resolution, for which his reasons are
7
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THE LIFE OF
The importance of this question to the interests of the
community he represented, and the course which he had
taken in reference to it, induced Hamilton to address a
letter* to the governor of New-York.
"I enclose," he said, " for the information of the legis-
lature, the proceedings upon it in different stages, by
which they will see the part I have acted. But as I was
ultimately left in a small minority, I think it my duty to
explain the motives upon which my opposition to the
general sense of the house was grounded. I am of opin-
ion, that the article of confederation itself was ill-judged.
In the first place, I do not believe there is any general
representative of the wealth of a nation, the criterion of
its ability to pay taxes. There are only two that can be
thought of--land and numbers. The revenues of the
United Provinces, general and particular, were computed
before the present war at more than half as much as those
of Great Britain. The extent of their territory is not one
fourth part as great; their population, less than a third.
. ' The comparison is still more striking between those
provinces and the Swiss cantons, in both of which, extent
of territory and population are nearly the same; and yet,
the revenues of the former are five times as large as those
of the latter; nor could any efforts of taxation bring them
to any thing like a level.
"In both cases, the advantages for agriculture are superior
in those countries which afford least revenue in proportion.
I have selected these examples because they are most famil-
iar; but whoever will extend the comparison between the
different nations of the world, will perceive that the position
I have laid down is supported by universal experience.
stated. On the 4th of March, he voted, in common with all the other Vir.
ginia members, first to postpone the consideration of this resolution, and
then to reject it. --i J. C. 170.
<< February 24, 1783.
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? HAMILTON.
51
"The truth is, the ability of a country to pay taxes, de-
pends on infinite combinations of physical and moral
causes, which can never be accommodated to any general
rule; climate, soil, productions, advantages for navigation,
government, genius of the people, progress of arts, and
industry, and an endless variety of circumstances. The
diversities are sufficiently great in these states to make an
infinite difference in their relative wealth, the proportion of
which can never be found by any common measure whatever.
"The only possible way, then, of making them contribute
to the general expense in an equal proportion to their means,
is by general taxes imposed under continental authority.
"In this mode, there would no doubt be inequalities, and
for a considerable time material ones; but experience,
and the constant operation of a general interest, which, by
the very collision of particular interests, must in the main
prevail in a continental deliberative body, would at length
correct those inequalities, and balance one tax that should
bear hard upon one state, by another that should have a
proportional weight in others. This idea, however, was
not at the period of framing the confederation, and is not
yet agreeable to the spirit of the times. To futurity we
must leave the discovery how far this spirit is wise or
foolish. One thing, only is now certain, that congress,
having the discretionary power of determining the quantum
of money to be paid into the general treasury towards de-
fraying the common expenses, have in effect the constitu-
tional power of general taxation. The restraints upon
the exercise of this power amount to the perpetuating a
rule for fixing the proportions, which must of necessity pro-
duce inequality, and by refusing the federal government a
power of specific taxation and of collection, without substitu-
ting any other adequate means of coercion, do in fact leave
the compliance with continental requisitions to the good-
will of the respective states. Inequality is inherent in the
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THE LIFE OP
theory of the confederation; and in the practice, that ine-
quality must increase in proportion to the honesty or dis-
honesty of the component parts. This vice will either in its
consequences reform the federal constitution, or dissolve it.
"If a general standard must be fixed, numbers were pre-
ferable to land. Modes might be devised to ascertain the
former with tolerable precision; but I am persuaded, the
experiment will prove that the value of all the land, in
each state, cannot be ascertained with any thing like ex-
actness. Both these measures have the common disad-
vantage of being no equal representative of the wealth
of the people; but one is much more simple, definite, and
certain than the other.
"I have indulged myself in these remarks, to show that
I have little expectation of success from any mode of car-
rying the article in question into execution upon equitable
principles. I owe it, however, to myself to declare, that
my opposition did not arise from this source. The con-
federation has pointed out this mode, and though I would
heartily join in a representation of the difficulties (of which
every man of sense must be sensible on examination) that
occur in the execution of the plan, to induce the states to
consent to a change; yet as this was not the disposition
of a majority of congress, I would have assented to any
mode of attempting it, which was not either obviously
mischievous or impracticable.
"The first plan proposed, as your excellency will see,
was an actual valuation of each state by itself. This was
evidently making the interested party judge in his own
cause. Those who have seen the operation of this prin-
ciple between the counties in the same state, and the dis-
tricts in the same county, cannot doubt a moment that the
valuations on this plan would have been altogether un-
equal and unjust. Without supposing more liberality in
one state than another, the degree of care, judgment, and
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? HAMILTON.
53
method, employed in the execution, would alone make
extreme differences in the results.
"This mode had also the further inconvenience of
awakening all the jealousies of the several states against
each other. Each would suspect that its neighbour had
favoured itself, whether the partiality appeared or not. It
would be impossible to silence these distrusts, and to make
the states sit down satisfied with the justice of each other.
Every new requisition for money, would be a new signal
for discussion and clamour, and the seeds of disunion,
already sown too thick, would be not a little multiplied.
"To guard against these evils, the plan proposes a revi-
sion by congress; but it is easy to be seen, that such a
power could not be exercised. Should any states return
defective valuations, it would be difficult to find sufficient
evidence to determine them such; to alter would not be
admissible, for congress could have no data which could
be presumed equivalent to those which must have gov-
erned the judgment of commissioners under oath, on an
actual view of the premises. To do either this or to re-
ject, would be an impeachment of the honour of the states,
which it is not probable there would be decision enough
to hazard, and which, if done, could not fail to excite
serious disgusts. There is a wide difference between a
single state exercising such a power over its own counties,
and a confederated government exercising it over sovereign
states which compose the confederacy. It might also
happen, that too many states would be interested in the
defective valuations, to leave a sufficient number willing
either to alter or to reject. These considerations pre-
vailed to prevent the plan being adopted by a majority.
"The last plan may be less mischievous than the first, but
it appears to me altogether ineffectual. The mere quan-
tity of land granted and surveyed, with the general species
of buildings upon them, can certainly be no criteria to
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? 54 THE LIFE OF
determine their value. The plan does not even distinguish
the improved from the unimproved land, the qualities of
soil, or degrees of improvement; the qualities of the
houses and other buildings are entirely omitted. These,
it seems, are to be judged of by the commissioners to be
appointed by each state ; but I am unable to conceive how
any commissioner can form the least estimate of these
circumstances with respect even to his own state, much
less with respect to other states, which would be neces-
sary to establish a just relative value. If even there was
a distinction of improved from unimproved land, by sup-
posing an intrinsic value in the land, and adopting general
rates, something nearer the truth might be attained; but
it must now be all conjecture and uncertainty.
"The number of inhabitants, distinguishing white from
black, is called for. This is not only totally foreign to the
confederation, but can answer no reasonable purpose. It
has been said that the proportion of numbers may guide
and correct the estimates; an assertion purely verbal, and
which has no meaning. A judgment must first be formed
of the value of the lands upon some principle. If this
should be altered by the proportion of numbers, it is plain,
numbers would be substituted to land.
"Another objection to this plan is, that it lets in the par-
ticular interests of the states, to operate in the returns of
the quantities of land, number of buildings, and number
of inhabitants. But the principle of this objection applies
less forcibly here, than against the former plan.
"Whoever will consider the plain import of the eighth
article of the confederation, must be convinced that it in-
tended an actual and specific valuation of land, buildings,
and improvements--not a mere general estimate, according
to the present plan. While we insist, therefore, upon ad-
hering to the confederation, we should do it in reality, not
barely in appearance.
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? HAMILTON.
55
"Many of those who voted for this scheme, had as bad
an opinion of it as myself, but they were induced to ac-
cede to it by a persuasion that some plan for the purpose
was expected by the states; and that none better, in the
present circumstances of the country, could be fallen upon.
"A leading rule which I have laid down for the direc-
tion of my conduct, is this:--that while I would have a just
deference for the expectations of the states, I would never
consent to amuse them by attempts which must either
fail in the execution, or be productive of evil. I would
rather incur the negative inconveniences of delay, than
the positive mischiefs of injudicious expedients. A con-
trary conduct serves to destroy confidence in the govern-
ment, the greatest misfortune that can befall a nation.
There should, in my opinion, be a character of wisdom
and efficiency in all the measures of the fcederal council, the
opposite of a spirit of temporizing concession. I would
have sufficient reliance on the judgments of the several
states, to hope that good reasons for not attempting a
thing, would be more satisfactory to them than precipitate
and fruitless attempts.
"My idea is, that taking it for granted the states will ex-
pect an experiment on the principle of the confederation,
the best plan* will be to make it by commissioners, ap-
pointed by congress and acting under their authority.
* In 1 Mad. 318, Madison observes--" Mr. Hamilton concurred in" (his)
"views, and wished the valuation to be taken up, in order that its impraeli.
cability and futility might become manifest. " This statement is at variance
with these facts. It has been seen that on the 6th January, 1783, Hamilton
offered a resolution for "an eventual valuation. " Here again, he urges an
adherence to the confederation, as intending " an actual and specific valua-
tion;" and in notes for a speech, endorsed on a letter from Clinton, respect-
ing Vermont, he says--" We are not to suppose that those who made the
confederation, did not consider various plans. "--"The states do not pay
taxes, because we do not proceed according to the confederation. "--" Oo
according to confederation. "
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Congress might, in the first instance, appoint three or more
of the principal characters in each state for probity and
abilities, with a power to nominate other commissioners
under them in each subdivision of the state. General
principles might be laid down for the regulation of their
conduct, by which uniformity in the manner of conduct-
ing the business would obtain. Sanctions of such solem-
nity might be prescribed, and such notoriety given to every
part of the transaction, that the commissioners could
neither be careless nor partial without a sacrifice of repu-
tation.
"To carry this plan, however, into effect with sufficient
care and accuracy, would be a work both of time and
expense; and, unfortunately, we are so pressed to find
money for calls of immediate necessity, that we could not
at present undertake a measure which would require so
large a sum.
"To me it appears evident, that every part of a business
which is of so important and universal concern, should be
transacted on uniform principles, and under the direction
of that body which has a common interest. In general, I
regard the present moment, probably the dawn of peace,
as peculiarly critical; and the measures which it shall pro-
duce, as of great importance to the future welfare of these
states. I am, therefore, scrupulously cautious of assenting
to such as appear to me founded on false principles.
"Your excellency will observe that the valuation of the
lands is to be the standard for adjusting the accounts for
past supplies, between the United States and the particular
states. This, if adhered to without allowance for the cir-
cumstances of those states which have been more imme-
diately the theatre of the war, will charge our state for
the past according to its future ability, when in an entire
condition, if the valuation should be made after we regain
possession of the parts of the state now in the power of
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? HAMILTON.
57
the enemy. I have, therefore, introduced a motion for re-
peating the call in a more earnest manner upon the states
to vest congress with a power of making equitable abate-
ments, agreeably to the spirit of the resolution of the
twentieth of February last, which few of the states have
complied with. This motion has been committed. I
know not what will be its fate.
'* Notwithstanding the opposition I have given, now the
matter has been decided in congress, I hope the state will
cheerfully comply with what is required. Unless each
state is governed by this principle, there is an end of the
union. Every state will no doubt have a right, in this
case, to accompany its compliance with such remarks as
it may think proper.
"After the plan was agreed upon, it was committed to
be put into form; and when reported, instead of commis-
sioners, an alteration was carried for making the estimate
by a grand committee. "
"February twenty-seventh. --Mr. Morris has signified to
congress his resolution to resign by the first of June, if
adequate funds are not by that time provided. This will
be a severe stroke to our affairs. No man fit for the
office will be willing to supply his place for the very rea-
sons he resigns. 'Tis happy for us we have reason to
expect a peace. I am sorry that by different accounts it
appears not to have been concluded late in December.
the evidence of Madison, and is neither in accordance with the report nor
with this vote, its probability is more than questionable. --1 Mad. 278-9,
280.
? 4 J. C. 152
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THE LIFE OF
of a day, that part of this report which promised substan-
tial and adequate funds, was considered.
The earliest known opinions of Hamilton indicate his
conviction that the command of the revenue should be
vested in congress, and that it should have the collection
of it. He had stated in "the Continentalist,"* as "the
great defect of the confederation, that it gives the United
States no property, or in other words, no revenue, nor the
means of acquiring it inherent in themselves, and inde-
pendent on the temporary pleasure of the different mem-
bers. "--" As power without revenue, in a political society,
was a name; while congress," he then said, "continue
altogether dependent on the occasional grants of the seve-
ral states, for the means of defraying the expenses of the
federal government, it can neither have dignity, vigour,
nor credit. Credit supposes specific and permanent funds
for the punctual payment of interest, with a moral cer-
tainty of the final redemption of the principal. This
credit being to be procured through congress, the funds
ought to be provided, declared, and vested in them. Had
we begun the practice of funding four years ago, we
should have avoided that depreciation of the currency,
which has been as pernicious to the morals as to the cre-
dit of the nation. " It has been seen that he at the same
time expressed the opinion, that congress should have the
appointment " of all officers of the customs, collectors of
taxes, and military officers of every rank, so as to create
in the interior of each state a mass of influence in favour
of the federal government. "
The period had now arrived when he was enabled, per-
sonally, to propose the adoption of a measure which he
had long contemplated--the establishment of a permanent
national revenue. Unfortunately, on the dayt when the
? August 4, 1781--No. 4.
t Jan. 27.
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? HAMILTON.
41
discussion of this subject commenced, the delegates from
Virginia laid before congress an act of their legislature,
repealing her grant of the power to raise an impost; a
repeal not dictated by temporary considerations, but mani-
festing a decided repugnance to the supremacy of the
national legislature over any part of the revenue.
It declared, "that the permitting any power other than
the general assembly of this commonwealth, to levy duties
or taxes upon the citizens of this state, within the same,
is injurious to its sovereignty, may prove destructive of the
rights and liberty of this people, and so far as congress
might exercise the same, is contravening the spirit of the
confederation. " Unpropitious as this procedure was, no
other resource existed, and the debate proceeded in a com-
mittee on " permanent funds. "
The first question to be decided was, whether if funds
were provided they were to be collected by the states, or,
as Hamilton had previo usly urged, should depend on " a
single will. " With a view to its decision, he offered the
following declaratory resolution:--" That it is the opinion
of congress that complete justice cannot be done to the
creditors of the United States, nor the restoration of pub-
lic credit be effected, nor the future exigencies of the war
be provided for, but by the establishment of permanent
and adequate funds, to operate generally throughout the
United States, to be collected by congress. "
The petition of the officers of the army had been heard
and answered; the memorial of the other public creditors
had not been replied to.
After the late act of Virginia repealing the impost, it
was particularly important that they should receive a
similar pledge of ultimate justice. Prompted by this con-
sideration, immediately after the introduction of this im-
portant resolution, Hamilton presented a report on the
memorial of Pennsylvania respecting the debts due to her
6
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THE LIFE OF
citizens. This report stated," that any attempts to pay any
of the past debts, would form so heavy a deduction from
the greatest revenue that could be raised as would totally
obstruct all present service, and that any present provision
should be confined to the interest of the public debts.
That such provision would offer eventual relief to the pub-
lic creditors, and enable them to support their share of the
public burdens without appropriating the whole revenue
which can be drawn from the people to a payment of debts,
and leaving thereby the public service unprovided for,
which would involve the ruin of all ranks, creditors and
others. That congress were and had long been deeply
impressed with the absolute necessity that speedy and
effectual measures should be taken, first to liquidate and
ascertain the public debts, and then to secure the payment
of the interest until the principal could be discharged.
Acts of congress were referred to as evidence of this
assertion. He added, that after a delay of two years,
Rhode Island had entirely refused its concurrence to the
impost, that Virginia had withdrawn its assent once given,
and that a third state had returned no answer.
The inability of congress to perform its engagements,
was stated to have resulted from the defective compliances
of the states during the war. Of the last requisition for
eight millions, only four hundred and twenty thousand dol-
lars had been collected. The proceeds of the foreign
loans* were stated, showing an available balance a little
* In vol. 1, page 273, of Madison's Debates, this passage is found:--
"In a late report, which had been drawn up by Mr. Hamilton, and made
to congress, in answer to a memorial from the legislature of Pennsylvania,
among other things showing the impossibility congress had been under of
paying their creditors, it was observed, that the aid afforded by the court of
France, had been appropriated by that court, at the time, to the immediate
use of the army. This clause was objected to as unnecessary, and as dis.
honourable to congress. The fact also was controverted. Mr. Hamilton
#
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? HAMILTON.
43
exceeding eight hundred thousand dollars; while to feed,
clothe, and pay the army, required nearly six millions.
The whole sum within the command of congress, was
and Mr. Fitzsimmons justified the expediency of retaining it, in order to
justify congress the more explicitly in failing to fulfil their engagements to
the public creditors. Mr. Wilson and Madison proposed to strike out the
words ' appropriated by France,' and substitute the words ' applied by con-
gress to the immediate and necessary support of the army. ' This proposi-
tion would have been readily approved, had it not appeared on examination,
that in one or two small instances, and particularly in the payment of the
balance due to Arthur Lee, Esq. , other applications had been made of the aid
in question. The report was finally recommitted. "
This is no less than a charge of stating an untruth, and justifying it on
the score of expediency, on the part of two gentlemen whose probity never
was suspected, and for the motive of justifying congress with the public
creditors. This minute is of the 24th of January. It speaks of a late report
made to congress. The journal of that date does not refer to this report, but
on the thirtieth of January it is given in full, as having been " agreed to as
follows. " A reason assigned by Madison why the clause thus objected to
was not stricken out, is, that there had been a diversion of the money in one
or two small instances. He adds, that it was recommitted. But if these
instances prevented this clause being expunged, if it had been originally in
the report, it must necessarily have been retained. On referring to this re-
port, " agreed to" by congress, no such clause can be found. Its language
is--" But according to the best accounts which can be obtained, the antici-
pations made in the funds for the year 1782 amounted, at the close of 1781,
to four millions of livres. For the service of that year, his most christian
majesty lent the United States 6,000,000 livres. "--4 J. C. 155.
But if it be assumed that the clause was there originally, and was
stricken out, the charge is unsupported. The journals, page 202, contain
the papers which Madison as chairman of a committee reported, and refer-
red to in an address of which he was the author. One of these papers, No.
IV. , is a letter from the French ambassador at Philadelphia, dated March
15, 1783. It commences thus--" Sir: I have the satisfaction to inform you,
that his majesty procures for the United States a loan of six millions, to be
employed in the war department during the course of the current year. "
"The Count de Vergennes informs me, sir, that the six millions are lent to
the United States in the same manner, and under the same conditions, with
the sum which was lent last year. " "I have had the honour to inform you,
air, that this money is lent to the United States to enable them to carry on
the war. The wisdom of congress will determine according to circum-
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THE LIFE OF
little more than a million and a half of dollars; a sum insuf-
ficient to pay the interest then due on the public debts.
"Yet," Hamilton remarked, " notwithstanding the discour-
aging obstacles they have hitherto encountered, they
conceive it a duty to themselves and to their constituents,
to persevere in their intentions to renew and extend their
endeavours to procure the establishment of revenues equal
to the purpose of funding all the debts of the United States;
and they think it proper to inform the assembly of Penn-
sylvania, that this subject is now before them under so-
lemn deliberation, and that her ready and early compliance
with the recommendation of (an impost) assures congress
of the vigorous support of that state. "
Soon after this pledge was given, a report as to the
mode of valuing the lands was taken into consideration.
This report proposed that the states should pass laws
forming themselves into districts, and should appoint com-
missioners to estimate the value of their lands; which
estimate, if approved by congress, was to determine the
requisitions to be made.
Convinced that no efficient plan would be adopted from
the predominance of state jealousies, and regarding the
contemplated mode as involving inequalities and contro-
versy, Hamilton moved to postpone the valuation. He
assigned as reasons, " the great expense of it, to which the
finances were then inadequate, and that in a matter so
stances on the manner of effecting that important object, and of compelling
the enemy, by joint efforts, to conclude a solid and permanent peace. "
That such was the sole object of this loan made by France, then under
great pecuniary pressure, is obvious. Already a creditor for a large amount,
it cannot be supposed that France would have made an additional loan to
the United States to pay their domestic creditors. A declaration such as
that which Madison represents Wilson as concurring with him in endeavour-
ing to substitute, would have been to declare that congress had violated their
pledge to France in applying this loan to the immediate use of the army--
the express use for which the loan was granted.
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? HAMILTON.
45
fundamental in the confederation, it was essential to the
harmony and welfare of the United States, that it should
be carried into effect with great care, circumspection, and
impartiality, and that a short delay would be much less
pernicious than a defective execution. "
After thus urging that the attempt should be deferred,
he pledged congress to proceed to an accurate valuation
of the land by commissioners, appointed by them, and act-
ing under their authority, upon principles uniform through-
out the United States; that when this valuation is com-
plete, congress will finally adjust the accounts of the
United States with the states separately, agreeably to that
standard, making equitable abatements to such as have
been more immediate sufferers by the war: that in the
mean time they would adhere, in the temporary adjust-
ment of these accounts, to the proportions established by
the requisitions of congress; and with a view to an eventual
plan, he requested the states to transmit to them the valua-
tions they had made, with an explanation of the principles
on which they had been made.
This motion, though supported by a majority of mem-
bers, was lost in a vote by states, and the plan reported
was rejected.
The course of their proceedings gave small prospect
of any salutary results. The officers were urgently press-
ing their claims. The justice of those claims was not to
be questioned. The terms of commutation offered by the
army, could not be excepted to. The claimants were
suffering. They had received nothing but assurances, and
they had reason to believe that, on the part of many, those
assurances were deceptive. There was danger. Hamilton
felt it, and after due reflection, he unbosomed his appre-
hensions to the commander-in-chief.
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HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
Philadelphia, Feb. 7,1783.
SIR,
Flattering myself that your knowledge of me will in-
duce you to receive the observations I make as dictated
by a regard to the public good, I take the liberty to sug-
gest to you my ideas on some matters of delicacy and im-
portance. I view the present juncture as a very interest-
ing one. I need not observe how far the temper and
situation of the army make it so. The state of our finan-
ces was perhaps never more critical. I am under injunc-
tions which will not permit me to disclose some facts that
would at once demonstrate this position, but I think it
probable you will be possessed of them through another
channel. * It is however certain that there has scarcely
been a period of the revolution which called more for
wisdom and decision in congress. Unfortunately for us,
we are a body not governed by reason or foresight, but
by circumstances. It is probable we shall not take the
proper measures; and if we do not, a few months may
open an embarrassing scene. This will be the case, whether
we have peace or a continuance of the war.
If the war continues, it would seem that the army must
in June subsist itself to defend the country; if peace should
take place, it will subsist itself to procure justice to itself.
It appears to be a prevailing opinion in the army, that the
disposition to recompense their services will cease with
the necessity for them, and that if they once lay down
their arms, they part with the means of obtaining justice.
It is to be lamented that appearances afford too much
ground for their distrust.
* Probably from the superintendent of finance.
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? HAMILTON. 47
It becomes a serious inquiry, What is the true line of
policy? The claims of the army, urged with moderation,
but with firmness, may operate on those weak minds
which are influenced by their apprehensions more than
by their judgments, so as to produce a concurrence in the
measures which the exigencies of affairs demand. They
may add weight to the applications of congress to the
several states. So far a useful turn may be given to
them. But the difficulty will be to keep a complaining
and suffering army within the bounds of moderation.
This your excellency's influence must effect. In order
to it, it will be advisable not to discountenance their en-
deavours to procure redress, but rather, by the intervention
of confidential and prudent persons, to take the direction
of them. This, however, must not appear. It is of mo-
ment to the public tranquillity that your excellency should
preserve the confidence of the army, without losing that
of the people. This will enable you in case of extremity
to guide the torrent, and to bring order, perhaps even
good, out of confusion. 'Tis a part that requires address,
but 'tis one which your own situation as well as the welfare
of the community points out.
I will not conceal from your excellency a truth which it
is necessary you should know. An idea is propagated in
the army, that delicacy carried to an extreme prevents
your espousing its interests with sufficient warmth. The
falsehood of this opinion no one can be better acquainted
with than myself; but it is not the less mischievous for be-
ing false. Its tendency is to impair that influence which
you may exert with advantage, should any commotions
unhappily ensue, to moderate the pretensions of the army,
and make their conduct correspond with their duty.
The great desideratum at present is the establishment
of general funds, which alone can do justice to the credi-
tors of the United States, (of whom the army forms the
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THE LIFE OF
most meritorious class,) restore public credit, and supply
the future wants of government. This is the object of all
men of sense; in this the influence of the army, properly
directed, may co-operate.
The intimations I have thrown out, will suffice to give
your excellency a proper conception of my sentiments:
you will judge of their reasonableness or fallacy; but I
persuade myself you will do justice to my motives.
General Knox has the confidence of the army, and is a
man of sense; I think he may be safely made use of.
Situated as I am, your exellency will feel the confidential
nature of these observations.
A few days after writing this letter,* Hamilton proposed
a resolution, which was passed, that "the commander-in-
chief be informed that congress are always happy to receive
his sentiments on the political and military affairs of these
states, the utility of which they have on so many occasions
experienced. " It also stated "the probability of peace," and
directed the secretary of foreign affairs " to make a confi-
dential communication to him of the state of the negotia-
tions for peace when the last advices were received. "
The day after the date of this letter, the discussion of
the mode of ascertaining the quotas of the states was re-
sumed. Various propositions were made, at different
times, until the seventeenth of February, when a plan was
adopted, five members dissenting. f
By this plan, the legislature of each state was required
to take the most effectual measures to obtain a just and
accurate account of the quantity of its land granted or
surveyed, of the number of buildings, distinguishing dwell-
ings from others, and of the number of white and black
inhabitants. These returns were to be examined by a
? Feb. 20. t Hamilton, Madison, Carroll, Floyd, Leo.
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? II A M I I. T O N.
40
grand committee of congress, nine of whom concurring,
were to make an estimate of the value of the granted or
surveyed lands, and of the buildings or improvements, to
be approved or rejected by that body. This estimate was
to be the rule of apportioning among the states the quotas
to be paid into the continental treasury, and also of ad-
justing all accounts between the United States and the
individual states for previous supplies.
As this rule, if strictly adhered to, would charge the
states, which had been the theatres of war, for past sup-
plies according to their future ability, when in an entire
condition, and might operate very unequally upon New-
York, it has been seen that Hamilton embraced in his
resolution, for an eventual valuation, a recommendation
that the states should vest congress with a power of mak-
ing equitable abatements in favour of such as had been
more immediate sufferers by the war.
This motion was in accordance with a recommenda-
tion of the previous congress, that in a final settlement
of the expenses of the war to be borne by each state,
they should be authorized to assume and adopt such prin-
ciples, as from the particular circumstances of the several
states at different periods might appear just and equitable.
It was committed, but as Virginia had disagreed to that
recommendation, a committee reported against it. Ham-
ilton subsequently again brought forward this proposition
in a different form. It was a declaratory resolution by
congress that they would make such abatements.
Though admitted to be within the spirit of the con-
federation, a postponement was moved; but with a view
to defeat it, it was considered and rejected. *
* In vol. 1, page 362, Madison Papers, Madison represents himself as be-
ing in favour of " the abatements proposed by Hamilton"--and in page 418,
as offering an amendment to Hamilton's resolution, for which his reasons are
7
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The importance of this question to the interests of the
community he represented, and the course which he had
taken in reference to it, induced Hamilton to address a
letter* to the governor of New-York.
"I enclose," he said, " for the information of the legis-
lature, the proceedings upon it in different stages, by
which they will see the part I have acted. But as I was
ultimately left in a small minority, I think it my duty to
explain the motives upon which my opposition to the
general sense of the house was grounded. I am of opin-
ion, that the article of confederation itself was ill-judged.
In the first place, I do not believe there is any general
representative of the wealth of a nation, the criterion of
its ability to pay taxes. There are only two that can be
thought of--land and numbers. The revenues of the
United Provinces, general and particular, were computed
before the present war at more than half as much as those
of Great Britain. The extent of their territory is not one
fourth part as great; their population, less than a third.
. ' The comparison is still more striking between those
provinces and the Swiss cantons, in both of which, extent
of territory and population are nearly the same; and yet,
the revenues of the former are five times as large as those
of the latter; nor could any efforts of taxation bring them
to any thing like a level.
"In both cases, the advantages for agriculture are superior
in those countries which afford least revenue in proportion.
I have selected these examples because they are most famil-
iar; but whoever will extend the comparison between the
different nations of the world, will perceive that the position
I have laid down is supported by universal experience.
stated. On the 4th of March, he voted, in common with all the other Vir.
ginia members, first to postpone the consideration of this resolution, and
then to reject it. --i J. C. 170.
<< February 24, 1783.
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? HAMILTON.
51
"The truth is, the ability of a country to pay taxes, de-
pends on infinite combinations of physical and moral
causes, which can never be accommodated to any general
rule; climate, soil, productions, advantages for navigation,
government, genius of the people, progress of arts, and
industry, and an endless variety of circumstances. The
diversities are sufficiently great in these states to make an
infinite difference in their relative wealth, the proportion of
which can never be found by any common measure whatever.
"The only possible way, then, of making them contribute
to the general expense in an equal proportion to their means,
is by general taxes imposed under continental authority.
"In this mode, there would no doubt be inequalities, and
for a considerable time material ones; but experience,
and the constant operation of a general interest, which, by
the very collision of particular interests, must in the main
prevail in a continental deliberative body, would at length
correct those inequalities, and balance one tax that should
bear hard upon one state, by another that should have a
proportional weight in others. This idea, however, was
not at the period of framing the confederation, and is not
yet agreeable to the spirit of the times. To futurity we
must leave the discovery how far this spirit is wise or
foolish. One thing, only is now certain, that congress,
having the discretionary power of determining the quantum
of money to be paid into the general treasury towards de-
fraying the common expenses, have in effect the constitu-
tional power of general taxation. The restraints upon
the exercise of this power amount to the perpetuating a
rule for fixing the proportions, which must of necessity pro-
duce inequality, and by refusing the federal government a
power of specific taxation and of collection, without substitu-
ting any other adequate means of coercion, do in fact leave
the compliance with continental requisitions to the good-
will of the respective states. Inequality is inherent in the
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? 52
THE LIFE OP
theory of the confederation; and in the practice, that ine-
quality must increase in proportion to the honesty or dis-
honesty of the component parts. This vice will either in its
consequences reform the federal constitution, or dissolve it.
"If a general standard must be fixed, numbers were pre-
ferable to land. Modes might be devised to ascertain the
former with tolerable precision; but I am persuaded, the
experiment will prove that the value of all the land, in
each state, cannot be ascertained with any thing like ex-
actness. Both these measures have the common disad-
vantage of being no equal representative of the wealth
of the people; but one is much more simple, definite, and
certain than the other.
"I have indulged myself in these remarks, to show that
I have little expectation of success from any mode of car-
rying the article in question into execution upon equitable
principles. I owe it, however, to myself to declare, that
my opposition did not arise from this source. The con-
federation has pointed out this mode, and though I would
heartily join in a representation of the difficulties (of which
every man of sense must be sensible on examination) that
occur in the execution of the plan, to induce the states to
consent to a change; yet as this was not the disposition
of a majority of congress, I would have assented to any
mode of attempting it, which was not either obviously
mischievous or impracticable.
"The first plan proposed, as your excellency will see,
was an actual valuation of each state by itself. This was
evidently making the interested party judge in his own
cause. Those who have seen the operation of this prin-
ciple between the counties in the same state, and the dis-
tricts in the same county, cannot doubt a moment that the
valuations on this plan would have been altogether un-
equal and unjust. Without supposing more liberality in
one state than another, the degree of care, judgment, and
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? HAMILTON.
53
method, employed in the execution, would alone make
extreme differences in the results.
"This mode had also the further inconvenience of
awakening all the jealousies of the several states against
each other. Each would suspect that its neighbour had
favoured itself, whether the partiality appeared or not. It
would be impossible to silence these distrusts, and to make
the states sit down satisfied with the justice of each other.
Every new requisition for money, would be a new signal
for discussion and clamour, and the seeds of disunion,
already sown too thick, would be not a little multiplied.
"To guard against these evils, the plan proposes a revi-
sion by congress; but it is easy to be seen, that such a
power could not be exercised. Should any states return
defective valuations, it would be difficult to find sufficient
evidence to determine them such; to alter would not be
admissible, for congress could have no data which could
be presumed equivalent to those which must have gov-
erned the judgment of commissioners under oath, on an
actual view of the premises. To do either this or to re-
ject, would be an impeachment of the honour of the states,
which it is not probable there would be decision enough
to hazard, and which, if done, could not fail to excite
serious disgusts. There is a wide difference between a
single state exercising such a power over its own counties,
and a confederated government exercising it over sovereign
states which compose the confederacy. It might also
happen, that too many states would be interested in the
defective valuations, to leave a sufficient number willing
either to alter or to reject. These considerations pre-
vailed to prevent the plan being adopted by a majority.
"The last plan may be less mischievous than the first, but
it appears to me altogether ineffectual. The mere quan-
tity of land granted and surveyed, with the general species
of buildings upon them, can certainly be no criteria to
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? 54 THE LIFE OF
determine their value. The plan does not even distinguish
the improved from the unimproved land, the qualities of
soil, or degrees of improvement; the qualities of the
houses and other buildings are entirely omitted. These,
it seems, are to be judged of by the commissioners to be
appointed by each state ; but I am unable to conceive how
any commissioner can form the least estimate of these
circumstances with respect even to his own state, much
less with respect to other states, which would be neces-
sary to establish a just relative value. If even there was
a distinction of improved from unimproved land, by sup-
posing an intrinsic value in the land, and adopting general
rates, something nearer the truth might be attained; but
it must now be all conjecture and uncertainty.
"The number of inhabitants, distinguishing white from
black, is called for. This is not only totally foreign to the
confederation, but can answer no reasonable purpose. It
has been said that the proportion of numbers may guide
and correct the estimates; an assertion purely verbal, and
which has no meaning. A judgment must first be formed
of the value of the lands upon some principle. If this
should be altered by the proportion of numbers, it is plain,
numbers would be substituted to land.
"Another objection to this plan is, that it lets in the par-
ticular interests of the states, to operate in the returns of
the quantities of land, number of buildings, and number
of inhabitants. But the principle of this objection applies
less forcibly here, than against the former plan.
"Whoever will consider the plain import of the eighth
article of the confederation, must be convinced that it in-
tended an actual and specific valuation of land, buildings,
and improvements--not a mere general estimate, according
to the present plan. While we insist, therefore, upon ad-
hering to the confederation, we should do it in reality, not
barely in appearance.
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? HAMILTON.
55
"Many of those who voted for this scheme, had as bad
an opinion of it as myself, but they were induced to ac-
cede to it by a persuasion that some plan for the purpose
was expected by the states; and that none better, in the
present circumstances of the country, could be fallen upon.
"A leading rule which I have laid down for the direc-
tion of my conduct, is this:--that while I would have a just
deference for the expectations of the states, I would never
consent to amuse them by attempts which must either
fail in the execution, or be productive of evil. I would
rather incur the negative inconveniences of delay, than
the positive mischiefs of injudicious expedients. A con-
trary conduct serves to destroy confidence in the govern-
ment, the greatest misfortune that can befall a nation.
There should, in my opinion, be a character of wisdom
and efficiency in all the measures of the fcederal council, the
opposite of a spirit of temporizing concession. I would
have sufficient reliance on the judgments of the several
states, to hope that good reasons for not attempting a
thing, would be more satisfactory to them than precipitate
and fruitless attempts.
"My idea is, that taking it for granted the states will ex-
pect an experiment on the principle of the confederation,
the best plan* will be to make it by commissioners, ap-
pointed by congress and acting under their authority.
* In 1 Mad. 318, Madison observes--" Mr. Hamilton concurred in" (his)
"views, and wished the valuation to be taken up, in order that its impraeli.
cability and futility might become manifest. " This statement is at variance
with these facts. It has been seen that on the 6th January, 1783, Hamilton
offered a resolution for "an eventual valuation. " Here again, he urges an
adherence to the confederation, as intending " an actual and specific valua-
tion;" and in notes for a speech, endorsed on a letter from Clinton, respect-
ing Vermont, he says--" We are not to suppose that those who made the
confederation, did not consider various plans. "--"The states do not pay
taxes, because we do not proceed according to the confederation. "--" Oo
according to confederation. "
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? 50
THE LIFE OF
Congress might, in the first instance, appoint three or more
of the principal characters in each state for probity and
abilities, with a power to nominate other commissioners
under them in each subdivision of the state. General
principles might be laid down for the regulation of their
conduct, by which uniformity in the manner of conduct-
ing the business would obtain. Sanctions of such solem-
nity might be prescribed, and such notoriety given to every
part of the transaction, that the commissioners could
neither be careless nor partial without a sacrifice of repu-
tation.
"To carry this plan, however, into effect with sufficient
care and accuracy, would be a work both of time and
expense; and, unfortunately, we are so pressed to find
money for calls of immediate necessity, that we could not
at present undertake a measure which would require so
large a sum.
"To me it appears evident, that every part of a business
which is of so important and universal concern, should be
transacted on uniform principles, and under the direction
of that body which has a common interest. In general, I
regard the present moment, probably the dawn of peace,
as peculiarly critical; and the measures which it shall pro-
duce, as of great importance to the future welfare of these
states. I am, therefore, scrupulously cautious of assenting
to such as appear to me founded on false principles.
"Your excellency will observe that the valuation of the
lands is to be the standard for adjusting the accounts for
past supplies, between the United States and the particular
states. This, if adhered to without allowance for the cir-
cumstances of those states which have been more imme-
diately the theatre of the war, will charge our state for
the past according to its future ability, when in an entire
condition, if the valuation should be made after we regain
possession of the parts of the state now in the power of
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? HAMILTON.
57
the enemy. I have, therefore, introduced a motion for re-
peating the call in a more earnest manner upon the states
to vest congress with a power of making equitable abate-
ments, agreeably to the spirit of the resolution of the
twentieth of February last, which few of the states have
complied with. This motion has been committed. I
know not what will be its fate.
'* Notwithstanding the opposition I have given, now the
matter has been decided in congress, I hope the state will
cheerfully comply with what is required. Unless each
state is governed by this principle, there is an end of the
union. Every state will no doubt have a right, in this
case, to accompany its compliance with such remarks as
it may think proper.
"After the plan was agreed upon, it was committed to
be put into form; and when reported, instead of commis-
sioners, an alteration was carried for making the estimate
by a grand committee. "
"February twenty-seventh. --Mr. Morris has signified to
congress his resolution to resign by the first of June, if
adequate funds are not by that time provided. This will
be a severe stroke to our affairs. No man fit for the
office will be willing to supply his place for the very rea-
sons he resigns. 'Tis happy for us we have reason to
expect a peace. I am sorry that by different accounts it
appears not to have been concluded late in December.
