No More Learning

Numantia is distant from Cæsar
Augusta,[1240] situated as we have said upon the Ebro, about 800 stadia.
Near to Segobriga and Bilbilis,[1241] likewise cities of the
Keltiberians, was fought the battle between Metellus and Sertorius.
Polybius, describing the people and countries of the Vaccæi and
Keltiberians, enumerates Segesama[1242] and Intercatia amongst their
other cities. Posidonius tells us that Marcus Marcellus exacted of
Keltiberia a tribute of 600 talents, which proves that the Keltiberians
were a numerous and wealthy people, notwithstanding the little fertility
of their country. Polybius narrates that Tiberius Gracchus destroyed 300
cities of the Keltiberians. This Posidonius ridicules, and asserts that
to flatter Gracchus, Polybius described as cities the towers such as are
exhibited in the triumphal processions. [1243] This is not incredible;
for both generals and historians easily fall into this species of
deception, by exaggerating their doings. Those who assert that Iberia
contained more than a thousand cities, seem to me to have been carried
away in a similar manner, and to have denominated as cities what were
merely large villages; since, from its very nature, this country is
incapable of maintaining so many cities, on account of its sterility,
wildness, and its out-of-the-way position. Nor, with the exception of
those who dwell along the shores of the Mediterranean, is any such
statement confirmed by the mode of life or actions of the inhabitants.
The inhabitants of the villages, who constitute the majority of the
Iberians, are quite uncivilized. Even the cities cannot very easily
refine the manners [of their inhabitants], as the neighbouring woods are
full of robbers, waiting only an opportunity to inflict injury on the
citizens.

14. Beyond the Keltiberians to the south are the inhabitants of
Orospeda and the country about the Xucar,[1244] the Sidetani,[1245] [who
extend] as far as Carthage,[1246] and the Bastetani and Oretani, [who
extend] almost as far as Malaca. [1247]

15. All the Iberians, so to speak, were peltastæ, furnished with light
arms for the purposes of robbery, and, as we described the Lusitanians,
using the javelin, the sling, and the sword. They have some cavalry
interspersed amongst the foot-soldiers, the horses are trained to
traverse the mountains, and to sink down on their knees at the word of
command, in case of necessity. Iberia produces abundance of antelopes
and wild horses. In many places the lakes are stocked. They have fowl,
swans, and birds of similar kind, and vast numbers of bustards. Beavers
are found in the rivers, but the castor does not possess the same virtue
as that from the Euxine,[1248] the drug from that place having peculiar
properties of its own, as is the case in many other instances. Thus
Posidonius tells us that the Cyprian copper alone produces the cadmian
stone, copperas-water, and oxide of copper. He likewise informs us of
the singular fact, that in Iberia the crows are not black; and that the
horses of Keltiberia which are spotted, lose that colour when they pass
into Ulterior Iberia. He compares them to the Parthian horses, for
indeed they are superior to all other breeds, both in fleetness and
their ease in speedy travelling.

16. Iberia produces a large quantity of roots used in dyeing. In olives,
vines, figs, and every kind of similar fruit-trees, the Iberian coast
next the Mediterranean abounds, they are likewise plentiful beyond. Of
the coasts next the ocean, that towards the north is destitute of them,
on account of the cold, and the remaining portion generally on account
of the apathy of the men, and because they do not lead a civilized life,
but pass their days in poverty, only acting on the animal [CAS. 164]
impulse, and living most corruptly. They do not attend to ease or
luxury, unless any one considers it can add to the happiness of their
lives to wash themselves and their wives in stale urine kept in tanks,
and to rinse their teeth with it, which they say is the custom both with
the Cantabrians and their neighbours. [1249] This practice, as well as
that of sleeping on the ground, is common both among the Iberians and
Kelts. Some say that the Gallicians are atheists, but that the
Keltiberians, and their neighbours to the north, [sacrifice] to a
nameless god, every full moon, at night, before their doors, the whole
family passing the night in dancing and festival. The Vettones, the
first time they came to a Roman camp, and saw certain of the officers
walking up and down the roads for the mere pleasure of walking, supposed
that they were mad, and offered to show them the way to their tents. For
they thought, when not fighting, one should remain quietly seated at
ease. [1250]

17. What Artemidorus relates concerning the adornment of certain of
their women, must likewise be attributed to their barbarous customs. He
says that they wear iron collars having crows fixed to them which bend
over the head, and fall forward considerably over the forehead. When
they wish they draw their veil over these crows, so as to shade the
whole face: this they consider an ornament. Others wear a
tympanium[1251] surrounding the occiput, and fitting tight to the head
as far as the ears, turning over [and increasing] little by little in
height and breadth. Others again make bald the front of the head, in
order to display the forehead to greater advantage. Some twist their
flowing hair round a small style, a foot high, and afterwards cover it
with a black veil. Of singularities like these many have been observed
and recorded as to all the Iberian nations in common, but particularly
those towards the north, not only concerning their bravery, but likewise
their cruelty and brutal madness. For in the war against the
Cantabrians, mothers have slain their children sooner than suffer them
to be captured; and a young boy, having obtained a sword, slew, at the
command of his father, both his parents and brothers, who had been made
prisoners and were bound, and a woman those who had been taken together
with her. A man being invited by a party of drunken [soldiers] to their
feast, threw himself into a fire. These feelings are common both to the
Keltic, Thracian, and Scythian nations, as well as the valour not only
of their men, but likewise of their women. These till the ground,[1252]
and after parturition, having put their husbands instead of themselves
to bed, they wait upon them. Frequently in their employment they wash
and swathe their infants, sitting down by some stream. Posidonius tells
us that in Liguria, his host Charmoleon, a man who came from Marseilles,
related to him, that having hired some men and women to dig his land,
one of the women was seized with the pains of labour, and going to a
little distance from where they were at work, she brought forth, and
returned immediately to her work, for fear she might lose her pay. He
observed that she was evidently working in considerable pain, but was
not aware of the cause till towards evening, when he ascertained it, and
sent her away, having given her her wages. She then carried her infant
to a small spring, and having washed it, wrapped it up in as good
swaddling clothes as she could get, and made the best of her way home.

18. Another practice, not restricted to the Iberians alone, is for two
to mount on one horse, so that in the event of a conflict, one may be
there to fight on foot. Neither are they the only sufferers in being
tormented with vast swarms of mice, from which pestilential diseases
have frequently ensued. This occurred to the Romans in Cantabria, so
that they caused it to be proclaimed, that whoever would catch the mice
should receive rewards according to the number taken, and [even with
this] they were scarcely preserved, as they were suffering besides from
want of corn and other necessaries, it being difficult to get supplies
of corn from Aquitaine on account of [CAS. 165] the rugged nature of the
country. It is a proof of the ferocity of the Cantabrians, that a number
of them having been taken prisoners and fixed to the cross, they chanted
songs of triumph. Instances such as these are proofs of the ferocity of
their manners. There are others which, although not showing them to be
polished, are certainly not brutish. For example, amongst the
Cantabrians, the men give dowries to their wives, and the daughters are
left heirs, but they procure wives for their brothers. These things
indicate a degree of power in the woman, although they are no proof of
advanced civilization. [1253] It is also a custom with the Iberians to
furnish themselves with a poison, which kills without pain, and which
they procure from a herb resembling parsley. This they hold in readiness
in case of misfortune, and to devote themselves for those whose cause
they have joined, thus dying for their sake. [1254]

19. Some, as I have said, state that this country is separated into
four divisions; others, into five. It is not easy to state any thing
precisely on these points, both on account of the changes which the
places have undergone, and by reason of their obscurity. In well-known
and notable countries both the migrations are known, and the divisions
of the land, and the changes of their names, and every thing else of the
same kind. Such matters being the common topics with everybody, and
especially with the Greeks, who are more talkative than any other
people. But in barbarous and out-of-the-way countries, and such as are
cut up into small divisions, and lie scattered, the remembrance of such
occurrences is not nearly so certain, nor yet so full. If these
countries are far removed from the Greeks [our] ignorance is increased.
For although the Roman historians imitate the Greeks, they fall far
short of them. What they relate is taken from the Greeks, very little
being the result of their own ardour in acquiring information. So that
whenever any thing has been omitted by the former there is not much
supplied by the latter. Add to this, that the names most celebrated are
generally Grecian. Formerly the name of Iberia was given to the whole
country between the Rhone and the isthmus formed by the two Galatic
gulfs; whereas now they make the Pyrenees its boundary, and call it
indifferently Iberia or Hispania; others have restricted Iberia to the
country on this side the Ebro. [1255] Still earlier it bore the name of
the Igletes,[1256] who inhabited but a small district, according to
Asclepiades the Myrlean. The Romans call the whole indifferently Iberia
and Hispania, [CAS. 166] but designate one portion of it Ulterior, and
the other Citerior. However, at different periods they have divided it
differently, according to its political aspect at various times.

20. At the present time some of the provinces having been assigned to
the people and senate of the Romans, and the others to the emperor,
Bætica appertains to the people, and a prætor has been sent into the
country, having under him a quæstor and a lieutenant. Its eastern
boundary has been fixed near to Castlon. [1257] The remainder belongs to
the emperor, who deputes two lieutenants, a prætor, and a consul. The
prætor with a lieutenant administers justice amongst the Lusitanians,
who are situated next Bætica, and extend as far as the outlets of the
river Douro, for at the present time this district is called Lusitania
by the inhabitants. Here is [the city of] Augusta Emerita. [1258] What
remains, which is [indeed] the greater part of Iberia, is governed by
the consul, who has under him a respectable force, consisting of about
three legions, with three lieutenants, one of whom with two legions
guards the whole country north of the Douro, the inhabitants of which
formerly were styled Lusitanians, but are now called Gallicians. The
northern mountains, together with the Asturian and Cantabrian, border on
these. The river Melsus[1259] flows through the country of the
Asturians, and at a little distance is the city of Noïga,[1260] close to
an estuary formed by the ocean, which separates the Asturians from the
Cantabrians. The second lieutenant with the remaining legion governs the
adjoining district as far as the Pyrenees. The third oversees the
midland district, and governs the cities inhabited by the togati, whom
we have before alluded to as inclined to peace, and who have adopted the
refined manners and mode of life of the Italians, together with the
toga. These are the Keltiberians, and those who dwell on either side of
the Ebro, as far as the sea-coast. The consul passes the winter in the
maritime districts, mostly administering justice either in [the city
of] Carthage,[1261] or Tarraco. [1262] During the summer he travels
through the country, observing whatever may need reform. There are also
the procurators of the emperor, men of the equestrian rank, who
distribute the pay to the soldiers for their maintenance.




CHAPTER V.


1. Of the islands which are situated in front of Iberia, two named the
Pityussæ, and two the Gymnasiæ, (also called the Baleares,) are situated
on the sea-coast between Tarraco and [the river] Xucar, on which
Saguntum[1263] is built. The Pityussæ are situated farther in the high
seas and more to the west than the Gymnasiæ. One of the Pityussæ is
called Ebusus,[1264] having a city of the same name. This island is 400
stadia in circumference, and nearly equal in its breadth and length. The
other, [named] Ophiussa, is situated near to this, but is desert, and
much smaller. The larger[1265] of the Gymnasiæ contains two cities,
Palma,[1266] and Polentia;[1267] the latter lying towards the east, the
former towards the west. The length of this island is scarcely less than
600 stadia, its breadth 200; although Artemidorus asserts it is twice
this size both in breadth and length. [1268] The smaller island[1269] is
about [2]70 stadia distant from Polentia; in size it is far surpassed
by the larger island, but in excellence it is by no means inferior, for
both of them are very fertile, and furnished with harbours. At the
mouths of these however there are rocks rising but a little out of the
water, which renders attention necessary in entering them. The fertility
of these places inclines the inhabitants to peace, as also the people of
Ebusus. But certain [CAS. 168] malefactors, though few in number, having
associated with the pirates in those seas, they all got a bad name, and
Metellus, surnamed Balearicus, marched against them. He it was who built
the cities. But owing to the great fertility of the country, these
people have always had enemies plotting against them. Although naturally
disposed to peace, they bear the reputation of being most excellent
slingers, which art they have been proficient in since the time that the
Phœnicians possessed the islands. It is said that these[1270] were the
first who introduced amongst the men [of the Baleares] the custom of
wearing tunics with wide borders. They were accustomed to go into battle
naked, having a shield covered with goat-skin in their hand, and a
javelin hardened by fire at the point, very rarely with an iron tip, and
wearing round the head three slings of black rush,[1271] hair, or sinew.
The long sling they use for hitting at far distances, the short one for
near marks, and the middle one for those between. From childhood they
were so thoroughly practised in the use of slings, that bread was never
distributed to the children till they had won it by the sling. [1272] On
this account Metellus, when he was approaching the islands, spread pelts
over the decks, as a shelter from the slings. He introduced [into the
country] 3000 Roman colonists from Spain.

2. In addition to the fruitfulness of the land, noxious animals are
rarely to be met with. Even the rabbits, they say, were not indigenous,
but that a male and female having been introduced by some one from the
opposite continent, from thence the whole stock sprung, which formerly
was so great a nuisance that even houses and trees were overturned,
[being undermined] by their warrens, and the inhabitants were
compelled, as we have related, to resort for refuge to the Romans.
However, at the present day the facility with which these animals are
taken, prevents them from doing injury, consequently those who possess
land cultivate it with advantage. These [islands] are on this side of
what are called the Pillars of Hercules.

3. Near to them are two small islands, one of which is called the Island
of Juno: some call these the Pillars. Beyond the Pillars is Gades,[1273]
concerning which all that we have hitherto remarked is, that it is
distant from Calpe[1274] about 750 stadia, and is situated near to the
outlet of the Guadalquiver. [1275] Notwithstanding there is much can be
said about it. For its inhabitants equip the greatest number of ships,
and the largest in size, both for our sea,[1276] and the exterior
[ocean], although the island they inhabit is by no means large, nor yet
do they possess much of the mainland, nor are masters of other islands.
They dwell for the most part on the sea, only a few staying at home or
passing their time in Rome. Still, in amount of population, their city
does not seem to be surpassed by any with the exception of Rome. I have
heard that in a census taken within our own times, there were enumerated
five hundred citizens of Gades of the equestrian order, a number
equalled by none of the Italian cities excepting that of the
Patavini. [1277] However, notwithstanding their vast number, its
inhabitants possess an island, in length[1278] not much above 100
stadia, and in some places only one stadium in breadth. Originally the
city in which they dwelt was extremely small, but Balbus[1279] the
Gaditanian, who received the honours of a [CAS. 169] triumph, added
another to it which they call the New Town. These two form the city of
Didyme,[1280] which is not above twenty stadia in circumference. In it,
however, they are not pressed for room, because few live at home, the
majority passing their lives on the sea, some too dwelling on the
opposite continent, and particularly on a little island adjacent on
account of its excellence. They have such a liking for this place as
almost to have made it a rival city to Didyme. However, few in
comparison inhabit either this or the sea-port which Balbus constructed
for them on the opposite continent. Their city is situated in the
western parts of the island. Near to it is the temple of Saturn, which
terminates [Gades to the west], and is opposite the smaller island. The
temple of Hercules is on the other side, to the east, where the island
approaches nearest to the mainland, being only separated therefrom by a
strait of a stadium [in breadth]. [1281] They say that this temple is
twelve miles from the city, thus making the number of miles and the
number of [Hercules’] labours equal: but this is too great, being almost
equal to the length of the island. Now the length of the island runs
from west to east.

4. Pherecydes appears to have given to Gades the name of Erythia, the
locality of the myths concerning Geryon: others suppose it to have been
the island situated near to this city, and separated from it by a strait
of merely one stadium. This they do on account of the excellence of its
pasturage. For the milk of the cattle which feed there does not yield
any whey, and they are obliged to mix it with large quantities of water
when they make cheese on account of its richness. After fifty days the
beasts [pasturing there] would be choked unless they were let blood. The
pasturage of the country is dry, but it fattens wonderfully: and it is
thought that from this the myth concerning the oxen of Geryon took its
rise. The whole sea-shore however is possessed in common. [1282]

5. Concerning the foundation of Gades, the Gaditanians report that a
certain oracle commanded the Tyrians to found a colony by the Pillars of
Hercules. Those who were sent out for the purpose of exploring, when
they had arrived at the strait by Calpe, imagined that the capes which
form the strait were the boundaries of the habitable earth, as well as
of the expedition of Hercules, and consequently they were what the
oracle termed the Pillars. They landed on the inside of the straits, at
a place where the city of the Exitani now stands. Here they offered
sacrifices, which however not being favourable, they returned. After a
time others were sent, who advanced about 1500[1283] stadia beyond the
strait, to an island consecrated to Hercules, and lying opposite to
Onoba, a city of Iberia: considering that here were the Pillars, they
sacrificed to the god, but the sacrifices being again unfavourable, they
returned home. In the third voyage they reached Gades, and founded the
temple in the eastern part of the island, and the city in the west. On
this account some consider that the capes in the strait are the Pillars,
others suppose Gades, while others again believe that they lie still
farther, beyond Gades. There are also some who think that the Pillars
are Calpe,[1284] and the mountain of Libya which is opposite, named
Abilyx,[1285] and situated, according to Eratosthenes, amongst the
Metagonians, a wandering race. Others fancy that they are two small
islands near to the former, one of which is named the Island of Juno.
Artemidorus speaks both of the Island of Juno and the temple there, but
makes no mention either of mount Abilyx, or the nation of the [CAS. 170]
Metagonians. [1286] Some have transported hither the Planctæ and the
Symplegades, supposing them to be the Pillars, which Pindar calls the
Gates of Gades, when he says that they were the farthest limits at which
Hercules arrived. [1287] Dicæarchus, Eratosthenes, and Polybius, with
most of the Grecians, represent the Pillars as being close to the
strait, while the Iberians and Libyans place them at Gades, alleging
that there is nothing at all resembling pillars close by the strait.
Others pretend that they are the pillars of brass eight cubits high in
the temple of Hercules at Gades, on which is inscribed the cost of
erecting that edifice; and that the sailors coming there on the
completion of their voyage and sacrificing to Hercules, rendered the
place so famous that it came to be regarded as the termination of the
land and sea. Posidonius thinks this view the most probable of all, and
looks upon the oracle and the several expeditions as a Phœnician
invention. [1288] As for the expeditions, what matters it whether any one
should vehemently deny or credit the account, as neither the one nor the
other would be inconsistent with reason: but the assertion that neither
the little islands, nor yet the mountains, bear much resemblance to
pillars, and that we should seek for pillars, strictly so called, [set
up] either as the termination of the habitable earth, or of the
expedition of Hercules, has at all events some reason in it; it being an
ancient usage to set up such boundary marks. As for instance the small
column which the inhabitants of Rhegium[1289] erected by the Strait of
Sicily, which is indeed a little tower; and the tower called after
Pelorus, which is situated opposite to this small column; also the
structures called altars[1290] of the Philæni, about midway in the land
between the Syrtes; likewise it is recorded, that a certain pillar was
formerly erected on the Isthmus of Corinth, which the Ionians who took
possession of Attica and Megaris when they were driven out of the
Peloponnesus, and those who settled in the Peloponnesus, set up in
common, and inscribed on the side next Megaris,

“This is no longer Peloponnesus, but Ionia;”

and on the opposite,

“This is Peloponnesus, not Ionia. ”

Alexander too erected altars as boundaries of his Indian campaign in
those parts of the Indies he arrived at, which were situated farthest
towards the east, in imitation of Hercules and Bacchus. [1291] That this
custom existed, then, cannot be doubted.

6. It is probable that the places themselves took the same name [as the
monuments], especially after time had destroyed the boundary marks which
had been placed there. For instance, at the present day the altars of
the Philæni no longer exist, but the place itself bears that
designation. Similarly they say that in India neither the pillars of
Hercules or Bacchus are to be seen, nevertheless certain localities
being described and pointed out to the Macedonians, they believed that
those places were the pillars in which they discovered any trace either
of the adventures of Bacchus or Hercules. In the instance before us, it
is not improbable that they who first [visited these regions], set up
boundary marks fashioned by the hand of man, such as altars, towers, and
pillars, in the most remarkable situations, to indicate the farthest
distance they had reached, (and straits, the surrounding mountains, and
little islands, are indubitably the most remarkable situations for
pointing out the termination or commencement of places,) and that after
these human monuments had decayed, their names descended to the places
[where they had stood]; whether that were the little islands or the
capes forming the strait. This latter point it would not be easy now to
determine; the name would suit either place, as they both bear some
resemblance to pillars; I say bear some resemblance, because they are
placed in such situations as might well indicate boundaries. Now this
strait is styled a mouth, as well as many others, but the mouth is at
the beginning to those sailing into the strait, and to those who are
quitting it at the end. The little islands at the mouth having a contour
easy to describe, and being remarkable, one might not improperly compare
to pillars. In like manner the mountains overlooking the strait are
prominent, [CAS. 172] resembling columns or pillars. So too Pindar might
very justly have said, “The Gaditanian Gates,” if he had in mind the
pillars at the mouth; for these mouths are very similar to gates. On the
other hand, Gades is not in a position to indicate an extremity, but is
situated about the middle of a long coast forming a kind of gulf. The
supposition that the pillars of the temple of Hercules in Gades are
intended, appears to me still less probable. It seems most likely that
the name was originally conferred not by merchants, but generals, its
celebrity afterwards became universal, as was the case with the Indian
pillars. Besides, the inscription recorded refutes this idea, since it
contains no religious dedication, but a mere list of expenses; whereas
the pillars of Hercules should have been a record of the hero’s
wonderful deeds, not of Phœnician expenditure.

7. Polybius relates that there is a spring within the temple of Hercules
at Gades, having a descent of a few steps to fresh water, which is
affected in a manner the reverse of the sea-tides, subsiding at the flow
of the tide, and springing at the ebb. He assigns as the cause of this
phenomenon, that air rises from the interior to the surface of the
earth; when this surface is covered by the waves, at the rising of the
sea, the air is deprived of its ordinary vents, and returns to the
interior, stopping up the passages of the spring, and causing a want of
water, but when the surface is again laid bare, the air having a direct
exit liberates the channels which feed the spring, so that it gushes
freely. Artemidorus rejects this explanation, and substitutes one of his
own, recording at the same time the opinion of the historian Silanus;
but neither one or other of their views seems to me worth relating,
since both he and Silanus were ignorant in regard to these matters.
Posidonius asserts that the entire account is false, and adds that there
are two wells in the temple of Hercules, and a third in the city. That
the smaller of the two in the temple of Hercules, if drawn from
frequently, will become for a time exhausted, but that on ceasing to
draw from it, it fills again: while in regard to the larger, it may be
drawn from during the whole day; that it is true it becomes lower, like
all other wells, but that it fills again during the night when drawing
ceases. [He adds] that the ebb tide frequently happening to occur during
the period of its re-filling, gave rise to the groundless belief of the
inhabitants as to its being affected in an opposite manner [to the tides
of the ocean]. However it is not only related by him that it is a
commonly believed fact, but we have received it from tradition as much
referred to amongst paradoxes. [1292] We have likewise heard that there
are wells both within the city and also in the gardens without, but that
on account of the inferiority of this water, tanks are generally
constructed throughout the city for the supply of water: whether
likewise any of these reservoirs give any signs of being affected in an
opposite manner to the tides, we know not. If such be the case, the
causes thereof should be received as amongst phenomena hard to be
explained. It is likely that Polybius may have assigned the proper
reason; but it is also likely that certain of the channels of the
springs being damped outside become relaxed, and so let the water run
out into the surrounding land, instead of forcing it along its ancient
passage to the spring; and there will of course be moisture when the
tide overflows. [1293] But if, as Athenodorus asserts, the ebb and flow
resemble the inspiration and expiration of the breath, it is possible
that some of the currents of water which naturally have an efflux on to
the surface of the earth, through various channels, the mouths of which
we denominate springs and fountains, are by other channels drawn towards
the depths of the sea, and raise it, so as to produce a flood-tide; when
the expiration is sufficient, they leave off the course in which they
are then flowing, and again revert to their former direction, when that
again takes a change. [1294]

8. I cannot tell how it is that Posidonius, who describes the Phœnicians
as sagacious in other things, should here attribute [CAS. 173] to them
folly rather than shrewdness. The sun completes his revolution in the
space of a day and night, being a portion of the time beneath the earth,
and a portion of the time shining upon it. Now he asserts that the
motion of the sea corresponds with the revolution of the heavenly
bodies, and experiences a diurnal, monthly, and annual change, in strict
accordance with the changes of the moon. For [he continues] when the
moon is elevated one sign of the zodiac[1295] above the horizon, the sea
begins sensibly to swell and cover the shores, until she has attained
her meridian; but when that satellite begins to decline, the sea again
retires by degrees, until the moon wants merely one sign of the zodiac
from setting; it then remains stationary until the moon has set, and
also descended one sign of the zodiac below the horizon, when it again
rises until she has attained her meridian below the earth; it then
retires again until the moon is within one sign of the zodiac of her
rising above the horizon, when it remains stationary until the moon has
risen one sign of the zodiac above the earth, and then begins to rise as
before.
Such he describes to be the diurnal revolution. In respect to
the monthly revolution, [he says] that the spring-tides occur at the
time of the new moon, when they decrease until the first quarter; they
then increase until full moon, when they again decrease until the last
quarter, after which they increase till the new moon; [he adds] that
these increases ought to be understood both of their duration and speed.
In regard to the annual revolution, he says that he learned from the
statements of the Gaditanians, that both the ebb and flow tides were at
their extremes at the summer solstice: and that hence he conjectured
that they decreased until the [autumnal] equinox; then increased till
the winter solstice; then decreased again until the vernal equinox; and
[finally] increased until the summer solstice. But since these
revolutions occur twice in the four-and-twenty hours, the sea rising
twice and receding twice, and that regularly every day and night, how is
it that the filling and failing of the well do not frequently occur
during the ebb and flow of the tide? or if it be allowed that this does
often occur, why does it not do so in the same proportion? and if it
does so in the same proportion, how comes it that the Gaditanians are
not competent to observe what is of daily occurrence, while they are
nevertheless competent to the observing of revolutions which occur but
once in the year. That Posidonius himself credited these reports is
evident from his own conjecture respecting the decrease and increase [of
the sea] from solstice to solstice. However, it is not likely, being an
observant people, that they should be ignorant of what actually
occurred, whilst giving credit to imaginary phenomena.

9. Posidonius tells us that Seleucus, a native of the country next the
Erythræan Sea,[1296] states that the regularity and irregularity of the
ebb and flow of the sea follow the different positions of the moon in
the zodiac; that when she is in the equinoctial signs the tides are
regular, but that when she is in the signs next the tropics, the tides
are irregular both in their height and force; and that for the remaining
signs the irregularity is greater or less, according as they are more or
less removed from the signs before mentioned. Posidonius adds, that
during the summer solstice and whilst the moon was full, he himself
passed many days in the temple of Hercules at Gades, but could not
observe any thing of these annual irregularities. However, about the new
moon of the same month he observed at Ilipa[1297] a great change in the
reflux of the water of the Guadalquiver, as compared with previous
flood-tides, in which the water did not rise half as high as the banks,
and that then the water poured in so copiously, that the soldiers there
dipped their supply without difficulty, although Ilipa is about 700
stadia from the sea. He says, that the plains next the sea were covered
by the tides to a distance of 30[1298] stadia, and to such a depth as to
form islands, while the basement of the temple in the enclosure
dedicated to Hercules, and the top of the mole in front of the harbour
of Gades, were not covered higher than 10 cubits, as observed by actual
soundings; but if any one should add the double of that for the
occasional risings of the tide which occur, [neither] thus would he be
able to estimate the violence with which the full force of the high tide
rushes over the plains. Posidonius informs us that this violence [of the
tide] is common to all the coasts of Spain on the Atlantic,[1299] but
what he [CAS. 175] relates concerning the Ebro is unusual and peculiar
to itself, for he says that it sometimes overflows after continued north
winds, although there may have been neither rains nor snows. The cause
of this [he supposes] to be the lake through which the Ebro flows, its
waters being driven by the winds into the current of the river. [1300]

10. The same writer mentions a tree at Gades, which had boughs reaching
to the ground; its sword-shaped leaves often measuring a cubit long, and
four fingers broad. Also that about Carthagena there was a tree whose
thorns produced a bark from which most beautiful stuffs were woven. As
for the tree [he saw] at Gades, we ourselves have observed a similar in
Egypt, so far as the inclination of the boughs is concerned, but with a
differently shaped leaf, and producing no fruit, which according to him
the other did. In Cappadocia there are stuffs made from thorns, but it
is not a tree which produces the thorn from which the bark is taken, but
a low plant; he also tells us of a tree at Gades, from which if a branch
be broken off a milk will flow, and if the root be cut a red fluid runs.
Thus much for Gades.

11. The Cassiterides are ten in number, and lie near each other in the
ocean towards the north from the haven of the Artabri. One of them is
desert, but the others are inhabited by men in black cloaks, clad in
tunics reaching to the feet, girt about the breast, and walking with
staves, thus resembling the Furies we see in tragic
representations. [1301] They subsist by their cattle, leading for the
most part a wandering life. Of the metals they have tin and lead; which
with skins they barter with the merchants for earthenware, salt, and
brazen vessels. Formerly the Phœnicians alone carried on this traffic
from Gades, concealing the passage from every one; and when the Romans
followed a certain ship-master, that they also might find the market,
the ship-master of jealousy purposely ran his vessel upon a shoal,
leading on those who followed him into the same destructive disaster; he
himself escaped by means of a fragment of the ship, and received from
the state the value of the cargo he had lost. The Romans nevertheless by
frequent efforts discovered the passage, and as soon as Publius Crassus,
passing over to them, perceived that the metals were dug out at a little
depth, and that the men were peaceably disposed, he declared it to those
who already wished to traffic in this sea for profit, although the
passage was longer than that to Britain. [1302] Thus far concerning
Iberia and the adjacent islands.




BOOK IV.

GAUL.

SUMMARY.


The Fourth Book contains a description of the regions about Gaul, Spain,
and the Alps on this side, towards Italy. Likewise of Britain, and of
certain islands in the ocean which are habitable, together with the
country of the barbarians, and the nations dwelling beyond the Danube.




CHAPTER I.


1. Next in order [after Iberia] comes Keltica beyond the Alps,[1303] the
configuration and size of which has been already mentioned in a general
manner; we are now to describe it more particularly. Some divide it into
the three nations of the Aquitani, Belgæ, and Keltæ. [1304] Of these the
Aquitani differ completely from the other nations, not only in their
language but in their figure, which resembles more that of the Iberians
than the Galatæ. The others are Galatæ in countenance, although they do
not all speak the same language, but some make a slight difference in
their speech; neither is their polity and mode of life exactly the same.
These writers give the name of Aquitani and Keltæ to the dwellers near
the Pyrenees, which are bounded by the Cevennes. For it has been stated
that this Keltica is bounded on the west by the mountains of the
Pyrenees, which extend to either sea, both the Mediterranean and the
ocean; on the east by the Rhine, which is parallel to the Pyrenees; on
the north by the ocean, from the northern extremities of the Pyrenees to
the mouths of the Rhine; on the south by the sea of Marseilles, and
Narbonne, and by the Alps from Liguria to the sources of the Rhine. The
Cevennes lie at right angles to the Pyrenees, and traverse the plains
for about 2000 stadia, terminating in the middle near Lugdunum. [1305]
They call those people Aquitani who inhabit the northern portions of the
Pyrenees, and the Cevennes extending as far as the ocean, and bounded by
the river Garonne; and Keltæ, those who dwell on the other side of the
Garonne, towards the sea of Marseilles and Narbonne, and touching a
portion of the Alpine chain. This is the division adopted by divus Cæsar
in his Commentaries. [1306] But Augustus Cæsar, when dividing the country
into four parts, united the Keltæ to the Narbonnaise; the Aquitani he
preserved the same as Julius Cæsar, but added thereto fourteen other
nations of those who dwelt between the Garonne and the river
Loire,[1307] and dividing the rest into two parts, the one extending to
the upper districts of the Rhine he made dependent upon Lugdunum, the
other [he assigned] [CAS. 177] to the Belgæ. However, it is the duty of
the Geographer to describe the physical divisions of each country, and
those which result from diversity of nations, when they seem worthy of
notice; as to the limits which princes, induced by a policy which
circumstances dictate, have variously imposed, it will be sufficient for
him to notice them summarily, leaving others to furnish particular
details.

2. The whole of this country is irrigated by rivers descending from the
Alps, the Cevennes, and the Pyrenees, some of which discharge themselves
into the ocean, others into the Mediterranean. The districts through
which they flow are mostly plains interspersed with hills, and having
navigable streams. The course of these rivers is so happily disposed in
relation to each other, that you may traffic from one sea to the
other,[1308] carrying the merchandise only a small distance, and that
easily, across the plains; but for the most part by the rivers,
ascending some, and descending others. The Rhone is pre-eminent in this
respect, both because it communicates with many other rivers, and also
because it flows into the Mediterranean, which, as we have said, is
superior to the ocean,[1309] and likewise passes through the richest
provinces of Gaul. The whole of the Narbonnaise produces the same fruits
as Italy. As we advance towards the north, and the mountains of the
Cevennes, the plantations of the olive and fig disappear, but the others
remain. Likewise the vine, as you proceed northward, does not easily
mature its fruit. The entire of the remaining country produces in
abundance corn, millet, acorns, and mast of all kinds. No part of it
lies waste except that which is taken up in marshes and woods, and even
this is inhabited. The cause of this, however, is rather a dense
population than the industry of the inhabitants. For the women there are
both very prolific and excellent nurses, while the men devote themselves
rather to war than husbandry. However, their arms being now laid aside,
they are compelled to engage in agriculture. These remarks apply
generally to the whole of Transalpine Keltica. We must now describe
particularly each of the four divisions, which hitherto we have only
mentioned in a summary manner. And, first, of the Narbonnaise.

3. The configuration of this country resembles a parallelogram, the
western side of which is traced by the Pyrenees, the north by the
Cevennes; as for the other two sides, the south is bounded by the sea
between the Pyrenees and Marseilles, and the east partly by the
Alps,[1310] and partly by a line drawn perpendicularly from these
mountains to the foot of the Cevennes, which extend towards the Rhone,
and form a right angle with the aforesaid perpendicular drawn from the
Alps. To the southern side of this parallelogram we must add the
sea-coast inhabited by the Massilienses[1311] and Salyes,[1312] as far
as the country of the Ligurians, the confines of Italy, and the river
Var. This river, as we have said before,[1313] is the boundary of the
Narbonnaise and Italy. It is but small in summer, but in winter swells
to a breadth of seven stadia. From thence the coast extends to the
temple of the Pyrenæan Venus,[1314] which is the boundary between this
province and Iberia. Some, however, assert that the spot where the
Trophies of Pompey stand is the boundary between Iberia and Keltica.
From thence to Narbonne is 63 miles; from Narbonne to Nemausus,[1315]
88; from Nemausus through Ugernum[1316] and Tarusco, to the hot waters
called Sextiæ[1317] near Marseilles, 53;[1318] from thence to Antipolis
and the river Var, 73; making in the total 277 miles. Some set down the
distance from the temple of Venus to the Var at 2600 stadia; while
others increase this number by 200 stadia; for there are different
opinions as to these distances. As for the other road, which traverses
the [countries of the] [CAS. 179] Vocontii[1319] and Cottius,[1320] from
Nemausus[1321] to Ugernum and Tarusco, the route is common; from thence
[it branches off in two directions], one through Druentia and
Caballio,[1322] to the frontiers of the Vocontii and the commencement of
the ascent of the Alps, which is 63 miles; the other is reckoned at 99
miles from the same point to the other extremity of the Vocontii,
bordering on the state of Cottius, as far as the village of
Ebrodunum. [1323] The distance is said to be the same by the route
through the village of Brigantium,[1324] Scingomagus,[1325] and the
passage of the Alps to Ocelum,[1326] which is the limit of the country
of Cottius. However, it is considered to be Italy from Scingomagus. And
Ocelum is 28 miles beyond this.

4. Marseilles, founded by the Phocæans,[1327] is built in a stony
region. Its harbour lies beneath a rock, which is shaped like a theatre,
and looks towards the south. It is well surrounded with walls, as well
as the whole city, which is of considerable size. Within the citadel are
placed the Ephesium and the temple of the Delphian Apollo. This latter
temple is common to all the Ionians; the Ephesium is the temple
consecrated to Diana of Ephesus. They say that when the Phocæans were
about to quit their country, an oracle commanded them to take from Diana
of Ephesus a conductor for their voyage. On arriving at Ephesus they
therefore inquired how they might be able to obtain from the goddess
what was enjoined them. The goddess appeared in a dream to Aristarcha,
one of the most honourable women of the city, and commanded her to
accompany the Phocæans, and to take with her a plan of the temple and
statues. [1328] These things being performed, and the colony being
settled, the Phocæans built a temple, and evinced their great respect
for Aristarcha by making her priestess. All the colonies [sent out from
Marseilles] hold this goddess in peculiar reverence, preserving both the
shape of the image [of the goddess], and also every rite observed in the
metropolis.

5. The Massilians live under a well-regulated aristocracy. They have a
council composed of 600 persons called timuchi,[1329] who enjoy this
dignity for life. Fifteen of these preside over the council, and have
the management of current affairs; these fifteen are in their turn
presided over by three of their number, in whom rests the principal
authority; and these again by one. No one can become a timuchus who has
not children, and who has not been a citizen for three
generations. [1330] Their laws, which are the same as those of the
Ionians, they expound in public. Their country abounds in olives and
vines, but on account of its ruggedness the wheat is poor. Consequently
they trust more to the resources of the sea than of the land, and avail
themselves in preference of their excellent position for commerce.
Nevertheless they have been enabled by the power of perseverance to take
in some of the surrounding plains, and also to found cities: of this
number are the cities they founded in Iberia as a rampart against the
Iberians, in which they introduced the worship of Diana of Ephesus, as
practised in their fatherland, with the Grecian mode of sacrifice. In
this number too are Rhoa[1331] [and] Agatha,[1332] [built for defence]
against the barbarians dwelling around the river Rhone; also
Tauroentium,[1333] Olbia,[1334] Antipolis[1335] and Nicæa,[1336] [built
as a rampart] against the nation of the Salyes and the Ligurians who
inhabit the Alps. They[1337] possess likewise dry docks and armouries.
Formerly they had an abundance of vessels, arms, and machines, both for
the purposes of navigation and for besieging towns; by means of which
they defended themselves against the barbarians, [CAS. 180] and likewise
obtained the alliance of the Romans, to whom they rendered many
important services; the Romans in their turn assisting in their
aggrandizement. Sextius, who defeated the Salyes, founded, not far from
Marseilles, a city[1338] which was named after him and the hot waters,
some of which they say have lost their heat. [1339] Here he established a
Roman garrison, and drove from the sea-coast which leads from Marseilles
to Italy the barbarians, whom the Massilians were not able to keep back
entirely. However, all he accomplished by this was to compel the
barbarians to keep at a distance of twelve stadia from those parts of
the coast which possessed good harbours, and at a distance of eight
stadia where it was rugged. The land which they thus abandoned, he
presented to the Massilians. In their city are laid up heaps of booty
taken in naval engagements against those who disputed the sea unjustly.
Formerly they enjoyed singular good fortune, as well in other matters as
also in their amity with the Romans. Of this [amity] we find numerous
signs, amongst others the statue of Diana which the Romans dedicated on
the Aventine mount, of the same figure as that of the Massilians. Their
prosperity has in a great measure decayed since the war of Pompey
against Cæsar, in which they sided with the vanquished party.
Nevertheless some traces of their ancient industry may still be seen
amongst the inhabitants, especially the making of engines of war and
ship-building. Still as the surrounding barbarians, now that they are
under the dominion of the Romans, become daily more civilized, and leave
the occupation of war for the business of towns and agriculture, there
is no longer the same attention paid by the inhabitants of Marseilles to
these objects. The aspect of the city at the present day is a proof of
this. For all those who profess to be men of taste, turn to the study of
elocution and philosophy. Thus this city for some little time back has
become a school for the barbarians, and has communicated to the Galatæ
such a taste for Greek literature, that they even draw contracts on the
Grecian model. While at the present day it so entices the noblest of the
Romans, that those desirous of studying resort thither in preference to
Athens. These the Galatæ observing, and being at leisure on account of
the peace, readily devote themselves to similar pursuits, and that not
merely individuals, but the public generally; professors of the arts and
sciences, and likewise of medicine, being employed not only by private
persons, but by towns for common instruction. Of the wisdom of the
Massilians and the simplicity of their life, the following will not be
thought an insignificant proof. The largest dowry amongst them consists
of one hundred gold pieces, with five for dress, and five more for
golden ornaments. More than this is not lawful. Cæsar and his successors
treated with moderation the offences of which they were guilty during
the war, in consideration of their former friendship; and have preserved
to the state the right of governing according to its ancient laws. So
that neither Marseilles nor the cities dependent on it are under
submission to the governors sent [into the Narbonnaise]. So much for
Marseilles.

6. The mountains of the Salyes incline gently from west to north in
proportion as they retire from the sea. The coast runs west, and
extending a short distance, about 100 stadia, from Marseilles, it begins
to assume the character of a gulf at a considerable promontory near to
certain stone quarries, and extending to the Aphrodisium, the headland
which terminates the Pyrenees,[1340] forms the Galatic Gulf,[1341] which
is also called the Gulf of Marseilles: it is double, for in its circuit
Mount Setium[1342] stands out together with the island of Blascon,[1343]
which is situated close to it, and separates the two gulfs. The larger
of these is properly designated the Galatic Gulf, into which the Rhone
discharges itself; the smaller is on the coast of Narbonne, and extends
as far as the Pyrenees. Narbonne is situated above the [CAS. 181]
outlets of the Aude[1344] and the lake of Narbonne. [1345] It is the
principal commercial city on this coast. On the Rhone is Arelate,[1346]
a city and emporium of considerable traffic. The distance between these
two cities is nearly equal to that which separates them from the
aforesaid promontories, namely, Narbonne from the Aphrodisium, and
Arelate from the cape of Marseilles. There are other rivers besides
which flow on either side of Narbonne, some from the Cevennes, others
from the Pyrenees. Along these rivers are situated cities having but
little commerce, and that in small vessels. The rivers which proceed
from the Pyrenees, are the Tet[1347] and the Tech;[1348] two
cities[1349] are built on them, which bear respectively the same name as
the rivers. There is a lake near to Ruscino,[1350] and a little above
the sea a marshy district full of salt-springs, which supplies “dug
mullets,” for whoever digs two or three feet and plunges a trident into
the muddy water, will be sure to take the fish, which are worthy of
consideration on account of their size; they are nourished in the mud
like eels. Such are the rivers which flow from the Pyrenees between
Narbonne and the promontory on which is built the temple of Venus. On
the other side of Narbonne the following rivers descend from the
Cevennes into the sea. The Aude,[1351] the Orbe,[1352] and the
Rauraris. [1353] On one of these[1354] is situated the strong city of
Bætera,[1355] near to Narbonne; on the other Agatha,[1356] founded by
the people of Marseilles.

7. Of one marvel of this sea-coast, namely the “dug mullets,” we have
already spoken; we will now mention another, even more surprising.
Between Marseilles and the outlets of the Rhone there is a circular
plain, about 100 stadia distant from the sea, and about 100 stadia in
diameter. It has received the name of the Stony Plain, from the
circumstance of its being covered with stones the size of the fist, from
beneath which an abundant herbage springs up for the pasturage of
cattle. In the midst of it are water, salt-springs, and salt. The whole
both of this district and that above it is exposed to the wind, but in
this plain the black north,[1357] a violent and horrible wind, rages
especially: for they say that sometimes the stones are swept and rolled
along, and men hurled from their carriages and stripped both of their
arms and garments by the force of the tempest. Aristotle tells us that
these stones being cast up by the earthquakes designated
_brastai_,[1358] and falling on the surface of the earth, roll into the
hollow places of the districts; but Posidonius, that the place was
formerly a lake, which being congealed during a violent agitation,
became divided into numerous stones, like river pebbles or the stones by
the sea-shore, which they resemble both as to smoothness, size, and
appearance. Such are the causes assigned by these two [writers];
however, neither of their opinions is credible,[1359] for these stones
could neither have thus accumulated of themselves, nor yet have been
formed by congealed moisture, but necessarily from the fragments of
large stones shattered by frequent convulsions. Æschylus having,
however, learnt of the difficulty of accounting for it, or having been
so informed by another, has explained it away as a myth. He makes
Prometheus utter the following, whilst directing Hercules the road from
the Caucasus to the Hesperides:

“There you will come to the undaunted army of the Ligurians,
where, resistless though you be, sure am I you will not worst
them in battle; for it is fated that there your darts shall fail
you; nor will you be able to take up a stone from the ground,
since the country consists of soft mould; but Jupiter, beholding
your distress, will compassionate you, and overshadowing the
earth with a cloud, he will cause it to hail round stones, which
you hurling against the Ligurian army, will soon put them to
flight! ”[1360]

Posidonius asks, would it not have been better to have rained [CAS. 183]
down these stones upon the Ligurians themselves, and thus have destroyed
them all, than to make Hercules in need of so many stones? As for the
number, they were necessary against so vast a multitude; so that in this
respect the writer of the myth seems to me deserving of more credit than
he who would refute it. Further, the poet, in describing it as fated,
secures himself against such fault-finding. For if you dispute
Providence and Destiny, you can find many similar things both in human
affairs and nature, that you would suppose might be much better
performed in this or that way; as for instance, that Egypt should have
plenty of rain of its own, without being irrigated from the land of
Ethiopia. That it would have been much better if Paris had suffered
shipwreck on his voyage to Sparta, instead of expiating his offences
after having carried off Helen, and having been the cause of so great
destruction both amongst the Greeks and Barbarians. Euripides attributes
this to Jupiter:

“Father Jupiter, willing evil to the Trojans and suffering to the
Greeks, decreed such things. ”

8. As to the mouths of the Rhone, Polybius asserts that there are but
two, and blames Timæus[1361] for saying five. Artemidorus says that
there are three. Afterwards Marius, observing that the mouth was
becoming stopped up and difficult of entrance on account of the deposits
of mud, caused a new channel to be dug, which received the greater part
of the river into it. [1362] This he gave to the people of Marseilles in
recompense for their services in the war against the Ambrones and
Toygeni. [1363] This canal became to them a source of much revenue, as
they levied a toll from all those who sailed up or down it:
notwithstanding, the entrance [to the river] still continues difficult
to navigate, on account of its great impetuosity, its deposits, and the
[general] flatness of the country, so that in foul weather you cannot
clearly discern the land even when quite close. On this account the
people of Marseilles, who wished by all means to inhabit the country,
set up towers as beacons; they have even erected a temple to Diana of
Ephesus on a piece of the land, which the mouths of the rivers have
formed into an island. Above the outlets of the Rhone is a salt-lake
which they call Stomalimnè. [1364] It abounds in shell and other fish.
There are some who enumerate this amongst the mouths of the Rhone,
especially those who say that it has seven[1365] mouths. But in this
they are quite mistaken; for there is a mountain between, which
separates the lake from the river. Such then is the disposition and
extent of the coast from the Pyrenees to Marseilles.

9. The [coast] which extends from this [last city] to the river Var, and
the Ligurians who dwell near it, contains the Massilian cities of
Tauroentium,[1366] Olbia,[1367] Antipolis,[1368] Nicæa,[1369] and the
sea-port of Augustus Cæsar, called Forum Julium,[1370] which is situated
between Olbia and Antipolis, and distant from Marseilles about 600
stadia. The Var is between Antipolis and Nicæa; distant from the one
about 20 stadia, from the other about 60; so that according to the
boundary now marked Nicæa belongs to Italy, although it is a city of the
people of Marseilles, for they built these cities [as a defence] against
the barbarians who dwelt higher up the country, in order to maintain the
sea free, as the barbarians possessed the land. For this [region] is
mountainous and fortified by nature, leaving however a considerable
extent of plain country near Marseilles; but as you proceed towards the
east the country is so hemmed in by the mountains, as scarcely to leave
a sufficient road for passage by the sea-shore. The former districts are
inhabited by the Salyes,[1371] the latter by the Ligurians, who border
on Italy, of whom we shall speak afterwards. It should here be
mentioned, that although Antipolis is situated in the Narbonnaise, and
Nicæa in Italy, this latter is dependent on Marseilles, and forms part
of that province; while [CAS. 184] Antipolis is ranked amongst the
Italian cities, and freed from the government of the Marseillese by a
judgment given against them.

10. Lying off this narrow pass along the coast, as you commence your
journey from Marseilles, are the Stœchades islands. [1372] Three of these
are considerable, and two small. They are cultivated by the people of
Marseilles. Anciently they contained a garrison, placed here to defend
them from the attacks of pirates, for they have good ports. After the
Stœchades come [the islands of] Planasia[1373] and Lero,[1374] both of
them inhabited. In Lero, which lies opposite to Antipolis, is a temple
erected to the hero Lero. There are other small islands not worth
mentioning, some of them before Marseilles, others before the rest of
the coast which I have been describing. As to the harbours, those of the
sea-port [of Forum-Julium][1375] and Marseilles are considerable, the
others are but middling. Of this latter class is the port Oxybius,[1376]
so named from the Oxybian Ligurians. —This concludes what we have to say
of this coast.

11. The country above this is bounded principally by the surrounding
mountains and rivers. Of these the Rhone is the most remarkable, being
both the largest, and capable of being navigated farther than any of the
others, and also receiving into it a greater number of tributaries; of
these we must speak in order. Commencing at Marseilles, and proceeding
to the country between the Alps and the Rhone, to the river Durance,
dwell the Salyes for a space of 500 stadia. From thence you proceed in a
ferry-boat to the city of Caballio;[1377] beyond this the whole country
belongs to the Cavari as far as the junction of the Isère with the
Rhone; it is here too that the Cevennes approach the Rhone. From the
Durance to this point is a distance of 700 stadia. [1378] The Salyes
occupy the plains and mountains above these. The Vocontii, Tricorii,
Iconii, and Medylli, lie above the Cavari. [1379] Between the Durance and
the Isère there are other rivers which flow from the Alps into the
Rhone; two of these, after having flowed round the city of the Cavari,
discharge themselves by a common outlet into the Rhone. The
Sulgas,[1380] which is the third, mixes with the Rhone near the city of
Vindalum,[1381] where Cnæus Ænobarbus in a decisive engagement routed
many myriads of the Kelts. Between these are the cities of Avenio,[1382]
Arausio,[1383] and Aëria,[1384] which latter, remarks Artemidorus, is
rightly named aërial, being situated in a very lofty position. The whole
of this country consists of plains abounding in pasturage, excepting on
the route from Aëria to Avenio, where there are narrow defiles and woods
to traverse. It was at the point where the river Isère and the Rhone
unite near the Cevennes, that Quintus Fabius Maximus Æmilianus,[1385]
with scarcely 30,000 men, cut to pieces 200,000 Kelts.