; by
His work is entitled De Architectura Libri X.
His work is entitled De Architectura Libri X.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - c
(SATUR- ation.
The statement of some writers, that he
NINUS. )
was a native of Verona, arises from the mistake of
VI'TIA, the mother of Fufius Geminus, was identifying him with Vitruvius Cerdo. Bernar-
put to death by Tiberius in A. d. 32, because she dinus Baldus, in his valuable Life of Vitruvius,
had lamented the execution of her son, who had prefixed to the Bipont edition, suggests the pro-
been consul in a. n. 29. (Tac. Ann. vi. 10, comp. bability of his having been a native of Fundi or
T. 1. )
Formiae, on account of several inscriptions being
VITRA'SIUS PO'LLIO. [Pollio. ] found at those places, relating to the Vitruvia
VITRU'VIUS SECUNDUS. [SECUNDUS. ] gens, and to individuals of it with the praenomen
VITRU'VIUS VACCUS. (Vaccus. ) Marcus. See Vaccus, VITRUVIUS.
VITRUVIUS, architects. 1. L. VITRUVIUS We learn from Vitruvius himself that his pa-
L. L. CERDO ARCHITECTUS is an inscription twicerents gave him a liberal education, both of a
repeated on the arch of the Gavii at Verona. (Gru- general and of a professional character. (Lib. vi.
ter, p. clxxxvi. ; Orelli, Inscr. Lat. Sel. No. 4145. ) Praef. ) He tells, however, that he pursued his
The genuineness of these inscriptions, which has studies chiefly with a view to his profession, and
been questioned, is successfully defended by Maffei only followed other branches of knowledge so far
(Veron. Illust. pt. ii. p. 20, pt. iii. p. 90, Art. as they might appear to be useful for that object.
Crit. Lapid. p. 197). There is no precise indica- On this ground he apologizes, and not without
tion of the time at which Vitruvius Cerdo lived ; cause, for his style of composition, inasınuch as he
but it is most probable that he was much sub- had not trained himself in literature, so as to be-
sequent to the celebrated writer on architecture, come a first-rate philosopher or orator or gramma-
Vitruvius Pollio. We mentien hini, however, rian, “ sed ut Architectus his literis imbutus, haec
first, in order to dispose at once of the question nisus sum scribere. ” In the digressions, into which
as to the identity of these two architects, which he is led by his plan of ascending to the first prin-
was raised by Andreas Alciatus, who attempted ciples of each part of his subject, he shows a fair
support his belief in their identity by general knowledge of the various schools of Greek
changing Pollio, which is the name of Vi- philosophy. In the theoretical part of physical
truvius in all the MSS. , into Pellio, which he science he is weak; but this was a general defect
explained, not as a cognomen, but as a designa- of the ancient philosophers. Baldus shows reason
tion, synonymous with Cerdo. It really seems for supposing that, in his views of natural philo-
almost superfluous to refute an opinion which rests sophy, Vitruvius was a follower of Epicurus. "That
on such an argument alone ; but, to remove all he was well acquainted with the literature both of
doubt, it may suffice to remark, firstly, that the Greece and Rome, is evident from bis references
praenomina, as well as the cognomina, of the to the numerous Greek authors, and to the few
two artists are different, the one being Lucius, and Romans, who had written upon architecture, and
the other Marcus, by the unanimous consent of also to the great writers of both nations in the
the MSS. ; secondly, that, whereas Vitruvius Cerdo different departments of general literature.
was a freedman, as we learn from the inscription So much respecting his education. Of his sta-
(L. L. = Lucii Libertus), Vitruvius Pollio was a tion in life he says but little. That it was respec-
man of free birth and liberal education, as we are table may be inferred from his education, and from
informed by himself ; and, thirdly, that the arch | other circumstances referred to in his works ; but
(T
of
an
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tir
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a
## p. 1277 (#1293) ##########################################
VITRUVIUS.
1277
VITRUVIUS.
mos te mand
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wid have mad LLD
. 110 There is
i en Dence, Co
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it which the
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which may be in
& coe reference
$ 25, and posts 2. 3
od Sedan Ap
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2 arises from ele svaka
: Vitruvius Cards Bes
13 ralsabie Life of VITA
root edition, regate
ing been a satire or Fast
Dt of sereral inscripts
aces, relating to use 1. 377
idma's of it with the prema
ats, l'ITROVITS
. Vitrurias himseit ekat ba
a liberal educatie, behar
+ Norts onal chance: Là "
s bowever, tha: be pasad is
rith a rjer to his present
, ad
ther branches of knowledge
there arc sevcral passages in his prefaces, which canic nature of which he takes pains to prore, ono
show that he neither inherited great wealth, nor of his arguments being a trudition that there had
succeeded in acquiring it. The patronage of the been eruptions of the mountain in ancient tiines
emperor, to whom his work is dedicated, had carly (ii
. 6). We think it unnecessary to pursue the
placed him beyond the reach of want for the re- discussion through all its details. The judgment
mainder of his life (Lib. i. Praef. ), and he was of scholars is now quite decided in favour of con-
able to loo's with contentment, though not without sidering Augustus to be the emperor to whom the
indignation, upon the greater success of his rivals treatisc of Vitruvius is dedicated ; and abundant
in obtaining the substantial rewards of their pro- confirmatory evidence of that position lias been
fession. His allusions to this subject are couched derived from other passages of the work. The
in that tone of semi-querulous contentment and other opinion, that that cmperor was Titus, is cla-
half dissatisfied moderation, which judges of human borately maintained by Newton, in the Observa-
character will interpret according to the bias of tions on the Life of Vitruvius prefixed to his
their own dispositions. He had no great advan- translation of the work. Some of Newton's argu-
tages of person, being of low slature, and, at the ments are ingenious, but unsound; many are weak,
time when he wrote his work, suffering from old and cved puerile ; some are at direct varianco
age and bad health.
with the evidence, and some inconsistent with ono
He appears to have begun his course in public another ; and the best of them, which are intended
life as a military engineer. He tells us that he to prove that Vitruvius wrote after the time of
served in Africa, and it is important to quote his Augustus, only prove, allowing them their utmost
own words, as introducing the question of the time force, that he wrote somewhat late in that cm-
at which he lived: “ C. Julius, Masinthae (or peror's reign, a fact which he himself states in the
Masinissae) filius, cujus erunt totius oppidi ugrorum Dedication, where he says that he formed the
possessiones, cum patre Caesare militavil. Is hos- design of his work at the beginning of the new
pitio meo est usus ; ita quotidiano convictu, &c. &c. " reign, but that he feared to incur the emperor's
(viii. 4. 8. 3. $ 25, ed. Schneider). Again, in the displeasure by intruding upon him when he was
dedication of his work to the reigning emperor, he fully occupied with public affairs ; but that, when
uses this language :—“ Ideo quod primum parenti he saw the care which his patron bestowed upon
tuo [de eo) fueram notus, et ejus virtutis studiosus ; buildings, both public and private, and that he
quum autem concilium coelestium in sedibus immor- both had erected and was erecting many edifices,
ialium eum dedicavisset, et imperium parentis in he hastened to execute his design, and to present
tuam potestatem transtulisset, idem studium meum the emperor with a set treatise, explaining the
in ejus memoria permanens in te contulit favorem. " exact rules and limits of the art, as a standard by
(The last words, by the way, are no bad specimen which to test the merits of the buildings he had
of the obscurity of his style. ) He then goes on already erected, or was intending to erect. (Con-
to say that he was appointed, with M. Aurelius scripsi praescriptiones terminatas, ut eas attendens
and P. Numisius and Cn. Cornelius, to the office of et antefacta et futura qualia sint opera per te, nota
superintending and improving the military engines posses hubere. ) Before noticing the further light
(ad apparationem balistarum et scorpionum reliquo- which this somewhat remarkable language throws
rumque tormentorum perfectionem fui praesto), with on the design of the treatise, it is necessary to
a pecuniary provision (commoda); and that the observe the more exact limits within which the
emperor, through his sister's recommendation, con- time of the author may now, with great proba-
tinued his patronage to Vitruvius, after he had bility, be defined. We may assume him to be a
conferred upon him these favours. This emperor, young man when he served under Julius Caesar,
we further learn from the dedication, was one who in the African war, B. C. 46, and he was old, nay
“ had obtained possession of the empire of the world, broken down with age (see above) when he com-
and by his unconquered valour bad overthrown all posed bis work, at a period considerably subse-
his enemies, while the citizens gloried in his tri- quent to the complete settlement of the empire
umph, and all the nations subdued under him under Augustus, and after the erection of several
waited on his nod, and the Roman people and of that emperor's public buildings. Moreover, that
senate, delivered from fear, were governed by his his book was written some time after the name of
deliberations and counsels'; and who, so soon as Augustus had been conferred upon the emperor
he had brought into a settled state those things (B. C. 27) is evident from the passage (v. i) in
which related to the public welfare and social life, which he speaks of the basilica at Fanum, of which
devoted especial attention to public buildings, with he himself was the architect, as erected subse-
which he adorned the empire, which he had aug- quently to the temple of Augustus at that place.
mented by new provinces. " We have set forth this Again, from the way in which he mentions the
passage at length, that the reader may judge for emperor's sister in his dedication, it appears pro-
himself whether the emperor thus addressed can bable, though, it must be confessed, not certain,
be any other than Augustus, when it is remembered that she was still alive. Now Octavia, the favour-
that, by the confession of all scholars, the time at ite sister of Augustus, died in B. c. 11. Hence
which Vitruvius wrote is confined between the the date of the composition of the work lies pro-
limits of the reigns of Augustus on the one hand, bably between B. C. 20 and B. c. 11. At the
and of Titus on the other. Of course no proof is former date, Vitruvius would be about 56, if we
needed that he wrote after the death of Julius Caesar, assume him to have been about thirty when he
whom he also expressly mentions as dead (divi was in Africa with Caesar. This date is con-
Julii, iii. 2); and that he did not live after Titus is firmed by the way in which he speaks of Lucre-
proved, apart from the mention of him by Pliny tius, Cicero, and Varro, as quite recent authors.
already referred to, by his silence respecting the The object of his work appears to have had
Coliseum, and most irrefragably by his allusion to reference to himself, as well as to his subject. We
Vesuvius and the surrounding country, the rol. I have seen that he professes his intention to furnish
appear to be see her that
d be apcinzzes, and not
tyle of comastian, coach #
d himself in literature, s 257
se ph-osopher of orator or 3
Architetos kis literis iacz,
bene. " In the digressions, into
ais pan of ascending to the best per
A part of his subjec, be skroz 2
riecze of the rarious schmin
In the theoretical part of phrase
& weak; but this was a fever
nt phüvorhers. Baldos skers menten
ng that in his views of neural petita
rurius was a follower of Ekuss
il acquainted with the literature det en
d Rose, is evident from his releases
perous Greek aurbans
, and to the my
who had written 7200 echtert,
be great writers of both w09
departments of general literatur
ch respecting bis aduation lit big
e he sors but little that it was response
! be inferned from his educatiu, no 13
cumstances referred to in bis ruts, di
## p. 1278 (#1294) ##########################################
1278
VITRUVIUS.
VITULUS.
the emperor with a standard by which to judge the subject ; and these prefaces are the source of
of the buildings he had already erected, as well most of our information about the author.
as of those which he might afterwards erect ; The work of Vitruvius was first published, with
which can have no meaning, unless he wished to that of Frontinus de Aquaeductibus, by Jo. Sulpitius,
protest against the style of architecture which pre- at Rome, without a date, but about A. n. 1486,
vailed in the buildings already erected. That this fol. ; then at Florence, 1496, fol. ; At Venice, 1497,
was really his intention appears from several other fol. , reprinted from the Florentine edition, which
arguments, and especially from his frequent refer- was more accurate than the Editio Princeps ; these
ences to the unworthy means by which architects three editions all follow the MSS. closely. A
obtained wealth and favour, with which he con- more critical recension was attempted by Jucundus
trasts his own moderation and contentment in of Verona, Venet. 1511, fol. , with rude wood-cuts ;
his more obscure position. The same thing ap- and another edition by the same editor, and with
pears from his praise of the pure Greek models and the same wood-cuts, but smaller and ruder, was
his complaints of the corruptions which were grow- printed by Giunta, Florent. 1513, 8vo. , and re-
ing up; and also from his general silence about printed in 1522 and 1523 ; the conjectural emen-
those of the great buildings of the age of Augustus, dations in these editions are extremely rash. Of
which, if the date assigned to him be correct, the numerous subscqucnt editions, a full account of
must have been erected before he wrote. This which (up to 1801) will be found in Ernesti's
silence is perfectly intelligible if we understand edition of Fabric. Bibl. Lat. vol. i. c. 17 (also pre-
those to be the very buildings, which he wished fixed to the Bipont edition), the most important are
the emperor and his other readers to compare with those of J. de Laet, Amst. 1640, fol. ; of A. Bodc,
his precepts, while he himself was content to fur- in 2 vols. Berol. 1800, 4to. , with a volume of plates,
nish the means for the comparison, without in- | Berol. 1801 ; the Bipont, 1807, 8vo. ; that of
curring the odium of actually making it. In a J. G. Schneider, in 3 vols. Lips. 1807, 1808, 8vo. ,
word, comparatively unsuccessful as an architect, a most valuable critical edition, with a new and
for we have no building of his mentioned except more rational arrangement of the chapters of each
the basilica at Fanum, he attempted, like other book, but without plates ; of Stratico, in 4 vols. ,
artists in the same predicament, to establish his Udine, 1825-30, with plates and a Lexicon Vi.
reputation as a writer upon the theory of his art ; truvianum; and of Marini, in 4 vols. , Rom. 1836,
and in this he has been tolerably successful. His fol. The work has been translated into Italian by
work is a valuable compendium of those written by the Marquess Galiani, with the Latin text, Neapol.
numerous Greek architects, whom he mentions 1758, fol. , and by Viviani, Udine, 1830 ; into
chiefly in the preface to his seventh book, and by German, by D. Gualtherus and H. Rivius, Nürn-
some Roman writers on architecture. Its chief berg, 1548, fol. , Basel, 1575, fol. and 1614, fol. ;
defects are its brevity, of which Vitruvius himself and by August Bode, in 2 vols. Leipzig, 1796,
boasts, and which he often carries so far as to be 4to. ; into French, by Perrault, Paris, 1673, fol. ;
unintelligible, and the obscurity of the style, arising 2d ed. 1684, fol. ; abridged 1674, 1681, fol. ;
in part from the natural difficulty of technical lan- and into English (besides the translation of Per-
guage, but in part also from the author's want of rault's abridgement, Lond. 1692, 8v0. , often re-
skill in writing, and sometimes from his imperfect printed), by Robert Castell, with notes by Inigo
comprehension of liis Greek authorities.
Jones and others, 2 vols. Lond. 1730, fol.
; by
His work is entitled De Architectura Libri X. W. Newton, with notes and plates, 2 vols. , Lond.
In the First Book, after the dedication to the em-1771, 1791, fol. ; by W. Wilkins, R. A. , Lond.
peror, and a general description of the science of 1812, containing only the third, fourth, fifth, and
architecture, and an account of the proper edu- sixth books, and those not complete ; and by
cation of an architect, in which he includes most Joseph Gwilt, 1826, 4to. There are several other
branches of science and literature, treats of the translations of less importance, especially into
choice of a proper site for a city, the disposition of Italian.
its plan, its fortifications, and the several buildings (Bernard. Baldus, and Fabricius, as above quoted;
within it. The Second Book is on the materials Schneider, Prolegomena and notes to Vitruvius;
used in building, to his account of which he pre- Genelli, Exegetische Briefe über Vitruv. Baukunst,
fixes some remarks on the primeval condition of Braunschweig and Berlin, 1801-4, 4to. ; Stie-
man and the invention and progress of the art of glitz, Archäol. Unterhaltungen, Lips. 1820 ; Hirt,
building, and on the views of the philosophers re- Geschichte d. Baukunst bei den Alten, vol. ii. pp. 308,
specting the origin of matter. The Third and foll. )
(P. S]
Fourth Books are devoted to temples and the four VITULUS, the name of a family of the Ma-
orders of architecture employed in them, namely, milia and Voconia gentes. Niebuhr supposes that
the Ionic, Corinthian, Doric, and Tuscan. The Vitulus is merely another form of Italus, and re-
Fifth Book relates to public buildings, the Sixth to marks that we find in the same manner in the
private houses, and the Seventh to interior deco- Mamilia gens a surname Turrinus, that is, Tyr-
rations. The Eighth is on the subject of water ; | rhenus. “ It was customary, as is proved by the
the mode of finding it ; its different kinds ; hot- oldest Roman Fasti, for the great houses to take
springs, mineral waters, fountains, rivers, lakes, distinguishing surnames from a people with whom
and the curious properties ascribed to certain they were connected by blood, or by the ties of
waters ; the use of water in levelling ; and the public hospitality. " (Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome,
various modes of conveying it for the supply of vol. i. p. 14. ) The ancients, however, as we see
cities. The Ninth Book treats of various kinds of from the coin figured below, connected the surnanie
sun-dials and other instruments for measuring time ; Vitulus with the word signifying a calf.
and the Tenth of the machines used in building, VI'TULUS, MAMI'LIUS. 1. L. MAMI.
and of military engines. Each book has a pre- LIUS Q. F. M. n. VITULUS, consul B. C. 265 with
face, upon sonic matter more or less connected with | Q. Fabius Maximus Gurges, the year before the
;
## p. 1279 (#1295) ##########################################
ULPIANUS.
1279
ULPIANUS.
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LVS . DESIGN.
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id those not complete ; and by
$26, 4to. There are several sche
less importance, especial. En
L'd zs, and Fabricios, as aber als
blegomena and notes to listes;
stische Briefe über Vidrar. Bases
and Berlin, 1801-7, 4ta ;
1. l'rterhaltungen, Lips. 189; *
Brukunst bei dan dites, vol iż 984
breaking out of the first Punic war. (Zonar. viii. they might be recognised among the people, and
7. )
that slaves and ingenui might not mingle together.
2. Q. MAMILIUS Q. P. M. n. Vitulus, brother Ulpianus and Paulus dissuaded the emperor from
of the preceding, was consul B. c. 262 with L. this measure by good reasons. (Lamprid. Ales.
Postumius Magellus, the third year of the second Severus, c. 27. ) As a proof of his confidence the
Punic war. In conjunction with his colleague emperor never saw any one of his friends alone,
Vitulus took Agrigentum. (Polyb. i. 17–20; except the Praefectus Praetorio and Ulpian ; and
Zonar. viii. 10, who erroneously calls him Q. Ae- whenever he saw the praefect, he invited Ulpian.
milius. )
The emperor conferred on Ulpian the office of
3. C. MAMILIUS VITULUS, was elected max. Scriniorum magister, and made him a consiliarius :
imus curio in B. c. 209, being the first plebeian he also held the office of Praefectus Annonae, as
who had held that office. He was praetor in B. C. we see from a constitution of Alexander in which
208 with Sicily as his province, and was one of he entitles him “ Domitius Ulpianus pracfectus
the ambassadors sent to Philip, king of Macedonia, annonae jurisconsultus amicus mcus. ". (Cod. 8.
in B. C. 203. He died in B. c. 174 of tho pesti- tit. 38. 3. 4. ) He also was made Praefectus Prae-
lence which visited Rome in that year. (Liv. torio, but it is doubtful whether he first held this
xxvii. 8, 35, 36, 38, xxx. 26, xli. 26. )
post under Elagabalus or under Alexander Severus.
VITULUS, Q. VOCO'NIUS, is only men- The epitomator of Dion says that Ulpian prepared
tioned on coins, a specimen of which is given below, the way for his promotion to the place of Praefectus
from wbich it appears that he was triumvir of the Praetorio by causing his two predecessors, Fla.
mint under Julius Caesar, and was quaestor de vianus and Chrestus, to be put to death. But there
signatus at the time the coin was struck. The is no other evidence than this. (Dion Cass. lxxx. 2. )
obverse represents the head of Julius Caesar ; the Zosimus (i. 11) says that Ulpian was made a
reverse a vitulus, or calf with Q. VOCONIVS vity- | kind of associate with Flavianus and Chrestus in
S. C. (Eckhel, vol. v. p. 344. ) their office, by Mamaea, the mother of Alex.
ander, and that the soldiers hereupon conspired
against Ulpian, but their designs were antici-
pated by Mamaea, who took off their instigators,
by whom, we must suppose, he means Flavianus
and Chrestus ; and Ulpianus was made sole prae-
fectus praetorio. Ulpian perished by the hands
VITVLVS.
of the soldiers, who forced their way into the
DESIGN
palace at night, and killed him in the presence of
the emperor and his mother, A. D. 228. As this
happened so early in the reign of Alexander, the
COIN OP Q. VOCONIUS VITULUS.
remark of Lampridius that the emperor chiefly
VIVIANUS, a Romal jurist of uncertain time, availed himself of the advice of Ulpian in his
who is often cited by Ulpian and Paulus. It ap- administration, is only a proof of the carelessness
pears that he referred to the authority of Sabinus, of this writer. His promotion to the office of
prae-
Cassins, and Proculus, and must therefore have fectus praetorio was probably an unpopular mea-
been junior to them. (Dig. 29. tit. 7. s. 14. ) Pom- sure. A contest is mentioned between the Romans
ponius appears to have annotated Vivianus, and and the praetorian guards, which lasted three days,
therefore wrote after him (Dig. 13. tit. 6. s. 17. and was attended with great slaughter. The
$ 4). Vivianus may accordingly have lived under meagre epitome of Dion only leaves us to guess
Hadrian and Trajan.
(G. L. ) that Ulpian's promotion may have been connected
VIVIANUS, ANNIUS, the son-in-law of with it.
Corbulo, served under the latter in the East in A great part of the numerous writings of Ulpian
. the reign of Nero. (Tac. Ann. xv. 28. )
were still extant in the time of Justinian, and a
ULPIANUS, DOMITIUS, derived his origin much greater quantity is excerpted from him by the
from Tyrus in Phoenicia, as he states himself, compilers of the Digest than from any other jurist.
“ unde mihi origo. ” (Dig. 50. tit. 1. 8. 1. ) These The number of excerpts from Ulpian is said to be
words do not prove that he was a native of Tyre, 2462 ; and many of the excerpts are of great
as some have supposed ; they rather prove that length, and altogether they form about one-third
he was not, and that his ancestors were of that of the whole body of the Digest. It is said that
city. The time of Ulpian's birth is unknown. there are more excerpts from his single work Ad
Some of his juristical works may have been written Edictum than from all the works of any single
during the joint reign of Septimius Severus and jurist. The excerpts from Paulus and Ulpian
Antoninus Caracalla (A. D. 211), but the greater together make about one half of the Digest. Those
part were written during the sole reign of Caracalla, of Ulpian compose the third volume of the Palin-
especially the two great works Ad Edictum and genesia of Hommelius.
the Libri ad Sabinum. He was banished or de- The following are the works of Ulpian which
prived of his functions under Elagabalus (Lam- are mentioned in the Florentine Index, and ex-
prid.
NINUS. )
was a native of Verona, arises from the mistake of
VI'TIA, the mother of Fufius Geminus, was identifying him with Vitruvius Cerdo. Bernar-
put to death by Tiberius in A. d. 32, because she dinus Baldus, in his valuable Life of Vitruvius,
had lamented the execution of her son, who had prefixed to the Bipont edition, suggests the pro-
been consul in a. n. 29. (Tac. Ann. vi. 10, comp. bability of his having been a native of Fundi or
T. 1. )
Formiae, on account of several inscriptions being
VITRA'SIUS PO'LLIO. [Pollio. ] found at those places, relating to the Vitruvia
VITRU'VIUS SECUNDUS. [SECUNDUS. ] gens, and to individuals of it with the praenomen
VITRU'VIUS VACCUS. (Vaccus. ) Marcus. See Vaccus, VITRUVIUS.
VITRUVIUS, architects. 1. L. VITRUVIUS We learn from Vitruvius himself that his pa-
L. L. CERDO ARCHITECTUS is an inscription twicerents gave him a liberal education, both of a
repeated on the arch of the Gavii at Verona. (Gru- general and of a professional character. (Lib. vi.
ter, p. clxxxvi. ; Orelli, Inscr. Lat. Sel. No. 4145. ) Praef. ) He tells, however, that he pursued his
The genuineness of these inscriptions, which has studies chiefly with a view to his profession, and
been questioned, is successfully defended by Maffei only followed other branches of knowledge so far
(Veron. Illust. pt. ii. p. 20, pt. iii. p. 90, Art. as they might appear to be useful for that object.
Crit. Lapid. p. 197). There is no precise indica- On this ground he apologizes, and not without
tion of the time at which Vitruvius Cerdo lived ; cause, for his style of composition, inasınuch as he
but it is most probable that he was much sub- had not trained himself in literature, so as to be-
sequent to the celebrated writer on architecture, come a first-rate philosopher or orator or gramma-
Vitruvius Pollio. We mentien hini, however, rian, “ sed ut Architectus his literis imbutus, haec
first, in order to dispose at once of the question nisus sum scribere. ” In the digressions, into which
as to the identity of these two architects, which he is led by his plan of ascending to the first prin-
was raised by Andreas Alciatus, who attempted ciples of each part of his subject, he shows a fair
support his belief in their identity by general knowledge of the various schools of Greek
changing Pollio, which is the name of Vi- philosophy. In the theoretical part of physical
truvius in all the MSS. , into Pellio, which he science he is weak; but this was a general defect
explained, not as a cognomen, but as a designa- of the ancient philosophers. Baldus shows reason
tion, synonymous with Cerdo. It really seems for supposing that, in his views of natural philo-
almost superfluous to refute an opinion which rests sophy, Vitruvius was a follower of Epicurus. "That
on such an argument alone ; but, to remove all he was well acquainted with the literature both of
doubt, it may suffice to remark, firstly, that the Greece and Rome, is evident from bis references
praenomina, as well as the cognomina, of the to the numerous Greek authors, and to the few
two artists are different, the one being Lucius, and Romans, who had written upon architecture, and
the other Marcus, by the unanimous consent of also to the great writers of both nations in the
the MSS. ; secondly, that, whereas Vitruvius Cerdo different departments of general literature.
was a freedman, as we learn from the inscription So much respecting his education. Of his sta-
(L. L. = Lucii Libertus), Vitruvius Pollio was a tion in life he says but little. That it was respec-
man of free birth and liberal education, as we are table may be inferred from his education, and from
informed by himself ; and, thirdly, that the arch | other circumstances referred to in his works ; but
(T
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## p. 1277 (#1293) ##########################################
VITRUVIUS.
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aces, relating to use 1. 377
idma's of it with the prema
ats, l'ITROVITS
. Vitrurias himseit ekat ba
a liberal educatie, behar
+ Norts onal chance: Là "
s bowever, tha: be pasad is
rith a rjer to his present
, ad
ther branches of knowledge
there arc sevcral passages in his prefaces, which canic nature of which he takes pains to prore, ono
show that he neither inherited great wealth, nor of his arguments being a trudition that there had
succeeded in acquiring it. The patronage of the been eruptions of the mountain in ancient tiines
emperor, to whom his work is dedicated, had carly (ii
. 6). We think it unnecessary to pursue the
placed him beyond the reach of want for the re- discussion through all its details. The judgment
mainder of his life (Lib. i. Praef. ), and he was of scholars is now quite decided in favour of con-
able to loo's with contentment, though not without sidering Augustus to be the emperor to whom the
indignation, upon the greater success of his rivals treatisc of Vitruvius is dedicated ; and abundant
in obtaining the substantial rewards of their pro- confirmatory evidence of that position lias been
fession. His allusions to this subject are couched derived from other passages of the work. The
in that tone of semi-querulous contentment and other opinion, that that cmperor was Titus, is cla-
half dissatisfied moderation, which judges of human borately maintained by Newton, in the Observa-
character will interpret according to the bias of tions on the Life of Vitruvius prefixed to his
their own dispositions. He had no great advan- translation of the work. Some of Newton's argu-
tages of person, being of low slature, and, at the ments are ingenious, but unsound; many are weak,
time when he wrote his work, suffering from old and cved puerile ; some are at direct varianco
age and bad health.
with the evidence, and some inconsistent with ono
He appears to have begun his course in public another ; and the best of them, which are intended
life as a military engineer. He tells us that he to prove that Vitruvius wrote after the time of
served in Africa, and it is important to quote his Augustus, only prove, allowing them their utmost
own words, as introducing the question of the time force, that he wrote somewhat late in that cm-
at which he lived: “ C. Julius, Masinthae (or peror's reign, a fact which he himself states in the
Masinissae) filius, cujus erunt totius oppidi ugrorum Dedication, where he says that he formed the
possessiones, cum patre Caesare militavil. Is hos- design of his work at the beginning of the new
pitio meo est usus ; ita quotidiano convictu, &c. &c. " reign, but that he feared to incur the emperor's
(viii. 4. 8. 3. $ 25, ed. Schneider). Again, in the displeasure by intruding upon him when he was
dedication of his work to the reigning emperor, he fully occupied with public affairs ; but that, when
uses this language :—“ Ideo quod primum parenti he saw the care which his patron bestowed upon
tuo [de eo) fueram notus, et ejus virtutis studiosus ; buildings, both public and private, and that he
quum autem concilium coelestium in sedibus immor- both had erected and was erecting many edifices,
ialium eum dedicavisset, et imperium parentis in he hastened to execute his design, and to present
tuam potestatem transtulisset, idem studium meum the emperor with a set treatise, explaining the
in ejus memoria permanens in te contulit favorem. " exact rules and limits of the art, as a standard by
(The last words, by the way, are no bad specimen which to test the merits of the buildings he had
of the obscurity of his style. ) He then goes on already erected, or was intending to erect. (Con-
to say that he was appointed, with M. Aurelius scripsi praescriptiones terminatas, ut eas attendens
and P. Numisius and Cn. Cornelius, to the office of et antefacta et futura qualia sint opera per te, nota
superintending and improving the military engines posses hubere. ) Before noticing the further light
(ad apparationem balistarum et scorpionum reliquo- which this somewhat remarkable language throws
rumque tormentorum perfectionem fui praesto), with on the design of the treatise, it is necessary to
a pecuniary provision (commoda); and that the observe the more exact limits within which the
emperor, through his sister's recommendation, con- time of the author may now, with great proba-
tinued his patronage to Vitruvius, after he had bility, be defined. We may assume him to be a
conferred upon him these favours. This emperor, young man when he served under Julius Caesar,
we further learn from the dedication, was one who in the African war, B. C. 46, and he was old, nay
“ had obtained possession of the empire of the world, broken down with age (see above) when he com-
and by his unconquered valour bad overthrown all posed bis work, at a period considerably subse-
his enemies, while the citizens gloried in his tri- quent to the complete settlement of the empire
umph, and all the nations subdued under him under Augustus, and after the erection of several
waited on his nod, and the Roman people and of that emperor's public buildings. Moreover, that
senate, delivered from fear, were governed by his his book was written some time after the name of
deliberations and counsels'; and who, so soon as Augustus had been conferred upon the emperor
he had brought into a settled state those things (B. C. 27) is evident from the passage (v. i) in
which related to the public welfare and social life, which he speaks of the basilica at Fanum, of which
devoted especial attention to public buildings, with he himself was the architect, as erected subse-
which he adorned the empire, which he had aug- quently to the temple of Augustus at that place.
mented by new provinces. " We have set forth this Again, from the way in which he mentions the
passage at length, that the reader may judge for emperor's sister in his dedication, it appears pro-
himself whether the emperor thus addressed can bable, though, it must be confessed, not certain,
be any other than Augustus, when it is remembered that she was still alive. Now Octavia, the favour-
that, by the confession of all scholars, the time at ite sister of Augustus, died in B. c. 11. Hence
which Vitruvius wrote is confined between the the date of the composition of the work lies pro-
limits of the reigns of Augustus on the one hand, bably between B. C. 20 and B. c. 11. At the
and of Titus on the other. Of course no proof is former date, Vitruvius would be about 56, if we
needed that he wrote after the death of Julius Caesar, assume him to have been about thirty when he
whom he also expressly mentions as dead (divi was in Africa with Caesar. This date is con-
Julii, iii. 2); and that he did not live after Titus is firmed by the way in which he speaks of Lucre-
proved, apart from the mention of him by Pliny tius, Cicero, and Varro, as quite recent authors.
already referred to, by his silence respecting the The object of his work appears to have had
Coliseum, and most irrefragably by his allusion to reference to himself, as well as to his subject. We
Vesuvius and the surrounding country, the rol. I have seen that he professes his intention to furnish
appear to be see her that
d be apcinzzes, and not
tyle of comastian, coach #
d himself in literature, s 257
se ph-osopher of orator or 3
Architetos kis literis iacz,
bene. " In the digressions, into
ais pan of ascending to the best per
A part of his subjec, be skroz 2
riecze of the rarious schmin
In the theoretical part of phrase
& weak; but this was a fever
nt phüvorhers. Baldos skers menten
ng that in his views of neural petita
rurius was a follower of Ekuss
il acquainted with the literature det en
d Rose, is evident from his releases
perous Greek aurbans
, and to the my
who had written 7200 echtert,
be great writers of both w09
departments of general literatur
ch respecting bis aduation lit big
e he sors but little that it was response
! be inferned from his educatiu, no 13
cumstances referred to in bis ruts, di
## p. 1278 (#1294) ##########################################
1278
VITRUVIUS.
VITULUS.
the emperor with a standard by which to judge the subject ; and these prefaces are the source of
of the buildings he had already erected, as well most of our information about the author.
as of those which he might afterwards erect ; The work of Vitruvius was first published, with
which can have no meaning, unless he wished to that of Frontinus de Aquaeductibus, by Jo. Sulpitius,
protest against the style of architecture which pre- at Rome, without a date, but about A. n. 1486,
vailed in the buildings already erected. That this fol. ; then at Florence, 1496, fol. ; At Venice, 1497,
was really his intention appears from several other fol. , reprinted from the Florentine edition, which
arguments, and especially from his frequent refer- was more accurate than the Editio Princeps ; these
ences to the unworthy means by which architects three editions all follow the MSS. closely. A
obtained wealth and favour, with which he con- more critical recension was attempted by Jucundus
trasts his own moderation and contentment in of Verona, Venet. 1511, fol. , with rude wood-cuts ;
his more obscure position. The same thing ap- and another edition by the same editor, and with
pears from his praise of the pure Greek models and the same wood-cuts, but smaller and ruder, was
his complaints of the corruptions which were grow- printed by Giunta, Florent. 1513, 8vo. , and re-
ing up; and also from his general silence about printed in 1522 and 1523 ; the conjectural emen-
those of the great buildings of the age of Augustus, dations in these editions are extremely rash. Of
which, if the date assigned to him be correct, the numerous subscqucnt editions, a full account of
must have been erected before he wrote. This which (up to 1801) will be found in Ernesti's
silence is perfectly intelligible if we understand edition of Fabric. Bibl. Lat. vol. i. c. 17 (also pre-
those to be the very buildings, which he wished fixed to the Bipont edition), the most important are
the emperor and his other readers to compare with those of J. de Laet, Amst. 1640, fol. ; of A. Bodc,
his precepts, while he himself was content to fur- in 2 vols. Berol. 1800, 4to. , with a volume of plates,
nish the means for the comparison, without in- | Berol. 1801 ; the Bipont, 1807, 8vo. ; that of
curring the odium of actually making it. In a J. G. Schneider, in 3 vols. Lips. 1807, 1808, 8vo. ,
word, comparatively unsuccessful as an architect, a most valuable critical edition, with a new and
for we have no building of his mentioned except more rational arrangement of the chapters of each
the basilica at Fanum, he attempted, like other book, but without plates ; of Stratico, in 4 vols. ,
artists in the same predicament, to establish his Udine, 1825-30, with plates and a Lexicon Vi.
reputation as a writer upon the theory of his art ; truvianum; and of Marini, in 4 vols. , Rom. 1836,
and in this he has been tolerably successful. His fol. The work has been translated into Italian by
work is a valuable compendium of those written by the Marquess Galiani, with the Latin text, Neapol.
numerous Greek architects, whom he mentions 1758, fol. , and by Viviani, Udine, 1830 ; into
chiefly in the preface to his seventh book, and by German, by D. Gualtherus and H. Rivius, Nürn-
some Roman writers on architecture. Its chief berg, 1548, fol. , Basel, 1575, fol. and 1614, fol. ;
defects are its brevity, of which Vitruvius himself and by August Bode, in 2 vols. Leipzig, 1796,
boasts, and which he often carries so far as to be 4to. ; into French, by Perrault, Paris, 1673, fol. ;
unintelligible, and the obscurity of the style, arising 2d ed. 1684, fol. ; abridged 1674, 1681, fol. ;
in part from the natural difficulty of technical lan- and into English (besides the translation of Per-
guage, but in part also from the author's want of rault's abridgement, Lond. 1692, 8v0. , often re-
skill in writing, and sometimes from his imperfect printed), by Robert Castell, with notes by Inigo
comprehension of liis Greek authorities.
Jones and others, 2 vols. Lond. 1730, fol.
; by
His work is entitled De Architectura Libri X. W. Newton, with notes and plates, 2 vols. , Lond.
In the First Book, after the dedication to the em-1771, 1791, fol. ; by W. Wilkins, R. A. , Lond.
peror, and a general description of the science of 1812, containing only the third, fourth, fifth, and
architecture, and an account of the proper edu- sixth books, and those not complete ; and by
cation of an architect, in which he includes most Joseph Gwilt, 1826, 4to. There are several other
branches of science and literature, treats of the translations of less importance, especially into
choice of a proper site for a city, the disposition of Italian.
its plan, its fortifications, and the several buildings (Bernard. Baldus, and Fabricius, as above quoted;
within it. The Second Book is on the materials Schneider, Prolegomena and notes to Vitruvius;
used in building, to his account of which he pre- Genelli, Exegetische Briefe über Vitruv. Baukunst,
fixes some remarks on the primeval condition of Braunschweig and Berlin, 1801-4, 4to. ; Stie-
man and the invention and progress of the art of glitz, Archäol. Unterhaltungen, Lips. 1820 ; Hirt,
building, and on the views of the philosophers re- Geschichte d. Baukunst bei den Alten, vol. ii. pp. 308,
specting the origin of matter. The Third and foll. )
(P. S]
Fourth Books are devoted to temples and the four VITULUS, the name of a family of the Ma-
orders of architecture employed in them, namely, milia and Voconia gentes. Niebuhr supposes that
the Ionic, Corinthian, Doric, and Tuscan. The Vitulus is merely another form of Italus, and re-
Fifth Book relates to public buildings, the Sixth to marks that we find in the same manner in the
private houses, and the Seventh to interior deco- Mamilia gens a surname Turrinus, that is, Tyr-
rations. The Eighth is on the subject of water ; | rhenus. “ It was customary, as is proved by the
the mode of finding it ; its different kinds ; hot- oldest Roman Fasti, for the great houses to take
springs, mineral waters, fountains, rivers, lakes, distinguishing surnames from a people with whom
and the curious properties ascribed to certain they were connected by blood, or by the ties of
waters ; the use of water in levelling ; and the public hospitality. " (Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome,
various modes of conveying it for the supply of vol. i. p. 14. ) The ancients, however, as we see
cities. The Ninth Book treats of various kinds of from the coin figured below, connected the surnanie
sun-dials and other instruments for measuring time ; Vitulus with the word signifying a calf.
and the Tenth of the machines used in building, VI'TULUS, MAMI'LIUS. 1. L. MAMI.
and of military engines. Each book has a pre- LIUS Q. F. M. n. VITULUS, consul B. C. 265 with
face, upon sonic matter more or less connected with | Q. Fabius Maximus Gurges, the year before the
;
## p. 1279 (#1295) ##########################################
ULPIANUS.
1279
ULPIANUS.
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id those not complete ; and by
$26, 4to. There are several sche
less importance, especial. En
L'd zs, and Fabricios, as aber als
blegomena and notes to listes;
stische Briefe über Vidrar. Bases
and Berlin, 1801-7, 4ta ;
1. l'rterhaltungen, Lips. 189; *
Brukunst bei dan dites, vol iż 984
breaking out of the first Punic war. (Zonar. viii. they might be recognised among the people, and
7. )
that slaves and ingenui might not mingle together.
2. Q. MAMILIUS Q. P. M. n. Vitulus, brother Ulpianus and Paulus dissuaded the emperor from
of the preceding, was consul B. c. 262 with L. this measure by good reasons. (Lamprid. Ales.
Postumius Magellus, the third year of the second Severus, c. 27. ) As a proof of his confidence the
Punic war. In conjunction with his colleague emperor never saw any one of his friends alone,
Vitulus took Agrigentum. (Polyb. i. 17–20; except the Praefectus Praetorio and Ulpian ; and
Zonar. viii. 10, who erroneously calls him Q. Ae- whenever he saw the praefect, he invited Ulpian.
milius. )
The emperor conferred on Ulpian the office of
3. C. MAMILIUS VITULUS, was elected max. Scriniorum magister, and made him a consiliarius :
imus curio in B. c. 209, being the first plebeian he also held the office of Praefectus Annonae, as
who had held that office. He was praetor in B. C. we see from a constitution of Alexander in which
208 with Sicily as his province, and was one of he entitles him “ Domitius Ulpianus pracfectus
the ambassadors sent to Philip, king of Macedonia, annonae jurisconsultus amicus mcus. ". (Cod. 8.
in B. C. 203. He died in B. c. 174 of tho pesti- tit. 38. 3. 4. ) He also was made Praefectus Prae-
lence which visited Rome in that year. (Liv. torio, but it is doubtful whether he first held this
xxvii. 8, 35, 36, 38, xxx. 26, xli. 26. )
post under Elagabalus or under Alexander Severus.
VITULUS, Q. VOCO'NIUS, is only men- The epitomator of Dion says that Ulpian prepared
tioned on coins, a specimen of which is given below, the way for his promotion to the place of Praefectus
from wbich it appears that he was triumvir of the Praetorio by causing his two predecessors, Fla.
mint under Julius Caesar, and was quaestor de vianus and Chrestus, to be put to death. But there
signatus at the time the coin was struck. The is no other evidence than this. (Dion Cass. lxxx. 2. )
obverse represents the head of Julius Caesar ; the Zosimus (i. 11) says that Ulpian was made a
reverse a vitulus, or calf with Q. VOCONIVS vity- | kind of associate with Flavianus and Chrestus in
S. C. (Eckhel, vol. v. p. 344. ) their office, by Mamaea, the mother of Alex.
ander, and that the soldiers hereupon conspired
against Ulpian, but their designs were antici-
pated by Mamaea, who took off their instigators,
by whom, we must suppose, he means Flavianus
and Chrestus ; and Ulpianus was made sole prae-
fectus praetorio. Ulpian perished by the hands
VITVLVS.
of the soldiers, who forced their way into the
DESIGN
palace at night, and killed him in the presence of
the emperor and his mother, A. D. 228. As this
happened so early in the reign of Alexander, the
COIN OP Q. VOCONIUS VITULUS.
remark of Lampridius that the emperor chiefly
VIVIANUS, a Romal jurist of uncertain time, availed himself of the advice of Ulpian in his
who is often cited by Ulpian and Paulus. It ap- administration, is only a proof of the carelessness
pears that he referred to the authority of Sabinus, of this writer. His promotion to the office of
prae-
Cassins, and Proculus, and must therefore have fectus praetorio was probably an unpopular mea-
been junior to them. (Dig. 29. tit. 7. s. 14. ) Pom- sure. A contest is mentioned between the Romans
ponius appears to have annotated Vivianus, and and the praetorian guards, which lasted three days,
therefore wrote after him (Dig. 13. tit. 6. s. 17. and was attended with great slaughter. The
$ 4). Vivianus may accordingly have lived under meagre epitome of Dion only leaves us to guess
Hadrian and Trajan.
(G. L. ) that Ulpian's promotion may have been connected
VIVIANUS, ANNIUS, the son-in-law of with it.
Corbulo, served under the latter in the East in A great part of the numerous writings of Ulpian
. the reign of Nero. (Tac. Ann. xv. 28. )
were still extant in the time of Justinian, and a
ULPIANUS, DOMITIUS, derived his origin much greater quantity is excerpted from him by the
from Tyrus in Phoenicia, as he states himself, compilers of the Digest than from any other jurist.
“ unde mihi origo. ” (Dig. 50. tit. 1. 8. 1. ) These The number of excerpts from Ulpian is said to be
words do not prove that he was a native of Tyre, 2462 ; and many of the excerpts are of great
as some have supposed ; they rather prove that length, and altogether they form about one-third
he was not, and that his ancestors were of that of the whole body of the Digest. It is said that
city. The time of Ulpian's birth is unknown. there are more excerpts from his single work Ad
Some of his juristical works may have been written Edictum than from all the works of any single
during the joint reign of Septimius Severus and jurist. The excerpts from Paulus and Ulpian
Antoninus Caracalla (A. D. 211), but the greater together make about one half of the Digest. Those
part were written during the sole reign of Caracalla, of Ulpian compose the third volume of the Palin-
especially the two great works Ad Edictum and genesia of Hommelius.
the Libri ad Sabinum. He was banished or de- The following are the works of Ulpian which
prived of his functions under Elagabalus (Lam- are mentioned in the Florentine Index, and ex-
prid.