references, I have kept the
annotation
as given by de La Vallee Poussin.
Abhidharmakosabhasyam-Vol-1-Vasubandhu-Poussin-Pruden-1991
Primary and Secondary Characteristics 239 2.
Arising 247
M. Words,Phrases,andandPhonemes 250 1. Voice 251
? N. Other Dharmas not Associated with the Mind 254
V. The Six Causes 254
A. General Comments 255
B. Reason for Existence 255
C Coexistent Cause 257
Discussion: The Sautrantikas Criticize the
Doctrine of Coexistent Causes 260
D. Similar Casuses 262 1. Definition 262 2. Objections 264 3. Similar Causes and the Path 267
E. Causes through Association 272
F. Universal Causes 273
G. Retributive Causes 274 1. Definition 275
2. Skandhas as Results 275
3. AyatanasasResults 276
H. The Time Periods 277
I. Causes and their Results 278 Discussion: Disconnection 280 Discussion: Are Unconditional Things Real Entities? 280 Discussion: Is Extinction or Nirvana Real? 281
J. The Five Results 286 1. Their Characteristics 288 2. The Time Periods 291
K. A Different List of Results 295
L. How Many Causes produce the Different Dharmas} 295
VI. The Four Conditions 296 A. General Comments 296 B. Equal and Immediately Antecedent Conditions 297 C Objects as Conditions 302 D. Predominating Conditions 303 E. The Time Periods 304 F. How Many Conditions Cause the Different Dharmas? 305
? Footnotes
326
Discussion: The Impossibility of a Single Cause 306
G. The Relationship between the Primary Elements
and Derived Matter 308
H. The Arising of Mind and Mental States 310 1. The Twelve Minds and the Three Dhatus 310 2. The Twenty Minds and the Three Dhatus 314 3. Acts of Attention 323
I. The Number of Mental States Acquired in
the Twelve Minds 323
? A Brief Biography of Louis de La Vallee Poussin
X-rfOuis de La Vallee Poussin, born in Li? ge on the 1st of January, 1869, was of French origin through his father's side of the family. His grandfather, Etienne- Pierre-Re'my de La Vallee Poussin, took part in the last Napoleonic campaigns and in 1832 was one of a group of French officers charged, under the direction of Marshall Girard, with the organization of the Belgian army at the request of King Leopold I. He married Marie-Therese de Cauwer in Namur, with whom he had four sons. The second, Gustave, was born in La Rochelle in 1829 and died in Paris in 1910; he married Pauline de Monge de Franeau, who was born in Liege in 1845. The eldest of the four children born of this marriage was Louis de La Vallee Poussin.
Orphaned from his mother at the age of 7, Louis, as well as his two brothers and his sister, were raised in Liege by his maternal grandparents. He was an outstanding student at the College Saint-Servain, in Liege, and in 1884 he entered the University of Liege where, four years later, he received the docteur en philosophie et lettres. His reading of Charles Lyall's Asiatic Studies awakened in him a desire to pursue Oriental studies, and it was at Louvain, under the direction of Charles de Harlez and Philippe Colinet, that he learned the elements of Sanskrit, Pali, and Avestan. He then went to Paris where he enrolled, from 1890 to 1893, at the Sorbonne and in the courses of Sylvain Levi at the Ecole pratique des Hautes-Etudes.
In 1892 he published a timid essay, a translation of Buddhist tales, in collaboration with Godefroy de Blonay. But as early as this same year there appeared in Museon an academic study, Le Bodhicaryavatdra de fantideva, a first indication of his tendency to research "the Saint and Sanctity in Buddhism" which marks all of his work; a first stage in this enormous task of investigating this theme pursued throughout the various Buddhist schools and the canons of scriptures.
In 1893-1894, he studied Buddhist Sanskrit and Sanskrit poetical meter "at the feet" of the great Orientalist H. Kern.
At the beginning of his activities as a Sanskrist, Louis de La Vallee Poussin was attracted by the curious and still unexplored doctrines of Tantrism. His Note sur le Pancakrama (1894) as well as his edition of this text (1896), "an authoritative summary of the nihilistic doctrines of Nagarjuna" and Une pratique des Tantras (1897) prepared the way for his first great work which is already the work of a master: Bouddhisme, Etudes et Materiaux, published by the Royal Academy of
? xvi A Brief Biography of Louis de La Vallee Poussin
Belgium (1898). This is a capital work which studies, with the method of an accomplished scholar, the relationship between Indian asceticism and the left- handed rituals. In spite of the tact and finesse with which he treated this topic, the subject let loose the righteous indignation of the great Rapson who, in a long review article, protested with severity against this exposure of "the Tantric infection". This English scholar, imbued with the theories current in his period-- theories which have not yet completely disappeared--would consider that Buddhism is only a pure philosophic system, whose only true literature are the words of the Buddha, and he openly manifested his dislike for such a subject of study as Tantrism. His criticism must have been cruelly felt by the young scholar since he did not hesitate to justify himself publically. He showed in fact, in his Tantras, that for Rapson Buddhism is only the doctrine preached by Sakyamuni, whereas for him Buddhism is the general state of beliefs which have condensed around the name of the Buddha. The Tantras are the inheritors of all the forms of Indian religions and their study is necessary to that which de La Vallee Poussin called Buddhism.
One would have thought that after this lively reaction against formalism, his works on the manifestations of popular Buddhism would have continued to occupy a large place in the activity of the young master, but he did nothing more with respect to Tantrism, with the exception of a study published in 1901, The Four Classes of Buddhist Tantras, the documents of this type, a new and living sphere of study, no longer formed the object of his publications. Following upon this excursion into the Indian jungle if badly viewed by traditionalist scholars, Louis de La Vall6e Poussin returned to monastic Buddhism, never to leave it.
It was then, in full possession of Tibetan, he did not hesitate--at more than forty years of age--to also learn Chinese. He continued the editing of enormous scholastic texts: Prajndkdramati, Santideva's commentary on the Bodhicarydvatdra (1901-1905, 605 pages) of which he published the annotated translation; an edition of the Tibetan translation of the Mddhyamakdvatdra of Candraklrti (1907-1912, 427 pages); and the Mulamddhyamakakdrikd of Nagarjuna with the commentary of CandrakBrti (1903-1913,658 pages). Taking refuge in Gimbridge during the war of 1914, he edited the Mahdniddesa (in collaboration with E. J. Thomas) and the third chapter of the Abhidharmakosa of Vasubandhu (1914-1918, 368 pages).
In mentioning these voluminous editions which come to a total of hundreds of pages, we do not pretend to evaluate his work in terms of its weight. But these figures are eloquent for anyone who has edited with the same scruples as has Louis de La Vallee Poussin, if not with the same mastery, only several pages of
? A Brief Biography of Louis de La Vallee Poussin xvii
Sanskrit text for which one must always have recourse to the Tibetan and Chinese versions. These enormous works would suffise to fill several lives and yet how much research has sprung out of his work, and how much has been enriched by it! Such are the over fifty articles in Hastings' Dictionary of Religion and Ethics, his studies on the doctrine of Karman (La negation de Vame et la doctrine de VActe, 1902), on the concatenation of the Twelve Causes (La theorie des Douze Causes, 1913), on the Three Bodies (The three bodies of a Buddha, 1906; Note sur les Corps du Buddha, 1913); and his constructions of the theory of Nirvana. All of the presentations of dogma that he developed, and by the approval that they received as well as by the reactions that they generated, have brought about the progress of Buddhist exegetical and philosophical studies up to the point where we find it today, that is, based on texts scrupulously established and patiently collated.
In the course of his long career filled with immense labor, the curiosity of Louis de La Vallee Pousin was brought to bear on all of the forms of Buddhism and on the principal aspects of Indian civilization, but the subject to which he returned most spontaneously in conversation and in his writings was Buddhist philosophy, or more precisely Buddhist scholasticism. Whereas Western phi- losophy is always more or less systematic, Indian scholasticism strives less to combine and to construct, than to set up an evaluation of the mind and of the universe by defining, enumerating, and classifying concepts. Louis de La Vallee Poussin found in this a field of study conforming to his spontaneous and to his well considered aspirations, for never was there a mind less systematic. This charaaeristic manifested itself not only in his choice of subjeas but in his research and in the manner in which he presented the results of this research. One of his most important works, Bouddhisme, has the subtitle Opinions surVhistoire de la dogmatique ('Opinions on the History of Dogma"). He recalls in the Introduaion
(p. xii) that, according to the Buddha, the ignorant "recognize only a part of things and imprudently judge the whole". He always applied all of his efforts in seeing the different aspects of doctrines. For him, Buddhist ethics is not a collection of principles which direct the conduct of humans, but adapts them to the social milieu and evolve in parallel fashion to this milieu. He presents it rather as a jurisprudence, as a seleaion of prohibitions.
One of the most useful books that he wrote, L'lnde au temps des Mauryas, is above all a presentation of contradictory thesis in which modern erudition appears to be swallowed up: he however always maintains an equilibrium, a lucidity, an admirable patience, and facts which in another author would appear fastidious, taking under his pen taking on color, relief, and the intensity of life. "A book to be
? xviii A Brief Biography of Louis de La, VaMe Poussin
written"'one has said of this work. In fact, no literary anxiety if not that of clarity appeared in this work; precise facts, indisputable documents and their interpreta- tion are also extricated from any artificial bonds that the author judged detrimental to the pure instruments of his work.
The desire to see the opposite aspects of problems never left him. One day he said to one of us who complimented him on one of his books, "There are some footnotes at the bottom of the pages which contradict the text. . . " He had us understand by this willfully paradoxical remark that he had chosen to place in this work opposing points of view, one after the other. From this we can see that he had a sometimes surprising method of expressing his ideas: he would advance in zigzags. He proceeded often through juxtaposed remarks. His style never brought about a change in the cohesion or in the unity of his thought. He did not seek to create any illusion either for the reader or for himself. Probity and sincerity were his masterful qualities, and he had a small bit of affectation to his sincerity.
But no one was less dogmatic than this specialist in dogmas. Very frequently at our pleasure, he would avoid anything that in a conversation, be it broached and directed by the speaker in a scientific direction, would appear to be tinged with pedantry, anything that would lead one to believe that he took himself seriously. The same worry is found in the numerous letters addressed to one of us where the serious answer solicited is bracketed with sudden changes having an irresistible comic effect. This attitude on several occasions led one to suppose that his religious convictions led him to mistake the various thesis that he presented. Was it not rather, himself whom he judged unworthy of attention? Better than elsewhere his character appeared in the numerous and valuable review articles which marked his work on Buddhism that appeared during almost a half century. Reviews, criticisms, controversies, are proposed and maintained in a fine, perceptive, and infinitely courteous manner. The well-chosen word takes the place of a long phrase; it is often unforeseen if not unforeseeable, but always precise.
One might ask if his aversion with respect to a systematic spirit did not come from that which, being ultimately impassioned, he mistrusted himself more than any other of the bonds of this passioa In politics and in religion, as in his relationship with his friends and those close to him, he was also so distant that one could say that he was the very soul of indifference and of lukewarmness. His sensibility explains the role that the criticism of his peers played in his academic career. And those that were acquainted with him know that the clash of ideas which followed the war of 1914 echoed sadly in his conscious and doubtlessly contributed to the ruin of his health by causing him to lose any peace he may have enjoyed.
? A Brief Biography of Louis de La ValUe Ponssin xix
After many years we saw him decline physically at a slow but unchanging pace; he became more and more thin and frail. And yet up to his last moments he maintained a fine and lucid mind and his scientific activity. He concluded the publication of two monumental works of scholarship: the Siddhi of Hsiian-tsang, and the Abhidharmakoia of Vasubandhu; he supervised the editing of the Melanges chinois et bouddhiques to which he abundantly contributed; our Bibliographie bouddhique which he supported and sustained from its beginnings was always the object of his attentions. In the summer of 1936, he explained to one of us, in order to gain us over to his project, his last academic project the enormity of which did not alarm him: to establish an index of Buddhism which would be at one and the same time both literary and archaeological. One year later, in Switzerland, he pointed out with serenity to this same visitor that he had no more than a few weeks to live. Six months later, he would have reached the age of 69.
At the present, our duty is to contribute to the better knowledge and to the utilization of his work. As soon as circumstances permit, we shall publish in the Bibliographie bouddhique his analytic bibliography which is now finally ready. Our Master himself had the aid of one of us in completing it, but on the condition that he not see it published.
Marcelle Lalou Jean Przyluski
? TRANSLATORS PREFACE
he Sanskrit word "Abhidharma" means the systematic philosophy Tof Buddhism. From the time of the Buddha onward, the Buddha's disciples, and many later generations of his followers studied, analyzed,
and re-classified the teachings of the Buddha, and in the process created a unique field of study which has come to be known as the Abhidharma. The development of Buddhist philosophy,--the Abhidharma--has continued to be developed up to the present day, especially within the field of Tibetan Buddhism.
The early part of this Abhidharma literature,--dating from the death of the Buddha to approximately the 5th century A. D. --is today preserved in Chinese translations, translations carried out largely by Hsuan-tsang in the mid-7th century; and the bulk of the later Abhidharma literature--dating from the 5th to the 12th century--is largely preserved in Tibetan translation. Only a small but important portion of this literature has been preserved in its original Sanskrit: Vasubandhu's Abhidharmakosabhdsyam, and its commentary, Yasomitra's Vydkhyd. The student of the Abhidharma is therefore obliged to develop a reading ability in Buddhist Chinese, Tibetan, and of course, Sanskrit and Pali.
A significant Abhidhamma literature exists in the Pali language, a very close
dialect of Sanskrit (the word "Abhidharma" is Sanskrit, the word "Abhidhamma" is
Pali). In this Pali tradition of Theravada Buddhism (the predominant form of
Buddhism in Ceylon, Burma, Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia), the Abhidhamma
forms one of the Baskets (Pali: Pitaka) of canonical Buddhist scriptures, and so
assumes the role of canonical authority. Even though the Pali Canon, the Tipitaka,
was closed at the Third Council of the Theravadins held in approximately 237 B. C,
Abhidhamma works continued to be composed after this date, although with less
frequency. Theravadin scholar-monks continued to study the Abhidhamma, and
this tradition gave rise to a subcommentarial literature composed in both Pali and
the regional languages of South and Southeast Asia (Singhalese, Burmese, Thai,
etc. ). Much of this later, post-canonical Pali Abhidhamma literature remains
l
unpublished, and almost all of it remains untranslated into any Western language. So too only a small portion of the Sanskrit language Abhidharma literature exists in English translation, although at the present time slightly more exists in
French.
Although English language materials for the study of the Abhidharma
literature are quite limited,--especially when viewed in comparison with the bulk of the extant literature of this tradition,--there are some excellent books which may be read with profit by the beginning student of Buddhist philosophy.
? xxii Translator's Preface
The student would do well to read the excellent essay by Chogyam Trungpa Rimpoche, Glimpses of the Abhidharma (Boulder, Prajna Press, 1978) which distills the essential message of Buddhist scholasticism and demonstrates the importance of the Abhidharma to the sddhaka of the still vital Tibetan Buddhist tradition.
Another excellent work of great benefit to the student of Abhidharma is Prof. Herbert V. Guenther's Psychology and Philosophy in the Abhidharma (New Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, 1st edition, 1970, and many subsequent editions) which gives the author's presentation and analysis of the content of both the Northern or Sanskrit Abhidharma tradition with that of its Southern or Pali cousin.
***
It may not be out of place here to say a few words, by way of a niddna, concerning my involvement with the Abhidharmakosabhasyam.
In the years 1964 to 19661 was enrolled in Tokyo University, in the Department
2 of Indian and Buddhist Studies, where I studied the text of Gyonen's Risshu-koyo
under the direction of Prof. Akira Hirakawa. After I had finished my studies on this
text, I asked Prof. Hirakawa what he would recommend I study next. He asked me if
I wanted to continue with Vinaya studies,--Prof. Hirakawa's specialty,--but I
replied that I should like to study another field of Buddhism. Prof. Hirakawa then^
recommended that I begin the study of Buddhist philosophy in the traditional
Japanese, the Kusharon). 1 replied that this would be a fine idea, and so in token of my new direction in study, Prof. Hirakawa gave me a set of books dealing with the philosophy of the Kusharon, the ten volume set, Kusharon-kogi ("Lectures on the Kusharon"), a work which is the compilation of a series of 238 lectures given on the Kusharon by one Rev. Horei Sakurai (1861-1923). Rev. Sakurai was a cleric of the Higashi Honganji Tradition of Jodo Shin Buddhism, and was the incumbent
4 (jushoku)oftheHakutojitemple,FukuokaPrefecture,Kyushu. Rev. Sakuraigave
these lectures in Kyushu in the last decade of the 19th century, and they were published in 1898 (Meiji 31) by the Shisokan, Kyoto: the set of Sakurai's lectures that Prof. Hirakawa gave me had in turn been given to him by his teacher, Prof. Shoson Miyamoto (1893-1984) and so contained the annotation of both of these scholars.
Sakurai's book is a very useful scholarly tool, since his lectures were based on the text of the Kusharon (in Hsuan-tsang's Chinese translation) and the Chinese commentaries on this work by Fa-pao and P'u-kuang, two masters who had worked
manner, that is, with the study of Vasubandhu's Abhidharmakosabhasyam (in 3
? 5
directly with Hsiian-tsang. 1 began reading Sakurai's work in June of 1966 and
completed it several months later. My reading of Sakurai's work taught me two things: 1) the commentaries of Fa-pao and P'u-kuang are both valuable sources of information about the contents of the Kusharon as seen through the eyes of two eminent Chinese scholar-monks, since they record the oral teaching of Hsiian-tsang concerning many of the philosophical positions presented in the Kusharon; but 2) for a thorough understanding of the Kusharon, it would be desirable, and in many places necessary to read the text of this work in its original language, Sanskrit.
At approximately this same time (the middle of 1966) a xerox copy of the Romanized Sanskrit text of the First Chapter (the Dhatuntrdesa) of the Abhidharmakosabhasyam began to circulate privately among the students in the Department of Indian and Buddhist Studies at Tokyo University. I was told that this copy was typed out from photographs secretely taken of a manuscript copy of the Abhidharmakosabhasyam discovered by Rahula Samkrtyayana at the Sa-lu Monastery in Tibet in May of 1934. The photographs were taken of the manuscript which was then kept at the K. P. Jayaswal Research Institute, Patna; the desire of the Japanese to see the original text of the Abhidharmakosabhasyam was so great, and the publication of this text had been delayed so long, that "drastic means" were called for, and, I was later told, a Japanese nun had secretely taken pictures of the manuscript and brought them back to Japan. In any case, I now had the First Chapter of the Sanskrit text of the Abhidharmakosabhasyam in my hands, and, upon my return to the United States, I began to study the text in earnest.
To aid my study and my subsequent teaching, I translated portions of Louis de La Vallee Poussin's French translation of the Abhidharmakosabhasyam (Brussels, Institute Beige des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, 1923 -1931; reprint edition, 1971) into English. I began with the Ninth Chapter (the Pudgala-pratisedha) and not with the First Chapter, holding to the Asian superstition that one will never finish a work if one begins on its first page; I also Romanized the Sanskrit text of the Ninth Chapter, by now available in Prof. P. Prahdhan's first edition (Patna, K. P.
Jayaswal Research Institute, 1967), and for two years I taught this Chapter as part
of a Seminar in Reading Buddhist Texts at Brown University (Providence, Rhode
6
Island). Reading and teaching this Chapter reinforced my earlier thought,
namely that the Abhidharmakosabhasyam can best be understood from its Sanskrit original.
I then translated the First Chapter from the French of de La Vallee Poussin, and compared it with the original Sanskrit of Pradhan, and so began my work on a full translation from the French of de La Vallee Poussin, collated with the Sanskrit original of the text.
Translator's Preface xxiii
? xxiv Translator's Preface
De La Vallee Poussin's annotation is based on three major sources. First, the greater part of his commentary, both in his footnotes and frequently in the body of the text itself, is based on the commentaries of Fa-pao and P'u-kuang: these Chinese masters are responsible for determining the filiation of many of the philosophical positions, objections, andreplies ("The Vaibhasikas maintain", "The Sautrantikas object", etc ) in the text. Likewise Fa-pao and P'u-kuang were responsible for supplying most of the references to passages quoted from the Agamas, the Jndnaprasthdna (and its related pddasdstras, the Prakaranapdda, the Vijndnakdya, etc. ), the Vibhdsd, and the works of Samghabhadra. In their commentaries, Fa-pao and P'u-kuang also traced the development of many of the Abhidharmakosabhdsyam's ideas into later Chinese Mahayana thought.
In 1869 (Meiji 2), the eminent Japanese scholar-monk, Kyokuga Saeki
(1828-1891) published his edition of the Kusharon, the so-called Kando edition 7
of the Kusharon, or simply, the Kando-bon Kusharon. Saeki's edition is rich with annotation placed at the top (or "crown", kan-) of the page of text. In his Kando-bon edition of the Kusharon, Saeki gives all of the various references first found by Fa-pao and P'u-kuang: he gives the name of the source, its volume and page number, and in the marginal notes to the text, Saeki also gives the filiation of thought ("The Vaibhasikas maintain", etc. , as above) first traced out by Fa-pao and P'u-kuang.
Louis de La Vallee Poussin translated the Abhidharmakosabhdsyam from the Sanskrit as preserved by Yasomitra, and from the Chinese of the Kando-bon edition of the Kusharon. In fact, almost all of de La Vallee Poussin's references to the Vibhdsd and his marking of the filiation of the thought in the body of the text, are taken directly from the work of Saeki. In those instances where the attribution of a philosophical position is not in the body of the Sanskrit text, but is based on de La Valine Poussin's reading of Saeki, I have kept the attribution, but have enclosed it in [square brackets] in the body of the translation. And when in his footnotes de La Vallee Poussin refers to "the Japanese editor", he is refering to Kyokuga Saeki.
In all instances, I have kept de La Vallee Poussin's footnotes, since they are a valuableguidetothephilosophyoftheAbhidharmakosabhdsyam, andtoitsroots in earlier literature; my only addition to his work is that I have searched out the Taisho Canon references to these works, since de La Valle'e Poussin did not have the Taisho Canon at his disposal when he was working on the Abhidharma- kosabhdsyam. (He did however have the Taisho Canon at his disposal when he was working on the Vijnapti-mdtrata-siddhi of Hsuan-tsang, cf. his Le Siddhi de Hiuan-tsang). In the few instances where I was unable to find the Taisho Canon
?
references, I have kept the annotation as given by de La Vallee Poussin.
Also in many places in the text de La Valine Poussin added a great deal of explanatory material: this I have also kept, since without it many important passagesintheAbhidharmakosabhasyam wouldremainunintelligible. Also,since
deLaValleePoussindidnothaveaSanskritcopyofthe Abhidharmakosabhasyam as an integral text, but only as it was quoted in the body of Yasomitra's Vydkhyd, he grouped many of the padas of the Karikas into single Karikas (as did Hsiian- tsang). TheSanskritmanuscriptoftheAbhidharmakosabhasyam howeverdivides various Karikas into five or six different padas: I have divided these Karikas into their various padas to match the structure of the Sanskrit original.
In fact, it was my original intention to publish this work with the English translation on the right facing page, and the Romanized Sanskrit on the left facing page, and much work by me and my assistant, the Bangladeshi Bhikkhu, Ven. Lokananda, went into preparing the text in this manner. Unfortunately due to the high cost of publishing this work, this format had to be abandoned, but I hope that some day the Abhidharmakosabhasyam may be reissued in this format.
A second concern of de La Vallee Poussin was to give the original Sanskrit of the Karikas and to reconstruct those passages in the Bhdsyam which were of special importance or difficulty: since the Sanskrit of the Abhidharmakosa- bhasyam is now widely available, I have omitted all of these footnotes with the mention that in almost all cases, de La Vallee Poussin was correct in his reconstructions!
A third source for de La Vallee Poussin's references was this great Belgian scholar's encyclopediac knowledge of Indian Buddhist literature: these footnotes have of course also been kept, and it is they that stand as perhaps our greatest legacy from Louis de La Vallee Poussin.
***
Back in the United States, one day I happened to meet an old friend, the Rev. Horyu Ito (1911-1985), who was at that time and for many years previous the Rimban of the Higashi Honganji Betsuin in Los Angeles. He asked me what I was studying, and I told him of my work on the Kusharon. He asked me what commentaries I was using, and I told him about the work of Horei Sakurai. Rimban Ito asked me how this work was regarded in Japan, and I told him of the praise that it had received from both Prof. Miyamoto and Prof. Hirakawa, and that a copy of this work was used by them as a symbol of the traditional study of
Translator's Preface xxv
? xxvi Translator's Preface
the Kusharon. Rimban Ito's eyes clouded over, and he said softly, "Horei Sakurai was my father. " From that time on Rimban Ito maintained a close interest in my work on the Kusharon, and it is sad that he did not live to see the completion of this work, a work which owes its very inception to the work of Horei Sakurai
At this point I should like to thank a number of persons who contributed much to the completion of this work: first, Mrs Sara Webb, who has helped me much in translating the finer points of de La Vallee Poussin s French; her aid has been and remains invaluable. I should also like to thank Mr Jean-Louis d'Heilly, who typed much of the translation of the Abhidharmakoiabhdsyam into the computer of the University of Oriental Studies, who rendered me great assistence in making sure that the text was understandable, and who successfully urged me to translate into English the vast bulk of the technical Sanskrit terms kept by de La Vallee Poussin in the body of his text.
I should also like to express my gratitude to my parents, Olivia Maude (Arwedson) and Dr. L. Leo Pruden for their continued support of my studies both in America and in Japan: it is a source of regret that neither of them lived to see the completion of this work.
This work must be dedicated however to the small but eminent band of Japanese scholars whose work on the Abhidhannakofabhasyam has kept alive the flame of traditional Buddhist scholarship in the 20th century, scholars such as Prof. Akira Hirakawa and Prof. Ken Sakurabe. May the merit of this publication
accrue to their health and long life.
Los Angeles Leo M. Pruden June 1986
? 1. For example, Prof. Kogen Mizuno lists some four major and sixteen minor Pali language commentaries to the Abhidhammatthasangaha, a work composed in tenth century Ceylon by the Elder Anuruddha; eighteen of these commentaries were composed in Burma. See Kogen Mizuno, general editor, and U. Vepunla and Tadashi Toda, translators, Abidammattasangaha: Nampo- bukkyo tetsugaku kydgi gaisetsu, p. 16, published by the Abidammattasangahakankdkai, 1980, privately printed See also Mrs. Mabel Bode (=Mabel Haynes Bode), The Pali Literature of Burma, London, Royal Asiatic Society, 1909.
2. Our work on the RisshU-kdyd was published in the Kokuyaku-issaikyo: Wakan-senjutsu-buy vol 97, p. 1-72, Tokyo, Daito-shuppan-sha, 1970.
3. According to an account preserved in the 1321 work, the Genko-shakusho (compiled by Kokan Shiren, 1298-1346), the Far Eastern student of Buddhist philosophy is traditionally supposed to study the Kusharon (=the Abhidharmako/abhdsyam) for eight years, and then follow this with a three years' study of theJo-Yuishikiron (=the Vifnapti-matrata-siddhi). In the words of the adage,
yuishiki sannen, kusha hachinen; (the sequence is reversed for reasons of syllable count).
4. Much information concerning the life and career of Rev. Horei Sakurai was given to me by Mrs. Kazuko Ito, the widow of Rimban Horyu Ito, and their son, the Rev. Noriaki Ito. I wish to express my appreciation for their aid
5. Fa-pao, whose dates are unknown, worked with Hsuan-tsang on the translation of the Abhidharmakosabhdsyam in 654; he also worked with Hsuan-tsang on his translation of the
Vibhdsd in 659, and in this latter instance he is reported to have objected to Hsuan-tsang's addition of sixteen additional characters to the text for purposes of elucidating an obscure point. Fa-pao is counted, together with P'u-kuang, as one of Hsuan-tsang's major disciples. After Hsuan-tsang's death in 664, Fa-pao is recorded to have worked with I-ching from 700 to 703; under I-ching, Fa-pao served as the proof-reader (ch'eng-i) for some twenty works. See Mochizuki, Bukkyo-daijiten, V. 4661.
P'u-kuang, also an early disciple of Hsuan-tsang, worked on the translation of the Abhidharmakofabhasyam, and in addition is reported to have worked with Hsuan-tsang on his translation of the Maha-Prajfidparamita Sutra in the period 656 to 663. His dates are also unknown. See Mochizuki, op. cit. y V. 4408.
6. I began my teaching of the Abhidharma--more specifically readings from the text of the Abhidharmakosabhdsyam--in the academic year 1970 - 1971 at Brown University, and I have continued this teaching at both the Nyingma Institute (Berkeley, California), and at the University of Oriental Studies (Los Angeles). When I first taught at the Nyingma Institute in the summer of 1971, I prepared a draft translation of my Introduction ("The Abhidharma: The Origins, Growth and Development of a Literary Tradition") for the benefit of the students, to serve as an introduction to the historical process that led to the growth of the Sanskrit tradition of Abhidharma literature. The first part of the essay is a free translation of the introductory seaion (pages 13 to 61) of Prof. Ken Sakurabe's outstanding Japanese translation of the first two chapters of the Abhidharmakosabhdsyam, his Kusharon no kenkyii ("A Study of the Abhi- dharmakosabhdsyam")t Kyoto, Hozokan, 1969 (first edition). The second part of this Introduc- tion is a translation of pages 110 to 114 of Prof. Ryujo Yamada's Bongo Butten no shobunken ("The Manuscript Sources of Sanskrit Buddhism", Kyoto, Heirakuji-shoten, 1959 [first edition]) which deals with the Sanskrit fragments of the Abhidharma literature. This part of the Introduction has also been augmented by the bibliographical material given in volume one of Prof. Akira Hirakawa's Kusharon-sakuin ("Index to the Abhidharmako/abhdsyam'\ Tokyo, Daizo -shuppan kabushiki-kaisha, 1973).
Translator's Preface xxvii
? xxviii Translator's Preface
7. Kyokuga Saeki appears to have been the first to term his works the "kando" editions. His first Kando-bon was his edition of the Kusbaron, the Kando Abidatsuma Kusharon, published by the Hozokan, Kyoto, in 1869. He followed this by Kando editions of the Sankoku-buppo-denzu-engi (1888), and the Yuishiki-sanruikyo-sen'yp and theJo-Yuishikiron (both in 1890). Kando editions were continued after his death (cf. the lmmyo-sanjusanka-honsa-hdsange in 1895) by his disciples and students, Shundo Sugihara and Eto Senabe.
For the life of Kyokuga Saeki, see Mochizuki, op. cit. , 1. 624.
? The Abhidharma:
The Origins, Growth and
Development of a Literary Tradition
Leo M. Pruden
? xxx The Abhidharma
1. Origin and Growth of abhidharma.
JLoday the word abhidharma signifies the third of the Three Pitakas (Skt: Tripitaka) or collections of scriptures that go to make up the full Buddhist Canon. These three Pitakas, or collections, are: 1) the Sutras or Agamas, the words of the Buddha, directed to both laymen and clerics, dealing with a host of different topics: ethics, philosophical questions, legends and tales, etc. ; 2) the Vinaya, directed to the monks and nuns of the Buddhist Sangha, spelling out the prohibitions to be followed by the clerics and injunctions on the carrying out of various seasonal events, adjudicating disputes, the distribution of property, etc. ; and 3) the
1
Abhidharma Pitaka, a number of texts later in compilation than either the Sutra
Pitaka or the Vinaya Pitaka.
If the word abhidharma does not signify the Third Pitaka in its totality, then the
word signifies the contents of this Third Pitaka, its style of thinking and writing, and thus a certain type of commentarial literature, the Sastras or commentaries on the Sutras of the Buddha.
Since the Sutras and Vinaya, it is believed, took their essential form before the Third Pitaka was given its final form, the word abhidharma as used in the Sutras and in the Vinaya, was a word that did not signify the Third Pitaka. What then did the word abhidharma signify when it was first used in the Sutras and Vinaya, in the reputed words of the Buddha?
There are two meanings to the word abhidharma: 1) referring to the Dharma; and 2) the higher, or superior Dharma.
The first person interested in the etymology of the term abhi-dharma was N. W. Geiger, in his work, Pali Dhamma (1921), where he states, "abhidhamma originally mean the highest Dhamma; such is the interpretation of later commentators, that is, abhidhamma as uttaradhamma. " The earliest meaning of the word abhidhamma, he held, is "concerning the dhamma, or referring to the dhamma," In the Sutras, indeed,this word always appears in the locative case, as abhidhamme, ("with respect to Dhamma") and in this manner parallels the form abhivinaye ("concerningthe Vinaya').
This definition ("concerning the dhamma") was adopted by the Critical Pali Dictionary (1935,1st edition) where this form was termed (p. 350) a prepositional compound, and the word itself defined as: "as regards the dhamma. "
? 2. Abhidhamma as "higher dhamma".
The Pali Text Society's Pali-English Dictionary (1st edition 1921-1925, p. 65) gives the meaning of the word abhidhamma as: "the special Dhamma, i. e. , 1) the theory of the doctrine, the doctrine classified, the doctrine pure and simple (without any admixture of literary grace or of personalities, or of anecdotes, or of arguments ad personam. . . " This is a definition adopted by G. P. Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, and by Etienne Lamotte, in his Histoire de Bouddhisme indien, p. 1971.
Among the English translations from the Pali Sutras (Pali: sutta; in their collections known as the Nikdyas), C. A. F. Rhys-Davids gives "the advanced teaching of Doctrine" (Dialogues, III, 19. 246); F. L. Woodward gives "extra doctrine" (GradualSayings 1. 276) and "the further doctrine" (Gradual Sayings, V, p. 19, 139 ff); E. M. Hare gives "More-Dhamma" (ibid. 111. 85, IV. 267); and Lord Chalmers gives "quintessential Doctrine" (Further Dialogues 1. 155) and "higher branches of the Doctrine" (ibid. , 1. 133).
Kogen Mizuno gives, as a definition of abhidhamma in his Index to the Pali Canon (Part II, p. 34), the "superior dhamma", the "higher dhamma", and the "most distinguished dhamma".
E. J. Thomas, in his History of Buddhist Thought (p. 159,276) gives "special dhamma" and "further-dhamma" as translations for abhidhamma. T. W. Rhys- Davids defines abhi-dhamma and abhivinaya as "the higher subtleties of the Dhamma and Vinaya".
From the above then we can see that there are two schools of interpretation concerning the meaning of the word abhidhamma, a fact pointed out by I. B. Horner in her article "Abhidhamma Abhivinaya in the First Two Pitakas of the Pali Canon", in Indian Historical Quarterly XII. 3 (Sept. 1941), pp. 291-310. According to Horner, the meaning of the word abhidhamma, in the Pali Canon, "fluctuates" between these two definitions (the non-judgmental "concerning the dhamma", and the judgmental "higher, superior (hence, better) dhamma"), but that in point of fact, these two meanings of the word are not mutually exclusive.
According to Ken Sakurabe, Geiger's definition of abhidhamma ("concerning the dhamma") is correct, whereas the Pali Text Society and I. B. Horner rely overmuch on the traditional interpretations of later Singhalese commentators.
Let us then take a look at the usage of the word abhidhamma as it is used in the Pali Canon of the Theravadins. Following are some examples of these two words, abhidhamma and abhivinaya, used together as a set phrase in the Canon:
1. Vinaya Pipaka, I, p. 64:
Pruden xxxi
? xxxii The Abhidharma
aparehi pi bhikkhave pancah'angehi samannagatena bhikkhuna na upasampa- detabbam, na nissayo databbo, na samanero upattapetabbo: na patibalo hoti antevasim va saddhiviharirh va abhisamacarikaya sikkhaya sikkhapetum, adibrahmacariyikaya sikkhaya vinetum, abkidhamme vineturh, abhivinaya vinetum, uppannam ditthigatam dhammato vivecetum vivecapetum.
"And monks, if a monk is not possessed of five further qualities he should notordain. . . anoviceshouldnotattendhim:ifheisnotcompetenttomakea pupil or one who shares a cell train in the training regarding the fundamentals of conduct, to lead him in the training regarding the fundamentals of the Brahmafaring, to lead him in what pertains to dhamma, to lead him in what pertains to discipline, to discuss or get (another) to discuss, by means of dhamma, a false view that has arisen. . . " (translation by LB. Horner, SBB XIV, p. 84; see also Horner's discussion of abhidhamma, abhivinaya in SBB XIII, Introduction, p. x and following).
This same passage is translated by Rhys-Davids and Oldenburg, SBE, XIII, pp. 184-5):
"And also in other five cases, oh Bhikkhus, a Bhikku should not confer, etc. : when he is not able to train an antevasikaor a saddhiviharika in the precepts of proper conduct, to educate him in the elements of morality, to instruct him in what pertains to the Dhamma, to instruct him in what pertains to the Dhamma a false doctrine that might arise . . . "
In the above text the words are given in the locative case, which in Pali means "with reference to", "pertaining to". Here the word abhidhamma refers to the details of the dhamma (i. e. , Sutra) study, and to the details of Vinaya study. Horner, Rhys-Davids, and Oldenburg all agree in this interpretation.
2. Digha Nikdya, III, 267:
puna ca param avuso bhikkhu dhamma-kamo hoti piya-samudhaharo abhi- dhamme abhivinaye ulara-pamujjo. Yam p'avuso bhikkhu dhamma-kamo hoti . . . pe . . . ulara-pamujjo, ayam pi dhammo natha-karano.
"And furthermore,friends,he loves the doctrine, the utterance of it is dear to him, he finds exceeding joy in the advanced teaching of both Doctrine and Discipline:' (TW. and CAR Rhys-Davids, SBB, XC IV, p. 246; see also footnote 2, where Buddhaghosa's gloss on this passage is given).
In this above example (which is in Av 24, 90, 201, 339) the ideal monk is
? described. Horner feels that two dhammas are spoken of: 1) dhamma-kamo, and 2) abhidhamma and that abhidhamma is used to distinguish it from the first and lower type of dhamma. According to Sakurabe, this is a forced meaning, an interpretation not necessary for an understanding of the passage.
3. Majjhima Nikdya, I, p. 472:
arannaken'avuso bhikkhuna abhidhamme abhivinaya yogo karanlyo. Sant'avuso arahnakarh bhikkhum abhidhamme abhivinaye panham pucchi- taro. Sace avuso arannako bhikkhu abhidhamme abhivinaye panham puttho na sampayati tassa bhavanti vattaro:
. . . arannaken'avuso bhikkhuna ye te santa vimokha atikkamma rupe aruppa tattha yogo karanlyo . . . arannaken'avuso bhikkhuna uttarimanussdhamme yogo karanlyo.
"Your reverences, earnest study in Further-Dhamma, in Further- Discipline should be made by a monk who is forest-gone. Your reverences, there are those who will question a monk who is forest-gone on Further- Dhamma and Further-Discipline.
M. Words,Phrases,andandPhonemes 250 1. Voice 251
? N. Other Dharmas not Associated with the Mind 254
V. The Six Causes 254
A. General Comments 255
B. Reason for Existence 255
C Coexistent Cause 257
Discussion: The Sautrantikas Criticize the
Doctrine of Coexistent Causes 260
D. Similar Casuses 262 1. Definition 262 2. Objections 264 3. Similar Causes and the Path 267
E. Causes through Association 272
F. Universal Causes 273
G. Retributive Causes 274 1. Definition 275
2. Skandhas as Results 275
3. AyatanasasResults 276
H. The Time Periods 277
I. Causes and their Results 278 Discussion: Disconnection 280 Discussion: Are Unconditional Things Real Entities? 280 Discussion: Is Extinction or Nirvana Real? 281
J. The Five Results 286 1. Their Characteristics 288 2. The Time Periods 291
K. A Different List of Results 295
L. How Many Causes produce the Different Dharmas} 295
VI. The Four Conditions 296 A. General Comments 296 B. Equal and Immediately Antecedent Conditions 297 C Objects as Conditions 302 D. Predominating Conditions 303 E. The Time Periods 304 F. How Many Conditions Cause the Different Dharmas? 305
? Footnotes
326
Discussion: The Impossibility of a Single Cause 306
G. The Relationship between the Primary Elements
and Derived Matter 308
H. The Arising of Mind and Mental States 310 1. The Twelve Minds and the Three Dhatus 310 2. The Twenty Minds and the Three Dhatus 314 3. Acts of Attention 323
I. The Number of Mental States Acquired in
the Twelve Minds 323
? A Brief Biography of Louis de La Vallee Poussin
X-rfOuis de La Vallee Poussin, born in Li? ge on the 1st of January, 1869, was of French origin through his father's side of the family. His grandfather, Etienne- Pierre-Re'my de La Vallee Poussin, took part in the last Napoleonic campaigns and in 1832 was one of a group of French officers charged, under the direction of Marshall Girard, with the organization of the Belgian army at the request of King Leopold I. He married Marie-Therese de Cauwer in Namur, with whom he had four sons. The second, Gustave, was born in La Rochelle in 1829 and died in Paris in 1910; he married Pauline de Monge de Franeau, who was born in Liege in 1845. The eldest of the four children born of this marriage was Louis de La Vallee Poussin.
Orphaned from his mother at the age of 7, Louis, as well as his two brothers and his sister, were raised in Liege by his maternal grandparents. He was an outstanding student at the College Saint-Servain, in Liege, and in 1884 he entered the University of Liege where, four years later, he received the docteur en philosophie et lettres. His reading of Charles Lyall's Asiatic Studies awakened in him a desire to pursue Oriental studies, and it was at Louvain, under the direction of Charles de Harlez and Philippe Colinet, that he learned the elements of Sanskrit, Pali, and Avestan. He then went to Paris where he enrolled, from 1890 to 1893, at the Sorbonne and in the courses of Sylvain Levi at the Ecole pratique des Hautes-Etudes.
In 1892 he published a timid essay, a translation of Buddhist tales, in collaboration with Godefroy de Blonay. But as early as this same year there appeared in Museon an academic study, Le Bodhicaryavatdra de fantideva, a first indication of his tendency to research "the Saint and Sanctity in Buddhism" which marks all of his work; a first stage in this enormous task of investigating this theme pursued throughout the various Buddhist schools and the canons of scriptures.
In 1893-1894, he studied Buddhist Sanskrit and Sanskrit poetical meter "at the feet" of the great Orientalist H. Kern.
At the beginning of his activities as a Sanskrist, Louis de La Vallee Poussin was attracted by the curious and still unexplored doctrines of Tantrism. His Note sur le Pancakrama (1894) as well as his edition of this text (1896), "an authoritative summary of the nihilistic doctrines of Nagarjuna" and Une pratique des Tantras (1897) prepared the way for his first great work which is already the work of a master: Bouddhisme, Etudes et Materiaux, published by the Royal Academy of
? xvi A Brief Biography of Louis de La Vallee Poussin
Belgium (1898). This is a capital work which studies, with the method of an accomplished scholar, the relationship between Indian asceticism and the left- handed rituals. In spite of the tact and finesse with which he treated this topic, the subject let loose the righteous indignation of the great Rapson who, in a long review article, protested with severity against this exposure of "the Tantric infection". This English scholar, imbued with the theories current in his period-- theories which have not yet completely disappeared--would consider that Buddhism is only a pure philosophic system, whose only true literature are the words of the Buddha, and he openly manifested his dislike for such a subject of study as Tantrism. His criticism must have been cruelly felt by the young scholar since he did not hesitate to justify himself publically. He showed in fact, in his Tantras, that for Rapson Buddhism is only the doctrine preached by Sakyamuni, whereas for him Buddhism is the general state of beliefs which have condensed around the name of the Buddha. The Tantras are the inheritors of all the forms of Indian religions and their study is necessary to that which de La Vallee Poussin called Buddhism.
One would have thought that after this lively reaction against formalism, his works on the manifestations of popular Buddhism would have continued to occupy a large place in the activity of the young master, but he did nothing more with respect to Tantrism, with the exception of a study published in 1901, The Four Classes of Buddhist Tantras, the documents of this type, a new and living sphere of study, no longer formed the object of his publications. Following upon this excursion into the Indian jungle if badly viewed by traditionalist scholars, Louis de La Vall6e Poussin returned to monastic Buddhism, never to leave it.
It was then, in full possession of Tibetan, he did not hesitate--at more than forty years of age--to also learn Chinese. He continued the editing of enormous scholastic texts: Prajndkdramati, Santideva's commentary on the Bodhicarydvatdra (1901-1905, 605 pages) of which he published the annotated translation; an edition of the Tibetan translation of the Mddhyamakdvatdra of Candraklrti (1907-1912, 427 pages); and the Mulamddhyamakakdrikd of Nagarjuna with the commentary of CandrakBrti (1903-1913,658 pages). Taking refuge in Gimbridge during the war of 1914, he edited the Mahdniddesa (in collaboration with E. J. Thomas) and the third chapter of the Abhidharmakosa of Vasubandhu (1914-1918, 368 pages).
In mentioning these voluminous editions which come to a total of hundreds of pages, we do not pretend to evaluate his work in terms of its weight. But these figures are eloquent for anyone who has edited with the same scruples as has Louis de La Vallee Poussin, if not with the same mastery, only several pages of
? A Brief Biography of Louis de La Vallee Poussin xvii
Sanskrit text for which one must always have recourse to the Tibetan and Chinese versions. These enormous works would suffise to fill several lives and yet how much research has sprung out of his work, and how much has been enriched by it! Such are the over fifty articles in Hastings' Dictionary of Religion and Ethics, his studies on the doctrine of Karman (La negation de Vame et la doctrine de VActe, 1902), on the concatenation of the Twelve Causes (La theorie des Douze Causes, 1913), on the Three Bodies (The three bodies of a Buddha, 1906; Note sur les Corps du Buddha, 1913); and his constructions of the theory of Nirvana. All of the presentations of dogma that he developed, and by the approval that they received as well as by the reactions that they generated, have brought about the progress of Buddhist exegetical and philosophical studies up to the point where we find it today, that is, based on texts scrupulously established and patiently collated.
In the course of his long career filled with immense labor, the curiosity of Louis de La Vallee Pousin was brought to bear on all of the forms of Buddhism and on the principal aspects of Indian civilization, but the subject to which he returned most spontaneously in conversation and in his writings was Buddhist philosophy, or more precisely Buddhist scholasticism. Whereas Western phi- losophy is always more or less systematic, Indian scholasticism strives less to combine and to construct, than to set up an evaluation of the mind and of the universe by defining, enumerating, and classifying concepts. Louis de La Vallee Poussin found in this a field of study conforming to his spontaneous and to his well considered aspirations, for never was there a mind less systematic. This charaaeristic manifested itself not only in his choice of subjeas but in his research and in the manner in which he presented the results of this research. One of his most important works, Bouddhisme, has the subtitle Opinions surVhistoire de la dogmatique ('Opinions on the History of Dogma"). He recalls in the Introduaion
(p. xii) that, according to the Buddha, the ignorant "recognize only a part of things and imprudently judge the whole". He always applied all of his efforts in seeing the different aspects of doctrines. For him, Buddhist ethics is not a collection of principles which direct the conduct of humans, but adapts them to the social milieu and evolve in parallel fashion to this milieu. He presents it rather as a jurisprudence, as a seleaion of prohibitions.
One of the most useful books that he wrote, L'lnde au temps des Mauryas, is above all a presentation of contradictory thesis in which modern erudition appears to be swallowed up: he however always maintains an equilibrium, a lucidity, an admirable patience, and facts which in another author would appear fastidious, taking under his pen taking on color, relief, and the intensity of life. "A book to be
? xviii A Brief Biography of Louis de La, VaMe Poussin
written"'one has said of this work. In fact, no literary anxiety if not that of clarity appeared in this work; precise facts, indisputable documents and their interpreta- tion are also extricated from any artificial bonds that the author judged detrimental to the pure instruments of his work.
The desire to see the opposite aspects of problems never left him. One day he said to one of us who complimented him on one of his books, "There are some footnotes at the bottom of the pages which contradict the text. . . " He had us understand by this willfully paradoxical remark that he had chosen to place in this work opposing points of view, one after the other. From this we can see that he had a sometimes surprising method of expressing his ideas: he would advance in zigzags. He proceeded often through juxtaposed remarks. His style never brought about a change in the cohesion or in the unity of his thought. He did not seek to create any illusion either for the reader or for himself. Probity and sincerity were his masterful qualities, and he had a small bit of affectation to his sincerity.
But no one was less dogmatic than this specialist in dogmas. Very frequently at our pleasure, he would avoid anything that in a conversation, be it broached and directed by the speaker in a scientific direction, would appear to be tinged with pedantry, anything that would lead one to believe that he took himself seriously. The same worry is found in the numerous letters addressed to one of us where the serious answer solicited is bracketed with sudden changes having an irresistible comic effect. This attitude on several occasions led one to suppose that his religious convictions led him to mistake the various thesis that he presented. Was it not rather, himself whom he judged unworthy of attention? Better than elsewhere his character appeared in the numerous and valuable review articles which marked his work on Buddhism that appeared during almost a half century. Reviews, criticisms, controversies, are proposed and maintained in a fine, perceptive, and infinitely courteous manner. The well-chosen word takes the place of a long phrase; it is often unforeseen if not unforeseeable, but always precise.
One might ask if his aversion with respect to a systematic spirit did not come from that which, being ultimately impassioned, he mistrusted himself more than any other of the bonds of this passioa In politics and in religion, as in his relationship with his friends and those close to him, he was also so distant that one could say that he was the very soul of indifference and of lukewarmness. His sensibility explains the role that the criticism of his peers played in his academic career. And those that were acquainted with him know that the clash of ideas which followed the war of 1914 echoed sadly in his conscious and doubtlessly contributed to the ruin of his health by causing him to lose any peace he may have enjoyed.
? A Brief Biography of Louis de La ValUe Ponssin xix
After many years we saw him decline physically at a slow but unchanging pace; he became more and more thin and frail. And yet up to his last moments he maintained a fine and lucid mind and his scientific activity. He concluded the publication of two monumental works of scholarship: the Siddhi of Hsiian-tsang, and the Abhidharmakoia of Vasubandhu; he supervised the editing of the Melanges chinois et bouddhiques to which he abundantly contributed; our Bibliographie bouddhique which he supported and sustained from its beginnings was always the object of his attentions. In the summer of 1936, he explained to one of us, in order to gain us over to his project, his last academic project the enormity of which did not alarm him: to establish an index of Buddhism which would be at one and the same time both literary and archaeological. One year later, in Switzerland, he pointed out with serenity to this same visitor that he had no more than a few weeks to live. Six months later, he would have reached the age of 69.
At the present, our duty is to contribute to the better knowledge and to the utilization of his work. As soon as circumstances permit, we shall publish in the Bibliographie bouddhique his analytic bibliography which is now finally ready. Our Master himself had the aid of one of us in completing it, but on the condition that he not see it published.
Marcelle Lalou Jean Przyluski
? TRANSLATORS PREFACE
he Sanskrit word "Abhidharma" means the systematic philosophy Tof Buddhism. From the time of the Buddha onward, the Buddha's disciples, and many later generations of his followers studied, analyzed,
and re-classified the teachings of the Buddha, and in the process created a unique field of study which has come to be known as the Abhidharma. The development of Buddhist philosophy,--the Abhidharma--has continued to be developed up to the present day, especially within the field of Tibetan Buddhism.
The early part of this Abhidharma literature,--dating from the death of the Buddha to approximately the 5th century A. D. --is today preserved in Chinese translations, translations carried out largely by Hsuan-tsang in the mid-7th century; and the bulk of the later Abhidharma literature--dating from the 5th to the 12th century--is largely preserved in Tibetan translation. Only a small but important portion of this literature has been preserved in its original Sanskrit: Vasubandhu's Abhidharmakosabhdsyam, and its commentary, Yasomitra's Vydkhyd. The student of the Abhidharma is therefore obliged to develop a reading ability in Buddhist Chinese, Tibetan, and of course, Sanskrit and Pali.
A significant Abhidhamma literature exists in the Pali language, a very close
dialect of Sanskrit (the word "Abhidharma" is Sanskrit, the word "Abhidhamma" is
Pali). In this Pali tradition of Theravada Buddhism (the predominant form of
Buddhism in Ceylon, Burma, Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia), the Abhidhamma
forms one of the Baskets (Pali: Pitaka) of canonical Buddhist scriptures, and so
assumes the role of canonical authority. Even though the Pali Canon, the Tipitaka,
was closed at the Third Council of the Theravadins held in approximately 237 B. C,
Abhidhamma works continued to be composed after this date, although with less
frequency. Theravadin scholar-monks continued to study the Abhidhamma, and
this tradition gave rise to a subcommentarial literature composed in both Pali and
the regional languages of South and Southeast Asia (Singhalese, Burmese, Thai,
etc. ). Much of this later, post-canonical Pali Abhidhamma literature remains
l
unpublished, and almost all of it remains untranslated into any Western language. So too only a small portion of the Sanskrit language Abhidharma literature exists in English translation, although at the present time slightly more exists in
French.
Although English language materials for the study of the Abhidharma
literature are quite limited,--especially when viewed in comparison with the bulk of the extant literature of this tradition,--there are some excellent books which may be read with profit by the beginning student of Buddhist philosophy.
? xxii Translator's Preface
The student would do well to read the excellent essay by Chogyam Trungpa Rimpoche, Glimpses of the Abhidharma (Boulder, Prajna Press, 1978) which distills the essential message of Buddhist scholasticism and demonstrates the importance of the Abhidharma to the sddhaka of the still vital Tibetan Buddhist tradition.
Another excellent work of great benefit to the student of Abhidharma is Prof. Herbert V. Guenther's Psychology and Philosophy in the Abhidharma (New Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, 1st edition, 1970, and many subsequent editions) which gives the author's presentation and analysis of the content of both the Northern or Sanskrit Abhidharma tradition with that of its Southern or Pali cousin.
***
It may not be out of place here to say a few words, by way of a niddna, concerning my involvement with the Abhidharmakosabhasyam.
In the years 1964 to 19661 was enrolled in Tokyo University, in the Department
2 of Indian and Buddhist Studies, where I studied the text of Gyonen's Risshu-koyo
under the direction of Prof. Akira Hirakawa. After I had finished my studies on this
text, I asked Prof. Hirakawa what he would recommend I study next. He asked me if
I wanted to continue with Vinaya studies,--Prof. Hirakawa's specialty,--but I
replied that I should like to study another field of Buddhism. Prof. Hirakawa then^
recommended that I begin the study of Buddhist philosophy in the traditional
Japanese, the Kusharon). 1 replied that this would be a fine idea, and so in token of my new direction in study, Prof. Hirakawa gave me a set of books dealing with the philosophy of the Kusharon, the ten volume set, Kusharon-kogi ("Lectures on the Kusharon"), a work which is the compilation of a series of 238 lectures given on the Kusharon by one Rev. Horei Sakurai (1861-1923). Rev. Sakurai was a cleric of the Higashi Honganji Tradition of Jodo Shin Buddhism, and was the incumbent
4 (jushoku)oftheHakutojitemple,FukuokaPrefecture,Kyushu. Rev. Sakuraigave
these lectures in Kyushu in the last decade of the 19th century, and they were published in 1898 (Meiji 31) by the Shisokan, Kyoto: the set of Sakurai's lectures that Prof. Hirakawa gave me had in turn been given to him by his teacher, Prof. Shoson Miyamoto (1893-1984) and so contained the annotation of both of these scholars.
Sakurai's book is a very useful scholarly tool, since his lectures were based on the text of the Kusharon (in Hsuan-tsang's Chinese translation) and the Chinese commentaries on this work by Fa-pao and P'u-kuang, two masters who had worked
manner, that is, with the study of Vasubandhu's Abhidharmakosabhasyam (in 3
? 5
directly with Hsiian-tsang. 1 began reading Sakurai's work in June of 1966 and
completed it several months later. My reading of Sakurai's work taught me two things: 1) the commentaries of Fa-pao and P'u-kuang are both valuable sources of information about the contents of the Kusharon as seen through the eyes of two eminent Chinese scholar-monks, since they record the oral teaching of Hsiian-tsang concerning many of the philosophical positions presented in the Kusharon; but 2) for a thorough understanding of the Kusharon, it would be desirable, and in many places necessary to read the text of this work in its original language, Sanskrit.
At approximately this same time (the middle of 1966) a xerox copy of the Romanized Sanskrit text of the First Chapter (the Dhatuntrdesa) of the Abhidharmakosabhasyam began to circulate privately among the students in the Department of Indian and Buddhist Studies at Tokyo University. I was told that this copy was typed out from photographs secretely taken of a manuscript copy of the Abhidharmakosabhasyam discovered by Rahula Samkrtyayana at the Sa-lu Monastery in Tibet in May of 1934. The photographs were taken of the manuscript which was then kept at the K. P. Jayaswal Research Institute, Patna; the desire of the Japanese to see the original text of the Abhidharmakosabhasyam was so great, and the publication of this text had been delayed so long, that "drastic means" were called for, and, I was later told, a Japanese nun had secretely taken pictures of the manuscript and brought them back to Japan. In any case, I now had the First Chapter of the Sanskrit text of the Abhidharmakosabhasyam in my hands, and, upon my return to the United States, I began to study the text in earnest.
To aid my study and my subsequent teaching, I translated portions of Louis de La Vallee Poussin's French translation of the Abhidharmakosabhasyam (Brussels, Institute Beige des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, 1923 -1931; reprint edition, 1971) into English. I began with the Ninth Chapter (the Pudgala-pratisedha) and not with the First Chapter, holding to the Asian superstition that one will never finish a work if one begins on its first page; I also Romanized the Sanskrit text of the Ninth Chapter, by now available in Prof. P. Prahdhan's first edition (Patna, K. P.
Jayaswal Research Institute, 1967), and for two years I taught this Chapter as part
of a Seminar in Reading Buddhist Texts at Brown University (Providence, Rhode
6
Island). Reading and teaching this Chapter reinforced my earlier thought,
namely that the Abhidharmakosabhasyam can best be understood from its Sanskrit original.
I then translated the First Chapter from the French of de La Vallee Poussin, and compared it with the original Sanskrit of Pradhan, and so began my work on a full translation from the French of de La Vallee Poussin, collated with the Sanskrit original of the text.
Translator's Preface xxiii
? xxiv Translator's Preface
De La Vallee Poussin's annotation is based on three major sources. First, the greater part of his commentary, both in his footnotes and frequently in the body of the text itself, is based on the commentaries of Fa-pao and P'u-kuang: these Chinese masters are responsible for determining the filiation of many of the philosophical positions, objections, andreplies ("The Vaibhasikas maintain", "The Sautrantikas object", etc ) in the text. Likewise Fa-pao and P'u-kuang were responsible for supplying most of the references to passages quoted from the Agamas, the Jndnaprasthdna (and its related pddasdstras, the Prakaranapdda, the Vijndnakdya, etc. ), the Vibhdsd, and the works of Samghabhadra. In their commentaries, Fa-pao and P'u-kuang also traced the development of many of the Abhidharmakosabhdsyam's ideas into later Chinese Mahayana thought.
In 1869 (Meiji 2), the eminent Japanese scholar-monk, Kyokuga Saeki
(1828-1891) published his edition of the Kusharon, the so-called Kando edition 7
of the Kusharon, or simply, the Kando-bon Kusharon. Saeki's edition is rich with annotation placed at the top (or "crown", kan-) of the page of text. In his Kando-bon edition of the Kusharon, Saeki gives all of the various references first found by Fa-pao and P'u-kuang: he gives the name of the source, its volume and page number, and in the marginal notes to the text, Saeki also gives the filiation of thought ("The Vaibhasikas maintain", etc. , as above) first traced out by Fa-pao and P'u-kuang.
Louis de La Vallee Poussin translated the Abhidharmakosabhdsyam from the Sanskrit as preserved by Yasomitra, and from the Chinese of the Kando-bon edition of the Kusharon. In fact, almost all of de La Vallee Poussin's references to the Vibhdsd and his marking of the filiation of the thought in the body of the text, are taken directly from the work of Saeki. In those instances where the attribution of a philosophical position is not in the body of the Sanskrit text, but is based on de La Valine Poussin's reading of Saeki, I have kept the attribution, but have enclosed it in [square brackets] in the body of the translation. And when in his footnotes de La Vallee Poussin refers to "the Japanese editor", he is refering to Kyokuga Saeki.
In all instances, I have kept de La Vallee Poussin's footnotes, since they are a valuableguidetothephilosophyoftheAbhidharmakosabhdsyam, andtoitsroots in earlier literature; my only addition to his work is that I have searched out the Taisho Canon references to these works, since de La Valle'e Poussin did not have the Taisho Canon at his disposal when he was working on the Abhidharma- kosabhdsyam. (He did however have the Taisho Canon at his disposal when he was working on the Vijnapti-mdtrata-siddhi of Hsuan-tsang, cf. his Le Siddhi de Hiuan-tsang). In the few instances where I was unable to find the Taisho Canon
?
references, I have kept the annotation as given by de La Vallee Poussin.
Also in many places in the text de La Valine Poussin added a great deal of explanatory material: this I have also kept, since without it many important passagesintheAbhidharmakosabhasyam wouldremainunintelligible. Also,since
deLaValleePoussindidnothaveaSanskritcopyofthe Abhidharmakosabhasyam as an integral text, but only as it was quoted in the body of Yasomitra's Vydkhyd, he grouped many of the padas of the Karikas into single Karikas (as did Hsiian- tsang). TheSanskritmanuscriptoftheAbhidharmakosabhasyam howeverdivides various Karikas into five or six different padas: I have divided these Karikas into their various padas to match the structure of the Sanskrit original.
In fact, it was my original intention to publish this work with the English translation on the right facing page, and the Romanized Sanskrit on the left facing page, and much work by me and my assistant, the Bangladeshi Bhikkhu, Ven. Lokananda, went into preparing the text in this manner. Unfortunately due to the high cost of publishing this work, this format had to be abandoned, but I hope that some day the Abhidharmakosabhasyam may be reissued in this format.
A second concern of de La Vallee Poussin was to give the original Sanskrit of the Karikas and to reconstruct those passages in the Bhdsyam which were of special importance or difficulty: since the Sanskrit of the Abhidharmakosa- bhasyam is now widely available, I have omitted all of these footnotes with the mention that in almost all cases, de La Vallee Poussin was correct in his reconstructions!
A third source for de La Vallee Poussin's references was this great Belgian scholar's encyclopediac knowledge of Indian Buddhist literature: these footnotes have of course also been kept, and it is they that stand as perhaps our greatest legacy from Louis de La Vallee Poussin.
***
Back in the United States, one day I happened to meet an old friend, the Rev. Horyu Ito (1911-1985), who was at that time and for many years previous the Rimban of the Higashi Honganji Betsuin in Los Angeles. He asked me what I was studying, and I told him of my work on the Kusharon. He asked me what commentaries I was using, and I told him about the work of Horei Sakurai. Rimban Ito asked me how this work was regarded in Japan, and I told him of the praise that it had received from both Prof. Miyamoto and Prof. Hirakawa, and that a copy of this work was used by them as a symbol of the traditional study of
Translator's Preface xxv
? xxvi Translator's Preface
the Kusharon. Rimban Ito's eyes clouded over, and he said softly, "Horei Sakurai was my father. " From that time on Rimban Ito maintained a close interest in my work on the Kusharon, and it is sad that he did not live to see the completion of this work, a work which owes its very inception to the work of Horei Sakurai
At this point I should like to thank a number of persons who contributed much to the completion of this work: first, Mrs Sara Webb, who has helped me much in translating the finer points of de La Vallee Poussin s French; her aid has been and remains invaluable. I should also like to thank Mr Jean-Louis d'Heilly, who typed much of the translation of the Abhidharmakoiabhdsyam into the computer of the University of Oriental Studies, who rendered me great assistence in making sure that the text was understandable, and who successfully urged me to translate into English the vast bulk of the technical Sanskrit terms kept by de La Vallee Poussin in the body of his text.
I should also like to express my gratitude to my parents, Olivia Maude (Arwedson) and Dr. L. Leo Pruden for their continued support of my studies both in America and in Japan: it is a source of regret that neither of them lived to see the completion of this work.
This work must be dedicated however to the small but eminent band of Japanese scholars whose work on the Abhidhannakofabhasyam has kept alive the flame of traditional Buddhist scholarship in the 20th century, scholars such as Prof. Akira Hirakawa and Prof. Ken Sakurabe. May the merit of this publication
accrue to their health and long life.
Los Angeles Leo M. Pruden June 1986
? 1. For example, Prof. Kogen Mizuno lists some four major and sixteen minor Pali language commentaries to the Abhidhammatthasangaha, a work composed in tenth century Ceylon by the Elder Anuruddha; eighteen of these commentaries were composed in Burma. See Kogen Mizuno, general editor, and U. Vepunla and Tadashi Toda, translators, Abidammattasangaha: Nampo- bukkyo tetsugaku kydgi gaisetsu, p. 16, published by the Abidammattasangahakankdkai, 1980, privately printed See also Mrs. Mabel Bode (=Mabel Haynes Bode), The Pali Literature of Burma, London, Royal Asiatic Society, 1909.
2. Our work on the RisshU-kdyd was published in the Kokuyaku-issaikyo: Wakan-senjutsu-buy vol 97, p. 1-72, Tokyo, Daito-shuppan-sha, 1970.
3. According to an account preserved in the 1321 work, the Genko-shakusho (compiled by Kokan Shiren, 1298-1346), the Far Eastern student of Buddhist philosophy is traditionally supposed to study the Kusharon (=the Abhidharmako/abhdsyam) for eight years, and then follow this with a three years' study of theJo-Yuishikiron (=the Vifnapti-matrata-siddhi). In the words of the adage,
yuishiki sannen, kusha hachinen; (the sequence is reversed for reasons of syllable count).
4. Much information concerning the life and career of Rev. Horei Sakurai was given to me by Mrs. Kazuko Ito, the widow of Rimban Horyu Ito, and their son, the Rev. Noriaki Ito. I wish to express my appreciation for their aid
5. Fa-pao, whose dates are unknown, worked with Hsuan-tsang on the translation of the Abhidharmakosabhdsyam in 654; he also worked with Hsuan-tsang on his translation of the
Vibhdsd in 659, and in this latter instance he is reported to have objected to Hsuan-tsang's addition of sixteen additional characters to the text for purposes of elucidating an obscure point. Fa-pao is counted, together with P'u-kuang, as one of Hsuan-tsang's major disciples. After Hsuan-tsang's death in 664, Fa-pao is recorded to have worked with I-ching from 700 to 703; under I-ching, Fa-pao served as the proof-reader (ch'eng-i) for some twenty works. See Mochizuki, Bukkyo-daijiten, V. 4661.
P'u-kuang, also an early disciple of Hsuan-tsang, worked on the translation of the Abhidharmakofabhasyam, and in addition is reported to have worked with Hsuan-tsang on his translation of the Maha-Prajfidparamita Sutra in the period 656 to 663. His dates are also unknown. See Mochizuki, op. cit. y V. 4408.
6. I began my teaching of the Abhidharma--more specifically readings from the text of the Abhidharmakosabhdsyam--in the academic year 1970 - 1971 at Brown University, and I have continued this teaching at both the Nyingma Institute (Berkeley, California), and at the University of Oriental Studies (Los Angeles). When I first taught at the Nyingma Institute in the summer of 1971, I prepared a draft translation of my Introduction ("The Abhidharma: The Origins, Growth and Development of a Literary Tradition") for the benefit of the students, to serve as an introduction to the historical process that led to the growth of the Sanskrit tradition of Abhidharma literature. The first part of the essay is a free translation of the introductory seaion (pages 13 to 61) of Prof. Ken Sakurabe's outstanding Japanese translation of the first two chapters of the Abhidharmakosabhdsyam, his Kusharon no kenkyii ("A Study of the Abhi- dharmakosabhdsyam")t Kyoto, Hozokan, 1969 (first edition). The second part of this Introduc- tion is a translation of pages 110 to 114 of Prof. Ryujo Yamada's Bongo Butten no shobunken ("The Manuscript Sources of Sanskrit Buddhism", Kyoto, Heirakuji-shoten, 1959 [first edition]) which deals with the Sanskrit fragments of the Abhidharma literature. This part of the Introduction has also been augmented by the bibliographical material given in volume one of Prof. Akira Hirakawa's Kusharon-sakuin ("Index to the Abhidharmako/abhdsyam'\ Tokyo, Daizo -shuppan kabushiki-kaisha, 1973).
Translator's Preface xxvii
? xxviii Translator's Preface
7. Kyokuga Saeki appears to have been the first to term his works the "kando" editions. His first Kando-bon was his edition of the Kusbaron, the Kando Abidatsuma Kusharon, published by the Hozokan, Kyoto, in 1869. He followed this by Kando editions of the Sankoku-buppo-denzu-engi (1888), and the Yuishiki-sanruikyo-sen'yp and theJo-Yuishikiron (both in 1890). Kando editions were continued after his death (cf. the lmmyo-sanjusanka-honsa-hdsange in 1895) by his disciples and students, Shundo Sugihara and Eto Senabe.
For the life of Kyokuga Saeki, see Mochizuki, op. cit. , 1. 624.
? The Abhidharma:
The Origins, Growth and
Development of a Literary Tradition
Leo M. Pruden
? xxx The Abhidharma
1. Origin and Growth of abhidharma.
JLoday the word abhidharma signifies the third of the Three Pitakas (Skt: Tripitaka) or collections of scriptures that go to make up the full Buddhist Canon. These three Pitakas, or collections, are: 1) the Sutras or Agamas, the words of the Buddha, directed to both laymen and clerics, dealing with a host of different topics: ethics, philosophical questions, legends and tales, etc. ; 2) the Vinaya, directed to the monks and nuns of the Buddhist Sangha, spelling out the prohibitions to be followed by the clerics and injunctions on the carrying out of various seasonal events, adjudicating disputes, the distribution of property, etc. ; and 3) the
1
Abhidharma Pitaka, a number of texts later in compilation than either the Sutra
Pitaka or the Vinaya Pitaka.
If the word abhidharma does not signify the Third Pitaka in its totality, then the
word signifies the contents of this Third Pitaka, its style of thinking and writing, and thus a certain type of commentarial literature, the Sastras or commentaries on the Sutras of the Buddha.
Since the Sutras and Vinaya, it is believed, took their essential form before the Third Pitaka was given its final form, the word abhidharma as used in the Sutras and in the Vinaya, was a word that did not signify the Third Pitaka. What then did the word abhidharma signify when it was first used in the Sutras and Vinaya, in the reputed words of the Buddha?
There are two meanings to the word abhidharma: 1) referring to the Dharma; and 2) the higher, or superior Dharma.
The first person interested in the etymology of the term abhi-dharma was N. W. Geiger, in his work, Pali Dhamma (1921), where he states, "abhidhamma originally mean the highest Dhamma; such is the interpretation of later commentators, that is, abhidhamma as uttaradhamma. " The earliest meaning of the word abhidhamma, he held, is "concerning the dhamma, or referring to the dhamma," In the Sutras, indeed,this word always appears in the locative case, as abhidhamme, ("with respect to Dhamma") and in this manner parallels the form abhivinaye ("concerningthe Vinaya').
This definition ("concerning the dhamma") was adopted by the Critical Pali Dictionary (1935,1st edition) where this form was termed (p. 350) a prepositional compound, and the word itself defined as: "as regards the dhamma. "
? 2. Abhidhamma as "higher dhamma".
The Pali Text Society's Pali-English Dictionary (1st edition 1921-1925, p. 65) gives the meaning of the word abhidhamma as: "the special Dhamma, i. e. , 1) the theory of the doctrine, the doctrine classified, the doctrine pure and simple (without any admixture of literary grace or of personalities, or of anecdotes, or of arguments ad personam. . . " This is a definition adopted by G. P. Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, and by Etienne Lamotte, in his Histoire de Bouddhisme indien, p. 1971.
Among the English translations from the Pali Sutras (Pali: sutta; in their collections known as the Nikdyas), C. A. F. Rhys-Davids gives "the advanced teaching of Doctrine" (Dialogues, III, 19. 246); F. L. Woodward gives "extra doctrine" (GradualSayings 1. 276) and "the further doctrine" (Gradual Sayings, V, p. 19, 139 ff); E. M. Hare gives "More-Dhamma" (ibid. 111. 85, IV. 267); and Lord Chalmers gives "quintessential Doctrine" (Further Dialogues 1. 155) and "higher branches of the Doctrine" (ibid. , 1. 133).
Kogen Mizuno gives, as a definition of abhidhamma in his Index to the Pali Canon (Part II, p. 34), the "superior dhamma", the "higher dhamma", and the "most distinguished dhamma".
E. J. Thomas, in his History of Buddhist Thought (p. 159,276) gives "special dhamma" and "further-dhamma" as translations for abhidhamma. T. W. Rhys- Davids defines abhi-dhamma and abhivinaya as "the higher subtleties of the Dhamma and Vinaya".
From the above then we can see that there are two schools of interpretation concerning the meaning of the word abhidhamma, a fact pointed out by I. B. Horner in her article "Abhidhamma Abhivinaya in the First Two Pitakas of the Pali Canon", in Indian Historical Quarterly XII. 3 (Sept. 1941), pp. 291-310. According to Horner, the meaning of the word abhidhamma, in the Pali Canon, "fluctuates" between these two definitions (the non-judgmental "concerning the dhamma", and the judgmental "higher, superior (hence, better) dhamma"), but that in point of fact, these two meanings of the word are not mutually exclusive.
According to Ken Sakurabe, Geiger's definition of abhidhamma ("concerning the dhamma") is correct, whereas the Pali Text Society and I. B. Horner rely overmuch on the traditional interpretations of later Singhalese commentators.
Let us then take a look at the usage of the word abhidhamma as it is used in the Pali Canon of the Theravadins. Following are some examples of these two words, abhidhamma and abhivinaya, used together as a set phrase in the Canon:
1. Vinaya Pipaka, I, p. 64:
Pruden xxxi
? xxxii The Abhidharma
aparehi pi bhikkhave pancah'angehi samannagatena bhikkhuna na upasampa- detabbam, na nissayo databbo, na samanero upattapetabbo: na patibalo hoti antevasim va saddhiviharirh va abhisamacarikaya sikkhaya sikkhapetum, adibrahmacariyikaya sikkhaya vinetum, abkidhamme vineturh, abhivinaya vinetum, uppannam ditthigatam dhammato vivecetum vivecapetum.
"And monks, if a monk is not possessed of five further qualities he should notordain. . . anoviceshouldnotattendhim:ifheisnotcompetenttomakea pupil or one who shares a cell train in the training regarding the fundamentals of conduct, to lead him in the training regarding the fundamentals of the Brahmafaring, to lead him in what pertains to dhamma, to lead him in what pertains to discipline, to discuss or get (another) to discuss, by means of dhamma, a false view that has arisen. . . " (translation by LB. Horner, SBB XIV, p. 84; see also Horner's discussion of abhidhamma, abhivinaya in SBB XIII, Introduction, p. x and following).
This same passage is translated by Rhys-Davids and Oldenburg, SBE, XIII, pp. 184-5):
"And also in other five cases, oh Bhikkhus, a Bhikku should not confer, etc. : when he is not able to train an antevasikaor a saddhiviharika in the precepts of proper conduct, to educate him in the elements of morality, to instruct him in what pertains to the Dhamma, to instruct him in what pertains to the Dhamma a false doctrine that might arise . . . "
In the above text the words are given in the locative case, which in Pali means "with reference to", "pertaining to". Here the word abhidhamma refers to the details of the dhamma (i. e. , Sutra) study, and to the details of Vinaya study. Horner, Rhys-Davids, and Oldenburg all agree in this interpretation.
2. Digha Nikdya, III, 267:
puna ca param avuso bhikkhu dhamma-kamo hoti piya-samudhaharo abhi- dhamme abhivinaye ulara-pamujjo. Yam p'avuso bhikkhu dhamma-kamo hoti . . . pe . . . ulara-pamujjo, ayam pi dhammo natha-karano.
"And furthermore,friends,he loves the doctrine, the utterance of it is dear to him, he finds exceeding joy in the advanced teaching of both Doctrine and Discipline:' (TW. and CAR Rhys-Davids, SBB, XC IV, p. 246; see also footnote 2, where Buddhaghosa's gloss on this passage is given).
In this above example (which is in Av 24, 90, 201, 339) the ideal monk is
? described. Horner feels that two dhammas are spoken of: 1) dhamma-kamo, and 2) abhidhamma and that abhidhamma is used to distinguish it from the first and lower type of dhamma. According to Sakurabe, this is a forced meaning, an interpretation not necessary for an understanding of the passage.
3. Majjhima Nikdya, I, p. 472:
arannaken'avuso bhikkhuna abhidhamme abhivinaya yogo karanlyo. Sant'avuso arahnakarh bhikkhum abhidhamme abhivinaye panham pucchi- taro. Sace avuso arannako bhikkhu abhidhamme abhivinaye panham puttho na sampayati tassa bhavanti vattaro:
. . . arannaken'avuso bhikkhuna ye te santa vimokha atikkamma rupe aruppa tattha yogo karanlyo . . . arannaken'avuso bhikkhuna uttarimanussdhamme yogo karanlyo.
"Your reverences, earnest study in Further-Dhamma, in Further- Discipline should be made by a monk who is forest-gone. Your reverences, there are those who will question a monk who is forest-gone on Further- Dhamma and Further-Discipline.
