No More Learning

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? 5-23
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? POLAND
*A Study in
National Idealism
<BY MONIC<A
M. GARDNER
<tAuthor of
"tAdam Mic\ieV>icz"
NOSNE-CES5ES
THOMATVERJ
BURNS &> OATES, LTD.
28 Orchard Street
London W
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? Printed in England by The Westminster Press,
412a Harrow Road, London, W.
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? LA race slave n'a pas encore ba^ti ses cathe? d-
rales ni fait ses croisades. La France, dans
l'histoire des croisades, pourrait trouver
la mesure de sa force morale. L'Allemagne doit
e? tudier sa cathe? drale de Cologne, et s'humilier
devant ce monument du passe? ; mais la Pologne
n'a qu'a` consulter sa tradition vivante, son Ame.
Adam Mickiewicz, Les Slaves.
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? CONTENTS
PAGE
Preface ix
Note on the Pronunciation of Polish xii
Chapter I : The Last Hundred Years I
Chapter II: The National Literature of
Poland 32
Chapter III : The Poet of a Nation's Suffer-
ing : Adam Mickiewicz 45
Chapter IV: The Anonymous Poet of
Poland: Zygmunt Krasinski 107
Chapter V: The Mystic Pilgrimage in
Siberia 176
Chapter VI: The Spirit of the Steppe 198
Chapter VII: The Ideals of Kornel Ujejski 208
Table^of Various Dates in Polish History 228
Index 235
vi
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? PREFACE
AT this moment, the eyes of England are
once more turned towards Poland. The
object for which I have written this book
is to give the English reader some faint conception
of the idealism and the patriotism by which
Poland has preserved her life through more than
a hundred years of suffering and oppression. The
literature that was born of her sorrows has been,
as I have endeavoured to point out in the follow-
ing pages, one of the chief factors in the main-
tenance of that life, and almost the only method
of self-expression that has been possible to a
country, debarred as Poland has been from normal
existence. The production of the Polish poets is
a splendid form of art: but even more is it a
great movement of national aspiration. Hence
my book is not so much a study in Poland's liter-
ature as an attempt to illustrate the soul of a
nation which, were it only for her devoted
, patriotism and fidelity to her ideals under over-
whelming difficulties, should command universal
sympathy. For this purpose, I have in the first
chapter given a brief account of the condition of
Poland since the partitions.
A word must be said as to my mode of dealing
with Russia's past treatment of Poland. It is a
subject that is necessary to be faced in a work on
Poland if any sort of justice is to be done to the
ix b
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? X
PREFACE
Poles. The Russian nation, now that she has shaken
herself free from Prussian influence, has promised
to redress the wrongs that Poland has suffered at
her hands. The greater these wrongs have been,
the more profound will be the admiration of
Europe when she beholds their reparation.
It has been impossible in a book of this scope to
give more than a sketch of such poets and teachers
as Mickiewicz and Krasinski. I have already pub-
lished a monograph on the former (Adam Mickie-
wicz, the National Poet of Poland, London, 1911),
and I have in preparation a study on the life and
work of Krasinski.
For the sake of the English reader unacquainted
with the Polish language, I have generally trans-
lated the Polish Christian names into their
English equivalents. As the Polish crossed 1 is a
complicated matter for printers and readers
ignorant of Polish, I have--although it is incorrect
to do so--replaced it where it occurs by the
simple 1, according to the custom of many French
and English writers on Poland. Certain letters of
the Polish alphabet that present special difficulties
I have rendered phonetically; but as it has not
been always possible to do this, I have indicated
a few rules on the pronunciation of Polish that
may be useful to the reader.
Chapters V. and VII. and portions of my first
and second chapters have already appeared in
the Quest. Through the courtesy of the editor,
Mr. G. R. S. Mead, I am enabled to reprint them
here. With the exception of the chapters on
Anhelli and Ujejski, the present book has been
written after the outbreak of the war. I have
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? PREFACE
therefore been cut off from communication with
my friends and correspondents in Poland. But the
generous assistance which they gave me in the past
and in my work on Krasinski, about which I was
able to consult them before the cataclysm swept
down upon us, has been of the greatest help to
me in what I have been writing during these
terrible months, while their country has been
devastated by all the horrors of war. I therefore
express my deeply grateful thanks to my friend,
Mr. Edmund Naganowski, to Dr. Kallenbach,
and to Professor Zdziechowski. I am also much
indebted to Mr. Ladislas Mickiewicz, the son of
Adam Mickiewicz, and to my brother, Dr.
Edmund Gardner.
My earnest hope in offering this little book to
English readers is that it may arouse their sympathy
for the Polish nation.
1915. M. M. G.
Note. --Since the above words were written,
the news reached me of the death in Poland of
my friend, Edmund Naganowski. With him his
country loses one whose labour in her behalf was
unceasing. To those who, like myself, were hon-
oured with his friendship, and who found in him
the strongest, the most devoted and sympathetic
of friends and advisers, his loss can only be a life-
long and irreparable bereavement.
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? NOTE ON THE PRONUNCIATION OF
POLISH
The Polish C--an English ts, but has a softer
and somewhat hissing sound when it precedes i,
or when it is accented as in 6.
Ch--strongly aspirated h, as in the Scotch loch.
Cz--ch in cherry.
Dz--j, as in jam.
O--oo as in rood.
Rz--the French j, as in Jean.
S', Si--a very soft hissing form of sh.
Sz--sh.
W--v.
Z, Zi--French j.
The accent in Polish is almost invariably on the
penultimate as, Mickie'wicz.
Xll
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? CHAPTER I
THE LAST HUNDRED YEARS
FOR more than a hundred years, Poland
has presented to Europe the spectacle
of a nation rent asunder. Her nationality V
has been proscribed and oppressed.
The common 1
rights of race possession have been denied to her.
She has risen in arms for her liberties, only to be
crushed. She has suffered the basest treachery
and the bitterest disillusions. Eighty years ago,
Montalembert, in a famous phrase, gave her the
name of the "nation in mourning. " That title
has never lost its application. .
In 1772 and 1793, the first two partitions of \
Poland were effected: the first between Austria,!
Russia and Prussia, the second between Russia
and Prussia. After the second partition Kosciuszko,
arming the peasants with scythes, rose at the
head of the nation in a desperate attempt to save
the national independence. The armies of Russia
and Prussia were too strong for him. He was
carried, a wounded prisoner, from the lost field
of Maciejowice. Suvorov, the Russian commander,
then marched on Warsaw. The city was taken after
an appalling massacre of the inhabitants of its
suburb, Praga, in which thousands perished by
the sword or by fire, or were drowned in the river
as they fled, with a broken bridge before them,
from Suvorov's soldiers. The cause of Poland was
6
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? 2
POLAND
vanquished; and the third partition of Poland
between Austria, Russia and Prussia followed in
1795. By this' proceeding, a crime almost un-
paralleled in history, assuredly without a shadow of
political or moral justification, Poland as a state
ceased to exist.
But the Polish nation never gave up the hope
of resurrection. She lived on, as she has lived to
the present hour, struggling for her nationality,
clinging to it, and preserving it.
After the third partition, what remained of
the Polish army enrolled itself under Napoleon's
banners. Led by the national flags, commanded
by their own officers, the Polish legions shed their
blood in torrents for the man who they believed
would give them back their country. Napoleon's
betrayal of the Polish cause was only one among
the many deceived hopes and broken pledges of
which the unhappiest of nations has been the
> victim. The Treaty of Tilsit in 1807 has been
called by the Poles the fourth partition of Poland;
for, on this occasion, Napoleon did nothing more
for those whose loyalty remained with him till his
death than to create, under his protection, thdl
Duchy of Warsaw. Ruled by the French laws
that Napoleon imposed upon it, its army, with
Joseph Poniatowski at its head, was, however,
national, and did brilliant service on the side of
France. For nine years the little state was swept
by the war, till, at last, peace was restored to
Europe.
At the congress of Vienna that met in 1815 to
readjust the political balance, the question of
Poland was one that came prominently forward,
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? THE LAST HUNDRED TEARS 3
as it will do again. The ancient Republic of Poland
was not re-established. It was once more divided
between the three original partitioning powers.
To Austria fell Galicia, with the exception of
Cracow. Prussia kept the Duchy of Posen, West
Prussia, Thorn, and Danzig. Russia secured the
rest of the Duchy of Warsaw, Lithuania, and
those eastern provinces of Poland that stand be-
tween the Muscovite empire and Western Europe.
The express stipulation was made that in each of
these three divisions the language, religion, and
nationality of the Poles were to be maintained
and respected in their entirety. But two further
attempts were made to give at least some measure
of fuller independence to the Polish nation.
Cracow was erected into a tiny stateship under
'the protection, the irony of which subsequent
events fully proved, of Austria, Prussia, and
I Russia. A part of the Duchy of Warsaw passed,
it is true, to Russia; but under the condition
that she should be an autonomous state with
the Tsar as her crowned king. Her army, her
administration, every branch of her life, were to
be Polish and exclusively Polish. And to this day,
long after her privileges have been swept away,
that part of Poland is spoken of by every Pole as
/the Kingdom of Poland.
The admirable organization of the newly-
founded kingdom proved how rapidly the Poles
had learned in the school of adversity. Picked
officials filled the posts of trust. The military chiefs,
the army, were the soldiers who had been trained
by Napoleon. Much was hoped of the Tsar,
Alexander I. When an unhappy heir at the court
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POLAND
of Catherine II. , he had formed a warm friendship
with young Adam Czartoryski, son of a princely
Polish house, who was retained as a hostage
at the same court. In their intimate conversations
Alexander promised the Pole that he would restore
Poland, and it was through Czartoryski's influence
on the Tsar that the Kingdom of Poland owed
its foundation. But unfortunately the viceroy
whom Alexander chose for the new Polish state
was a man of little worth and small patriotism,
mistrusted by his fellow-countrymen. The com-
mander-in-chief, appointed likewise by the Tsar,
was the latter's brother, the Grand Duke Con-
stantine. This semi-madman, in his transports of
mingled insanity and brutality, subjected the
proud and high-spirited Polish officers to indig-
nities that drove more than one of them to commit
suicide rather than serve under such a leader.
In addition to the viceroy and commander-in-
chief, a Russian Commissioner was nominated
whose office was to play spy upon the Poles. It
was this man, Novosiltzov, who brought about
the state of things that goaded the Polish nation
into the rising of 1830. His spies filled the country.
Any careless word resulted in the speaker's arrest.
The prisons were filled.
In 1825 Alexander I. died, and was succeeded
by his brother, Nicholas I. Two years earlier the
famous affair of the Lithuanian student societies
took place. Led by the devoted and high-minded
Thomas Zan, an association had been formed
among the young men at the University of Wilna,
under the title of the Philomathians. Their ends
were the moral and philanthropic ideals of ardent
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? THE LAST HUNDRED TEARS 5
and generous youths; patriotic rather than
'revolutionary. The suspicions of the Russian
Government fell upon the society. Its members
were imprisoned and many of them put to torture.
Numbers were banished to Siberia, while others
were exiled to various outposts in Russia. Among
the latter was the poet, Adam Mickiewicz, the
fast friend of Thomas Zan. He has immortalized
the scenes of the imprisonment of himself and the
comrades of his youth, most of whom he never
saw again, in his drama the Ancestors.
These proceedings of Novosiltzov's aroused
the resentment of the whole nation. The liberties
guaranteed to the Kingdom were now being
rapidly trampled underfoot. The country was
treated as a conquered province. The situation
of the Poles was intolerable; and on the night of
November 29th, 1830, they rose in arms for their
'treaty rights.
The Rising of 1830 was ill prepared, chiefly by
a handful of young men. It was badly organized.
There were dissensions among its leaders, lack of
discipline. These are its weak points, redeemed
by the heroic courage of a people that laid down
their lives by thousands rather than see their
country perish. The Poles fell, says an eye-witness,
like grain before the scythe. * Boys from colleges
and schools who, we are told, kept up their studies
in the camp in the intervals when they were not
fighting, young poets whose songs were sung by
the soldiers and who wrote their poems with a
baggage waggon for their table, high-born women,
* Quoted by Count Stanislas Tarnowski in Our History in the
Nineteenth Century. Cracow, 1901 (Polish)
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? 6
POLAND
hunters armed with old hunting-guns, peasants
with their scythes, seasoned legionaries from the
Napoleonic wars, all fought side by side. The
Poles held out for ten months against the Russian
armies. They won victory after victory. Then
came the inevitable hour of defeat by superior
forces. At Ostrolenka, where not a Polish gunner
but died at his gun, and thousands fell with the
national hymn on their lips, the heroism of the
Poles was only equalled by their appalling losses.
From that hour the Polish arms met nothing but
\ reverses. The Russians marched on Warsaw. In
its defence, men and women fought alike. Ordon
blew up the fort he was commanding, and Russian
and Pole found there a common death. Entrench-
ments were defended, fought for inch by inch,
till not a Pole was left alive. The city could hold
out no longer and surrendered, and in September,
| 1831, the war was ended.
In the interest of historical truth and in justice
to the Poles, the sequel of the rising, however
painful, must be told in a book that professes to
deal with the psychology and the aspirations of
the Polish nation. The world is now looking to
Nicholas II. to inaugurate a new epoch in the
relations between Poland and Russia.
Since the failure of the Rising in 1831, the con-
stitution of the Kingdom of Poland has existed
no more except on paper. Her treaty rights were
destroyed, her army abolished, her administration
taken from her and removed to Petersburg. The
universities of Warsaw and Wilna were closed.
Schools were shut, and the Russian language
enforced on those that still were allowed to remain.
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? THE LAST HUNDRED TEARS 7
'Russian officials took the place of Poles. The
libraries and artistic treasures of the nation were
transferred to Russia. Confiscations and fines
brought Polish families to ruin. Transportation
of forty-five thousand families into the Caucasus
and other Russian provinces parted husbands and
fathers from their homes for ever. Hundreds of
innocent persons suffered the penalty of death.
The numbers of those who were sent for life to
dungeons or to the mines of Siberia are said to
exceed computation. Children were torn from
the country and carried off by the Cossacks to
Russia, never to be seen again.
Yet the strong national spirit lived on in every
part of Poland and wherever, in their enforced
wanderings over the world, her exiles went. Hope-
less attempts at a fresh rising, mainly instigated
by young Poles stealing secretly into the country
from abroad, continued, always to be discovered
and punished with Siberia or death.
Then it was, in the years following the Rising
of 1830, that the movement known as the Polish
Emigration set in. Those who were banished from
Poland, or who escaped death only by flight, or
who chose to live beyond the frontier to carry on
the work in their nation's behalf that was im-
possible in the country itself, took refuge in foreign
lands, and especially in Paris. Every class was
represented; aristocrats like Adam Czartoryski,
who had in happier days influenced for good the
policy of Alexander I, the friend of his youth,
and who had now lost all for Poland; the generals
and soldiers of the Rising, artisans, priests, the
poets who gave Poland the magnificent literature
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? 8
POLAND
that might not be heard within her boundaries.
All degrees of mental and physical wretchedness
were to be found among their ranks. They were
exiled for ever from their country and from those
they loved. Too often they could not learn the
fate of their families or communicate with those
members of them who still remained in Poland.
Most of them were plunged in dire poverty; all
of them in constant suspense and harrowing
anxiety as to what terrible news, whether personal
or national, the next post from Poland would
i bring them. They shared one common certainty:
I that they would live to return and see Poland free.
Their death in the foreign city, where their graves
are still piously visited by their fellow Poles, was
the only end to their desire.
I shall deal with the condition of the Poles in
Prussian Poland later in this chapter.
Under Austria the Galician Poles were treated
as the victims of a brutal war rather than as a
nation whose rights had been ratified in a European
f congress. The policy of Metternich was to crush
every Polish element underfoot. The stipulations
of the Treaty of Vienna were regarded as non-
existent. The offices of the national government
were filled by Austrians or Czechs. Punishment
by death was inflicted with appalling frequency
on those who held Polish aspirations. The Polish
language was abolished in the schools. It was a
penal offence for the Polish students to be heard
speaking Polish to each other even out of lesson
hours, or to be caught reading in Polish. House
to house inquisitions were made for Polish books.
Those who possessed them, read them or lent
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? THE LAST HUNDRED TEARS
them, went to prison. The publication of Polish
writings was attended with almost prohibitive
difficulties on account of the heavy censorship.
Public works, such as the maintenance of hospitals,
roads, and so on, were completely neglected by
the Government. The country, ruinously taxed,
became poorer day by day.
Here, as to Russian Poland, came emissaries
from Paris, urging insurrection. The prisons were
filled with those whose implication the Govern-
ment discovered or only suspected. Matters were
ripening for a rising in the three divisions of
Poland; when the year 1846 beheld, not the j
war originally planned, btrt-'bne of the most j
lamentable catastrophes in Polish history.
Certain of the Poles in Paris were preparing a
rising on democratic lines. Their representatives 1
endeavoured to persuade the Galician peasants j
to take up arms, and to compel their landowners,
even by force if necessary, to join the movement.
Following these came certain agitators, wander-
ing from village to village, playing upon the
ignorance of the peasantry, instigating them to
turn their weapons, not against the oppressors
of their country, but against the Polish nobility.
These, it is now known, were the agents of the
Austrian government. They were but too sue-
cessful. Duped and deceived, maddened by drink,
the peasants rose against the Polish nobles; fired
their mansions, and massacred the inhabitants.
In the same year, Cracow lost her last vestige \
of independence. The first years of her existence
as a separate state had been tranquil. Her trade,
her schools and University, had flourished. But
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