No More Learning

He was followed in a few days by the governor of Kabul
and 'Ali Mardan Khan publicly acknowledged his change of alle-
giance by having the name of Shah Jahan recited in the Friday
prayers and stamped on the coinage of the city, while the fortress
was formally handed over to the Mughuls, though a party within it
was still in favour of the Persians and corresponded with the leader
of the force which had been sent to secure it. In a short campaign
the surrounding district was again brought under Mughul sway.
'Ali Mardan Khan was handsomely rewarded and later in the year
was made governor of Kashmir, and honoured by a visit from the
emperor.


## p. 200 (#234) ############################################

200
SHAH JAHAN
About the same time peace was effected on the north-eastern
frontier in Assam, where constant bickering and incursions had taken
place during the previous century. The north of Assam was occupied
by two groups of Mongoloid origin calling themselves respectively
Koch and Ahom. Intervention by the Muslims in Bengal had taken
place sometimes merely by way of aggression and sometimes when
invited by the Koch either through internal faction or as helpers
against the Ahom. During Jahangir's reign the Mughuls had obtained
a footing as far east as the Bar Nadi on the border between the
present districts of Darrang and Kamrup. The Ahoms were em-
broiled by a cousin of the Koch ruler who had taken refuge with
them, and foray and counter-raid continued for some years. In 1635
the Mughuls after several defeats made a last stand at Hajo, which
fell, and the Ahoms took the country west of the Bar Nadi. A fresh
Mughul expedition in 1637 was successful and the rebel Koch was
killed. By the peace established in the following year the imperial
boundary on the Bar Nadi was again restored.
This campaign, like others which occupied the forces in various
parts of the empire during the next few years, was of slight import-
ance. The ruler of Baglan, a fertile tract now in the Nasik district,
which lay on the route between Surat and Burhanpur, and was thus
familiar to the earlier European travellers, had successfully resisted
Akbar, but acknowledged the supremacy of Jahangir. Aurangzib,
when appointed governor of the Deccan, was directed to subdue it
completely and was successful at the end of 1637. Further west the
Mughuls besieged the Portuguese in Daman and Diu, but peace was
made through the mediation of Fremlin, the British chief at Surat.
In the north the affairs of Kangra were troublesome. The nominal
governor was Jagat Singh, who had given valuable assistance in the
reduction of the fortress. He had been sent in 1634 to coerce the
refractory Khattaks in the hilly country between Kabul and Peshawar,
and during his absence his son, Rajrup, was in charge of the Kangra
valley. The revenue due from the tract was not paid and the Mughul
officers failed to restore the administration. At his own request Jagat
Singh was deputed to bring the tract into order in 1640, but for a
year he did nothing and was deprived of his office as he had encroa-
ched on a neighbouring jurisdiction and had built a fortress. He
disobeyed a summons to return to court and prince Murad Bakhsh
was sent against him with three generals in the autumn of 1641.
Murad's fiery advance soon caused Jagat Singh to offer terms which
were refused, and the Mughul forces captured Nurpur and besieged
the new fortress of Taragarh. The demolition of the outer walls soon
brought about a final submission early in 1642.
In Bundelkhand Champat Rai, a new chief, had asserted his
leadership. He had been a friend of Bir Singh, had assisted Jujhar
Singh in his rebellion and after Jujhar Singh's death adopted one of


## p. 201 (#235) ############################################

BUNDELKHAND, BAGHELKHAND AND MALWA 201
his sons named Prithvi Raj. When Shah Jahan travelled to Lahore
early in 1639 Champat Rai became more daring, and though
'Abdullah Khan was deputed to bring Bundelkhand into order his
efforts were not successful. One of his officers surprised the Bundela
forces between Orchha and Jhansi and took Prithvi Raj, who was
sent to be confined in the state prison of the Gwalior fort, but Champat
Rai escaped. Changes in the command produced no improvement till
in May, 1642, Pahar Singh, son of Bir Singh, secured the submission
of Champat Rai, who entered the Mughul service. Jealousy between
these two rivals for chieftainship induced Champat Rai to join
prince Dara, though even there he was pursued by the machinations
of Pahar Singh.
The wild hilly country lying south of the Ganges and east of
Bundelkhand also came under closer rule. Raja Rudra Pratap,
brother of, and successor to, the Ujjainiya chief who had assisted
Shah Jahan in his rebellion against Jahangir, had been less subser-
vient than his predecessor and was reduced to order by 'Abdullah
Khan, the governor of Bihar. 'Abdullah Khan then attacked Lachman
Singh, the Baghel chief of Ratanpur, and with the assistance of the
chief of Bandho 1 soon obtained his submission. The Cheros, an
aboriginal tribe in Palamau, whose recorded history dates only from
this period, were also troublesome and in 1641 the governor of Bihar
was ordered to invade their country. Passing south through Gaya
he invested Palamau and Pratap Rai, the Chero raja, offered terms,
which were accepted as the rainy season was approaching and further
campaigns would be arduous and dangerous. Other chiefs who were
dissatisfied with Pratap Rai arrested him, but failed to hold their
tribesmen and after several changes in the leadership Pratap Rai
was released and finally submitted to the Mughuls in 1643.
A minor insurrection in Malwa, where the Gonds and Bhils were
frequently unruly, required the concentration of considerable forces.
In April, 1643, the governor met the Gonds and scattered them, but
further operations were delayed by the rainy season and the need for
reinforcements. Early in the following year the stronghold held by
the rebels was besieged and occupied.
During this period of his reign Shah Jahan revived and extended
the irrigation works in northern India, which had been first con-
structed towards the end of the fourteenth century by Firuz Shah. ?
When the emperor arrived at Lahore towards the close of 1639 he
was visited by 'Ali Mardan Khan, who had been familiar with canal
systems at Qandahar and suggested tapping the Ravi where it
emerged from the hills to water the country as far as Lahore. 'Ali
Mardan Khan's works have been incorporated in the modern systems
known as the Bari Duab, the Rohtak and the western Jumna canals.
In 1641 the emperor lost his father-in-law, Asaf Khan, whose death
1 Now in the Rewa state.
2 Vol. I, p. 587.
2


## p. 202 (#236) ############################################

202
SHAH JAHAN
greatly affected him. Kinship and loyalty of service had bound ruler
and minister with ties that never weakened. A tomb was built for
Asaf Khan by that of Jahangir near Lahore, and his son succeeded
him as chief minister just as he had followed his own father. The
annalist of the time records that he had amassed great wealth, most
of which, as was the custom, reverted to the crown. A few years
later (1645) the dowager empress, Nur Jahan, his sister, died and
was also buried in the garden close to the tombs of her husband and
brother. Since the death of Jahangir she had abstained from politics
and lived a retired life, dressing plainly and spending on charitable
objects the ample income assigned by Shah Jahan.
Since his accession Shah Jahan had always cherished a desire to
win back for his house Samarqand, the home and first capital of
Timur, which had been taken from Timur's descendants by the
Uzbegs under Muhammad Shaibani. Since then another dynasty
had sprung up known as the Janids of Astrakhan, from which the
founders had been expelled by the Russians. One of these married
a daughter of the Shaibanid ruler and their son Baqi Muhammad
became chief of the Uzbegs. The offer of help by Imam Quli, who
was chief when Shah 'Abbas took Qandahar in 1622, has been men-
tioned in the previous chapter. Uzbeg cupidity was aroused by the
confusion in India during Jahangir's last years and shortly after th
accession of Shah Jahan Nazr Muhammad, brother of Imam Quli,
undertook the conquest of Kabul. He met with some success, but
as the summer advanced his troops melted and he withdrew. There
was still no breach between the Mughuls and Imam Quli, and a
second raid by Nazr Muhammad in May, 1629, ceased after his
capture of Bamian. A few years later Nazr Muhammad himself sent
apologies which were accepted and a return envoy carried the usual
vainglorious accounts of Shah Jahan's achievements.
By 1639 Shah Jahan felt that he was strong enough to pursue his
own aims and with his usual thoroughness went himself to Kabul
to enquire into the routes to Transoxiana. A small campaign against
the tribes who supported the nearest Uzbeg governor alarmed both
Imam Quli and Nazr Muhammad. Confusion among the Uzbegs was
increased by Nazr Muhammad deposing his brother, who had lost his
sight. The new ruler, less popular with his people than his prede-
cessor, weakened his position by sudden changes in the administra-
ticn, some of which affected the religious leaders. An attempt to annex
Khwarizm or Khiva on the death of its ruler led to a general insur-
rection early in 1645, and 'Abdul-´Aziz, son of Nazr Muhammad,
who was sent to quell it was induced to proclaim himself Khan of
Bukhara, his father taking refuge in Balkh, Shah Jahan felt that his
1 Manrique's return journey to Europe at this time was delayed at Multan and
Qandahar because the Mughul officials suspected that some of Asaf Khan's
wealth was being surreptitiously removed to Persia, 1, 249, 265.
1


## p. 203 (#237) ############################################

CAPTURE OF BADAKHSHAN AND BALKH
203
opportunity had arrived and at once began to concert his plans.
A Mughul commandant north of Kabul took the fort of Kahmard
but lost it and winter closed the operations, though troops from India
were collected. Nazr Muhammad and his son were contending for
the possession of Bukhara and agreed that the former should hold
Balkh and the latter Bukhara. An appeal by Nazr Muhammad to
Shah Jahan was met by an offer of help in dubious terms. The em-
peror himself again visited Kabul. Free from anxiety elsewhere he
was able to collect a large force, to staff it with his best officers, and
to plan detailed instructions. His son, Murad, who was placed in
command, though brave and dashing, was not enthusiastic about his
mission. His first objective was the reduction of Badakhshan, and
his entry into that tract was delayed by snow on the passes till the
middle of June. He advanced into Narin and Qunduz was taken
His instructions were to be generous to Nazr Muhammad and to
assist him to recapture Bukhara with Samarqand, the real intention
being to add them to the Mughul dominions. Nazr Muhammad did
not fail to see through this thinly veiled design, and tried to stop the
advance of the Mughul army, which was now rapid, by asking for
time to prepare for a contemplated pilgrimage to Mecca. Murad,
however, advanced and early in July, 1646, began his last march
into Balkh. As he approached the city Nazr Muhammad fled west
and Murad's army was free to enter and plunder the city, where a
large treasure was secured. Tirmiz, on the Oxus, was captured and
Nazr Muhammad after sustaining a defeat at Shibarghan escaped
to Mary and then to Persia. The rapid success of the expedition
caused great delight to Shah Jahan, who marked the conquest by
striking money at Balkh. Murad, however, was already disgusted
with his position in a country the climate of which was rigorous,
while it offered none of the pleasures which he was accustomed to
enjoy. He asked to be recalled, and when the offered post of gover-
nor of Transoxiana (which had still to be conquered) and the .
arguments of the able minister sent to advise him failed to alter his
views, he was recalled.
Light is thrown on Shah Jahan's diplomatic methods by his letter
to Shah 'Abbas II of Persia, which ostensibly was to congratulate
him on his accession but was meant to secure his neutrality. And he
wrote to Nazr Muhammad asserting that Murad had acted impe-
tuously through youth and inexperience and his own object was
merely to clear Balkh of dangerous people and hand it over to Nazr
Muhammad. If this had indeed been his object he failed to secure
it. The local Uzbegs were turbulent and the omission to guard the
1 He took this opportunity to reorganise the army of the empire, reducing
the nominal strength and the emoluments of the commanders.
2 The short duration of his triumph is attested by the fact that only a single
specimen is now known.


## p. 204 (#238) ############################################

201
SHAH JAHAN
line of the Oxus left the north of Balkh and Badakhshan open to raids.
No commander-in-chief had been appointed and the four generals
could neither combine nor agree. In the spring of 1647 the prince
Aurangzib, who was summoned from Gujarat to govern Balkh, found
his march impeded by tribesmen. 'Abdul-Aziz had consolidated
his position and collected an army on the Oxus. He despatched a
force across it to hold the country west of Balkh, and when Aurangzib
shortly after his arrival at the city marched out to meet it, news came
of another force advancing direct on Balkh. Aurangzib returned
to meet this and defeated it in a pitched battle where 'Abdul-Aziz
was present. The Uzbeg forces, largely consisting of nomads, fierce
.
in predatory attacks, but with little cohesion in face of a reverse,
scattered after the losses of the day. They had been impressed by the
calm bravery of Aurangzib, who dismounted from his horse at sunset
to repeat the obligatory prayer. 'Abdul-Aziz offered to place his
brother in charge of Bukhara, while Nazr Muhammad, who had fled
to Persia, offered to abdicate.
Successful as the Mughul enterprise had appeared it had no stabi-
lity, and it was never pushed beyond the Oxus as Shah Jahan
had hoped and intended. Murad's distaste for service in a more
rigorous climate than that of the plains of India was shared by all
other officers. ' Balkh itself, a city with ancient glories, had never
recovered from its destruction by Timur and could not be attractive
even to a prince like Aurangzib whose asceticism was coupled with
strong ambitions. War had desolated the country and nomads raided
it and prevented the revival of cultivation. Moreover, Nazr Muham-
mad had received help and encouragement from the Shah of Persia,
who was attaining manhood and desired to weaken Mughul authority.
Nazr Muhammad was too wary to venture on an attempt to recover
Bukhara, but he advanced into what is now Afghanistan and even
attacked the Mughul outposts. Aurangzib marched out to repel these
but was directed by the emperor to accept an apology if one was
offered. The close of the short summer made it necessary to be
content with a message carried by a grandson instead of the personal
submission of Nazr Muhammad. Officers from the outlying garrisons
were abandoning their posts in the belief that Nazr Muhammad was
to be restored and Aurangzib returned to Kabul, harassed through-
out the march by bands of Uzbegs, who cut off stragglers.
In the following year (1648) Shah 'Abbas II assumed full powers
and at once prepared to recover Qandahar, to the loss of which the
Persians had never been resigned. His reply to Shah Jahan's crafty
messages was a summons to give up that city and to restore Balkh
to Nazr Muhammad. Balkh had been abandoned, but Qandahar
. 1 "For the Mogors were weaklings and luxurious and enervated rather than
fighters or warlike soldiers", Manrique, ni, 266.
2 Early in 1642 Manrique heard of attempts to retake it, II, 266.


## p. 205 (#239) ############################################

LOSS OF QANDAHAR
205
might still be saved. When news arrived that the Shah himself had
marched into Khurasan with an army it was too late to send rein-
forcements from Kabul and Multan across the mountains. By
Christmas the Shah had invested the city and Aurangzib, who on
his return from Balkh had been made governor of Multan, was
appointed to command a large army. Extra allowances were sanc-
tioned to encourage the troops in a campaign which would be
fiercely contested and would extend to an inhospitable terrain. All
these efforts failed, however, to save Qandahar. A detachment of
the Persian army invested the fortress of Bist while the main body
commanded by the Shah marched on to Qandahar. Bist surrendered
after a siege of two months and some of its garrison were treacherously
murdered. Daulat Khan, the governor of Qandahar, when making
his dispositions to guard the citadel overlooked a vital point, which
was soon occupied by the Persians. Dispirited by the belief that
renforcements could not arrive, and by the energy of the invaders
the garrison soon lost heart. An Uzbeg captain began to correspond
with the Persians and the Mughul officials began to think that their
own lives and the safety of their families from enslavement might
best be ensured by surrender. Daulat Khan tried to suppress the
weakness by mere advice instead of the use of strong measures. The
traitors received letters from the Shah which were accepted also by
Daulat Khan. They were followed by an envoy, who was also ad-
mitted and promised à safe conduct. The Uzbég hastened to give
up the gate in his charge and Daulat. Khan soon marched out of
the citadel in February, 1649, a month before Aurangzib, who had
been unable to cross the mountains by thë shorter route from Kohat,
was able to reach Kabul through Peshawar.
Qandahar, which had fallen into Shah Jahan's hands by the
defection of its Persian commandant, was thus lost by the failure of
a Mughul successor. Hopes of its recovery were still cherished.
Advancing through Ghazni and Kelat-i-Ghilzai the Mughul army
was near Qandahar in May, and Shah Jahan himself came as far
as Kabul. Throughout the summer raids and fighting continued, but
in the autumn the forces were withdrawn as in the haste of advance
the organisation of supplies and ammunition had broken down, and
the ordnance with the force was considered too light for battering
the fortress.
Returning to Delhi, Shah Jahan consoled himself for the loss of
this prized outpost of his empire by rejoicings over the completion
of his new capital. His grandfather had refounded the ancient city
of Agra and given it the name of Akbarabad. After long search for
a site with amenities of landscape and climate, in 1639. he began to
lay the foundations of a great fortress to contain the royal palace
and of a city round it. The site chosen was on the bank of the Jumna,
north of the older cities of Delhi, close to a small fort of the Sur


## p. 206 (#240) ############################################

206
SHAH JAHAN
kings. For ten years work was concentrated on it, artificers and
labourers being collected from all parts of the empire. Transport of
stone from near Agra, 150 miles away, by impressing carts, dislocated
the ordinary trade of that neighbourhood so much that the English
factors at Agra could not move their goods to the coast. In nine years
the fort and palace had been completed at a cost of six million
rupees (£750,000), and to celebrate its occupation the peacock
throne which had been set in hand at Shah Jahan's accession and
had taken seven years to complete was brought from Agra, and great
rejoicings took place. The new city was called Shahjahanabad.
Early in 1651 the emperor set out on his last visit to Kashmir.
Skardo, the principal fort in Baltistan, had been taken by a rebel
and a short campaign was authorised in which it was easily recovered.
The court's stay in Kashmir was, however, cut short by floods and
storms which desolated the beautiful surroundings of the capital,
and Shah Jahan left for Lahore. He had now decided to renew his
attempt to win back Qandahar, and warned by the previous failure
began to make more complete preparations. Aurangzib marched
from Multan in the spring of 1652 with a large force, and Sa'd-ullah,
the chief minister who had accompanied the emperor to Kabul, pro-
ceeded to join him with other troops and ample stores of munitions.
Immediately after his arrival before the fortress Aurangzib began
the investment. . In spite of the fierce bombardment by the Mughul
artillery and the repulse of sorties the siege made little progress. The
Persian guns were better served and the besiegers wore out some of
their largest cannon. From the north the Uzbegs were already
threatening Ghazni, which lay on the route between Qandahar and
Kabul, and Aurangzib was recalled to Kabul after a siege of less
than three months.
Another prince now asked for permission to take the city. Dara
Shukoh was appointed governor of Multan and Kabul and spent the
winter at Lahore constructing large_cannon, providing munitions,
and arranging columns of supply. In February, 1653, he set out from
Multan, and instead of confining his efforts to direct assaults he also
attempted to occupy the surrounding country so as to prevent relief
coming from Persia. Bist and Girishk, which lay to the west, were
recaptured and the district round was laid waste. As usual
endeavours were made to win over the garrison, but they were no
more successful than the bombardment. The outlying posts were
abandoned to favour concentrated attack. New cannon brought up
destroyed a long stretch of the walls, but the attackers were unable
to force an entry. The approach of autumn favoured the besieged
and the exhaustion of munitions and supplies made it necessary to
withdraw the Mughul army if it was to escape destruction by the
rigours of winter in Afghanistan. Early in October Dara Shukoh
.
began his retreat to India.
9


## p. 207 (#241) ############################################

DISPUTES WITH GOLCONDA
207
His failure in these border affairs had perhaps made Shah Jahan
more watchful over dependent states within the empire. Shah Jahan,
while setting out for Ajmer, in 1654, sent Sa'd-ullah the chief minister
with a considerable force to destroy some new fortifications which
the Rana of Udaipur had constructed at Chitor in contravention of
the agreement made with Jahangir. The show of force was enough
and the Raną sought the intercession of Dara, who was in favour
with the emperor in spite of his failure to recover Qandahar. Sa'd-
ullah was able to demolish the new works and even to obliterate
what remained of the old, and the Rana's submission was marked by
sending his eldest son to carry his apologies to court. Dara was
received with costly presents and a high title and was allowed the
privilege of a chair in the royal presence.
A small force was also detached during the return march from
Ajmer against the Raja of Garhwal, whose country produced gold
and the musk deer. An earlier attempt in 1635 under the governor
of Kangra had ended in disaster. That force had passed through
Sirmur, occupying the Dun or valley between the Siwalik hills and
the Himalayas, and marched up the hills to within a few miles of
Srinagar, the capital of Garhwal. A nominal submission and promise
of tribute were obtained, but the force was then surrounded and cut
to pieces. This second expedition, conducted with more discretion,
also overran the Dun, hunting down the peasants who fled from their
homes and massacring them. Though it was joined by the Raja of
Kumaun, a jealous enemy of Garhwal, the commander after crossing
the Ganges and entering the enemy country was deterred by the
approach of the rainy season and withdrew after making provision
for the administration of the small tract he had occupied. A third
expedition early in 1656 caused the raja to send his son to court
to offer submission.
The king of Golconda, who remained submissive during the earlier
wars in the Deccan, was now the cause of fresh warfare. His minister
Mir Muhammad Sa'id, better known by the title of Mir Jumla, had
extended the authority of Golconda over a tract of country in the
Carnatic where diamonds were found. For these services he received
no reward owing to the jealous intrigues of other courtiers and he
offered himself to the Mughuls. Aurangzib, who had maintained
touch with affairs in Golconda, and had been reappointed governor
of the Deccan on his return from Qandahar, had had to press for
arrears of payment under the existing treaty. He recommended the !
acceptance of Mir Jumla's offer and when the king, towards the close
of 1655, imprisoned the minister and his son Aurangzib claimed his
release on the ground that he had been appointed to office under the
emperor. To enforce this demand, and also with a view to recovering
1 The amounts, had been fixed in huns, a currency of southern India, and
exchange controversies added to the dispute. Cf. note 2, p. 197.


## p. 208 (#242) ############################################

208
SHAH JAHAN
the arrears and securing the marriage of his own son Muhammad
with the king's daughter, Aurangzib assembled a force. For a time
the king remained obdurate, but when Aurangzib's army advanced
within his territory he made professions of obedience and released
Mir Jumla's son and mother. As he still retained their property.
the Mughuls marched on Hyderabad. In alarm the king removed his
treasures to the strong fortress of Golconda a few miles away and
attempted to bribe Muhammad while allowing his own troops to
oppose the Mughuls. Muhammad's forces quickly put the men of
Golconda to flight and pursued them up to the walls of the city,
while he executed the bearer of the bribe for his treachery. Hydera.
bad was taken and the king renewed his attempts to buy off the
invaders. Grudgingly he parted with some of Mir Jumla's property and
while making protestations of his loyalty continued to strengthen the
fortress of Golconda and to seek aid from the king of Bijapur.
By the middle of February, 1656, Aurangzib himself arrived in
front of Golconda.
An attack by the king's troops was repulsed, and
he again sent presents and offered to despatch his own mother to
ask pardon for his offences. Two further attempts to drive off the
Mughuls failed, and reinforced by Shayista Khan and troops from
Malwa, Aurangzib was about to press the siege when he received
orders from Shah Jahan to pardon the king. These commands were
for the present kept secret, as though the king had promised to pay
arrears of tribute the negotiations about marriage were not complete.
The payments and restoration of Mir. Jumla's property continued
in instalments, and to hasten full compliance Aurangzib mounted
large guns. Finally, the king's mother was received and agreed to
pay ten million rupees. Mir Jumla now arrived in the camp and
was formally invested with a robe of honour, and a month later the
marriage was celebrated. Though the Qutb Shahi dynasty lingered
on for some years its independence was now thoroughly sapped and its
decline is marked by the issue of coin shortly after this time with
the touching legend “It has come to an end, well and auspiciously”. I
Mir Jumla received the title of Mu'azzam Khan and Shayista Khan
that of Khan Jahan. After the death of Sa'd-ullah, the learned and
capable minister of Shah Jahan, Mir Jumla was appointed to succeed
him and exercised great influence.
The kingdom of Bijapur, unlike that of Golconda, had emerged
from the contests of twenty years before with independence, and had
(not become a tributary of the empire. During this period it had been
well governed by Muhammad Adil Shah, who had maintained
friendly relations with Shah Jahan and in 1648 had been formally
recognised by the emperor as entitled to be known as “Shah"
instead of "Khan". While busying himself with improving the
internal administration of his government he had also extended his
1 J. A. S. B. 1909, p. 317.


## p. 209 (#243) ############################################

>
AURANGZIB ATTACKS BIJAPUR
209
authority right across India from sea to sea, coming into conflict with
the Portuguese in the west and with Golconda in the east. These
successes led him to assume a splendour of display which annoyed
Shah Jahan and led to reproofs that were meekly accepted.
With Mir Jumla in high favour at the court and entirely devoted
to his interests Aurangzib now began to plan aggressive measures
against Bijapur. These were already in train when the death of
Muhammad Adil Shah in November, 1656, provided a plausible
excuse for interference. A youth named 'Ali 'Adil Shah was placed
on the throne, and some people doubted his right to succeed though
the matter was uncertain. 'Ali 'Adil Shah was too young to control
the factions at his court and rebellion broke out in the newly con-
quered territory to the east. Aurangzib's intrigues won secret prc-
mises of allegiance from some of the nobles, and money was lavished
to attract deserters. Sanction was received from the emperor, who
gave clear definitions of the objectives, the complete subjection of
Bijapur if possible, and failing that the reconquest of those nortions
of the old Ahmadnagar kingdom which had been retained by Bijapur.
If this predatory campaign were successful the army was in the next
place to make an end of even the nominal power of Golconda. Troops
to aid these enterprises were sent from Malwa and Mir Jumla
himself, who knew the Deccan better than any other officer, was in
command. As soon as he arrived at Aurangzib's headquarters the
expedition started, but its progress was slow as ample provision had
been made of heavy guns which could not be moved rapidly. The
first serious operation was the siege of Bidar, a strongly fortified town
on a rocky plateau with an inner castle protected by moats deep
in the living rock. In spite of a fierce defence and daring sorties the
besiegers were able to fill the moats and damage the walls. A channe
rocket caused an explosion by which the commandant was mortally
wounded. An assault gave the city to Aurangzib, and the dying
commandant yielded up the citadel.
Aurangzib now sent forward troops to disperse the Bijapur army
which had advanced to meet him, and an indecisive engagement took
place. He was again stoutly opposed and his long lines of com-
.
munication were persistently harassed by large mobile forces of the
enemy. Feigning a retreat he attacked them and after handling them
severely seized their camp. The siege was renewed and for two
months the Mughuls were free to pursue it. When the Bijapur forces
again gathered they were attacked and dispersed before they could
approach the beleaguered city, which was assaulted and capitulated.
Further operations were, however, stopped by orders from the
emperor. His health was failing and he was more ready to listen to
the envious suggestions of Dara, who was approached bv emissaries
from Bijapur. The advance of the monsoon, during which military
operations are difficult, was made the pretext for instructions that
14


## p. 210 (#244) ############################################

210
SHAH JAHAN
peace must be arranged and the army should disperse. Negotiations
were quickly settled. An indemnity was fixed, and Bijapur agreed to
cede besides the two captured fortresses the fort of Parenda, which had
long eluded the Mughul grasp, forts in the Konkan, and Vangi. Even
these meagre promises were not fulfilled as the Bijapur officials, seeing
the Mughul forces dwindle, refused to surrender their strongholds.
For many years the Marathas had not been dangerous to the
Mughul administration, but while Aurangzib had been occupied with
Golconda and Bijapur Shivaji the son of Shahji had begun a career
which was before long to shake the Muslim power and finally exhaust
it. His father had been forced to enter the service of Bijapur, and he
himself offered to assist the Mughuls in their enterprise against that
kingdom in return for part of the territory to be wrested from it, but
he was put off with vague replies. When Aurangzib was fully occupied
with his invasion Shivaji surprised Junnar and organised raids through
Mughul territory west of Ahmadnagar. Memories of the difficulties
forced on the imperial arms by Shahji impelled Aurangzib to make
careful plans to ward off these dangers on his western flank. While he
was occupied in the siege of Kalyani one of his officers defeated
Shivaji and nearly captured him. The rainy season, however, made
campaigning more difficult in the Konkan than on the plateau and
operations had to cease, and when the treaty with Bijapur was made
Shivaji thought it wise to submit also.
Aurangzib's interests now pointed away from the Deccan to the
capital of the empire. By far the most capable of Shah Jahan's sons
and the most ambitious, he had found his enterprises thwarted by
the intrigues of his eldest brother, Dara Shukoh. Succession by
primogeniture is a dangerous rule in kingdoms beset by enemies and
full of elements only partly subdued. Shah Jahan, like his own father,
was prematurely aged, though his weakness was due to indulgence
in the pleasures of the harem rather than to wine, and as Jahangir
had resigned his authority to his wife, so did Shah Jahan place
excessive reliance in Dara Shukoh, and openly designated him as
heir. While Aurangzib was occupying the onerous post of viceroy of
the Deccan his conduct of affairs was subject to irritating direction.
His successes were not rewarded and his emoluments were in fact
reduced. He saw that Dara was allowed to govern rich tracts by
deputy and had rank and honour heaped upon him. Even the
bitterness of sectarian hatred was infused into the relations between
the brothers, for while Aurangzib was rigidly orthodox Dara was an
amateur of Hindu mysticism like many Muslims who adopted the creed
of the Sufis. Shah Jahan in the last few years had lost all his best
counsellors by death, and affection for his eldest son had blinded his
judgement, when he entrusted control. to one who was lacking in
experience of the affairs of either peace or war.
In September, 1657, Shah Jahan fell ill, and for nearly a week his


## p. 211 (#245) ############################################

THE STRUGGLE FOR SUCCESSION
211
life was despaired of. His absence from the daily public receptions
led to the belief that he was dying, or even dead. Believing his end
was near Shah Jahan had himself carried as soon as he was able to
move to Agra. News from their agents at court was carried to the
three sons in their distant posts and was followed by wild rumours.
Each of them was determined not to be supplanted by Dara, but
their actions were dictated by their varying characters and circum-
stances. Impetuous and daring, Murad Bakhsh, who was governor
of Gujarat, murdered his capable minister 'Ali Naqi and attacked
and plundered Surat. He then proclaimed himself emperor and
struck coin in his own name at Ahmadabad, Surat and Cambay.
Shah Shuja', a more capable person who had for many years ad-
ministered Bengal with skill in both civil and military affairs, took
the field and advanced with his forces to seize the crown. Both of
them were in correspondence with Aurangzib, whose object was to
use them to further his own advantage. He wrote frequently to
restrain Murad Bakhsh till his own plans were complete, devising
a cipher to avoid discovery if his letters were captured, and he
organised a relay of messengers through the wild country that lay
between the Deccan and Bengal. Nor did he omit to set on foot
intrigues with officers at the court. His own movements were
hampered by uncertainty about the position at court and the ex-
haustion of his resources. At the first rumours of Shah Jahan's
precarious state the Bijapur officers had completely suspended the
fulfilment of the treaty and Aurangzib was being pressed to enforce it.
Dara's plan was to crush Murad Bakhsh and Shah Shuja' first and
then to march against Aurangzib. Recognising the greater danger to
be feared from the last he had spared no pains to weaken him. While
Shah Jahan was still dangerously ill,“ Dara issued orders which
removed Mir Jumla from his post as chief minister but directed him
to secure the surrender of Parenda, while at the same time they
recalled the troops sent from headquarters to aid in the Bijapur
campaign. He tried to sow dissension by transferring Berar from
Aurangzib to Murad Bakhsh, an offer which was at once rejected.
Shah Jahan's recovery to some degree of health was marked by the
despatch of a force under Dara's son Sulaiman Shukoh with a capable
general Raja Jay Singh of Amber to meet Shah Shuja'. Two other
armies were sent west shortly afterwards to recover Gujarat from
Murad Bakhsh and to hold Aurangzib in check. It was difficult to
find commanders for these, so great was the respect in which Aurang-
zib's generalship was held. Mir Jumla was recalled to court, but
was formally arrested and detained by Aurangzib as a subterfuge,
which was at once unveiled when his plans had succeeded.
The first army met Shah Shuja' near Benares and an exchange
of messages took place. Dara's endeavours to stop news of affairs
at the capital from reaching his brothers had given them the excuse


## p. 212 (#246) ############################################

212
SHAH JAHAN
that they were anxious to save their father from danger at his hands.
In accordance with Shah Jahan's instructions Raja Jay Singh assured
Shah Shuja' that his father was alive and well and offered him for-
giveness and the grant of Bihar if he would return to his post. Shah
Shuja' feigned compliance, intending to attack Raja Jay Singh as
he withdrew, but the raja, penetrating his design, attacked and scat-
tered his forces, and pursued Shah Shuja' to the borders of Bengal.
Before this battle took place Aurangzib had matured his plans. To
secure his rear he changed his attitude towards the kings of Golconda
and Bijapur, no longer holding them to the fulfilment of their engage-
ments, but promising rewards when he should become emperor. He
asked Bijapur to employ Shivaji in the Carnatic while at the same
time he was offering Shivaji permanent grants in the Deccan. Troops
had been enlisted, European gunners employed and large stores of
ammunition prepared. By February, 1658, he was ready to leave
Aurangabad, and after a month's stay at Burhanpur set out on the
march which was to conduct him to the throne. Omitting no pre-
.
cautions he even imprisoned his own father-in-law, who showed
reluctance to join his rebellious enterprise. Near Dipalpur he was
joined by Murad Bakhsh and made a short march to Dharmat,
fourteen miles from Ujjain.
The two imperial armies sent against the brothers, hampered by
their instructions to fight only as a last resource, had wasted time
and suffered from divided counsels and lack of intelligence. An
attempt to stop Murad . Bakhsh failed, and the earliest news of
Aurangzib's movements was that he had already crossed the Narbada
and was rapidly approaching. Aurangzib sent messages to Raja
Jasvant Singh of Marwar, who commanded the Rajput army, asking
him to withdraw as Aurangzib was merely going on a peaceful visit
to his father. The raja's reply was to advance towards the prince's
position. Then only he learnt that Murad had joined his brother;
too late he offered his submission, and his honour prevented him from
accepting the terms which were offered. In the battle which ensued
the Rajputs attacked the rebel forces with great bravery, but the
disposition of the imperial troops was bad, and they were unskilfully
directed. Many of their chiefs lost their lives and Raja Jasvant
Singh, badly wounded, was forcibly led away as he advanced to sell
his life for his master. Only one of the senior Muslim officers was
killed and the following day four of them offered their services to
Aurangzib while the rest escaped. Shah Jahan, who had left Agra
for the greater comfort of his new palace at Delhi, returned on
hearing the news of this disastrous loss,
In the glow of his victory Aurangzib ordered the foundation of a
new town called Fathabad, and after a short rest marched to Gwalior,
arriving there at the end of June in the height of the Indian hot
1 "Fath" is Arabic for "Victory".


## p. 213 (#247) ############################################

BATTLE OF SAMOGARH
213
season. Here he received news that Dara had advanced from Agra
to meet him with a large army and was holding the fords of the
Chambal river which lay between them. To a letter from his sister
declaring that the emperor had quite recovered and that his revolt
was impious, he recounted how Dara had thwarted him and must
be removed. The old jealousy between rival chiefs of the Bundelas
led Champat Rai, who had suffered at the hands of Dara, 1 to lead
a division of Aurangzib's army to a little used ford far to the east
of the main road which had escaped observation, and the main force
also crossed by this, enduring great hardships from the roughness of
the track and the intense heat.
By this détour and rapid march Aurangzib forced Dara to abandon
his elaborately prepared position on the main road and, leaving
behind much of his heavy artillery, to retreat towards Agra. Near
Samogarh, about ten miles east of the city, the two armies met.
Dara's army, though superior in numbers and containing many
reliable Rajputs and Sayyids of Barha, included masses of untrained
men and foreign mercenaries whose loyalty could not be relied on.
Unskilled in the conduct of a battle, he had few able leaders and in
particular was unable to make the best use of his bravest men. His
first error was to fail to attack Aurangzib on his arrival at Samogarh
with troops exhausted by the heat, and to allow them to rest for
the night. Next morning when the battle began his guns opened
before the enemy were in range, and his first attack on the left was
launched on unscathed opponents who had reserved their fire and
repulsed it. Changing front to the centre this force was rapidly met
by Aurangzib's reserves and cut to pieces, its leader, Rustam Khan,”
being killed. On the right Khalil-ullah made a half-hearted attack
on Murad Bakhsh which was not pressed, but a reserve from the
centre, largely composed of Rajputs, followed it up and penetrated
the rebel forces, even attacking the elephant on which Murad Bakhsh
was seated. He himself received three arrow wounds in the face and
his driver was killed before him. In spite of his personal bravery
he was forced back and the Rajputs attacked the fresh forces which
Aurangzib led against them in person. Their bravery and devotion
to leaders won the admiration of Aurangzib, who tried to restrain
his bodyguard from striking down beaten foes.
Dara's conduct of the battle was as inept as his character and
training would suggest. At an early stage he left the centre and
moved to the support of Rustam Khan, thus masking his own artillery,
and losing control of other parts of the field. He was met by the fire
of Aurangzib's guns, which had been reserved till then. Attempting
a fresh attack to the right he found his heavily armoured troops
1 See p. 201.
2 The later title of the general Muqarrab Khan (see p. 189), who had served
Shah Jahan well in Rohilkhand and in the Balkh campaign.


## p. 214 (#248) ############################################

214
SHAH JAHAN
exhausted by the heat and met by fresh reserves, while the enemy's
guns were moving to encircle him. His officers pressed him to dis-
mount from his elephant on which he offered too conspicuous a mark.
The empty howdah, seen from a distance, made his troops believe
he was dead, and the shattered units broke and dispersed for safety.
Dara escaped on horseback, barely able to cover the short distance
to Agra without a halt, having lost 10,000 men in the battle, while
many others perished from heat or exhaustion. Ashamed to meet
his father after defeat when he had sallied forth boasting of the
victory he expected, he fled in a few hours towards Delhi, accom-
panied only by a handful of servants, and leaving the emperor in
despair.
The victor, after prayer, received his wounded brother, ascribing
the victory to Murad Bakhsh's bravery and declared that Murad's
reign should begin at once. Then moving slowly towards Agra he
camped outside the city and received offers of service from the nobles,
who easily abandoned the losing side. Shah Jahan invited him to
a meeting, to which he first agreed, but later withdrew his acceptance.
Crafty himself, he feared an ambush. The emperor, finding his over-
tures rejected, and seeing the city occupied by his son's rebellious
forces, was apprehensive for his own life, and closing the gates pre-
pared to defend the fort, which contained a strong garrison of slaves
and was almost impregnable by assault. Aurangzib opened fire with
his guns, but it was ineffective and time pressed. He therefore cut
off the supply of water from the Jumna, and as the wells in the fort
were brackish distress was quickly felt. After three days the emperor
again appealed to the filial duties of his son and was met by renewed
assertions that Aurangzib was faithful to him while Dara was the
traitor. The gates were opened and the fort was cleared of Shah
Jahan's adherents, under the supervision of a grandson. Aurangzib
was again pressed to visit his father, who sent his daughter Jahanara
Begam with a proposal that the empire should be divided between
the four brothers. Aurangzib even set out in a gorgeous procession
to enter the fort, but the dissuasions of his officers were reinforced
by the delivery to him of a letter despatched by Shah Jahan to Dara
assuring him that all would be well, and he passed by the gate.
After holding a darbar with great ceremony to receive his new
officials he started in pursuit of Dara, but his march was slow, as
his ever suspicious mind was occupied with the possibility of danger
from the ambition of Murad Bakhsh. Secluded owing to his wounds
Murad felt that his brother's power was increasing while he himself
was overshadowed, and he began to increase his own troops by
offering liberal pay and titles. When so many captains were stark
adventurers, more likely to gain profit by fighting than in a settled
peace, it was easy to gain recruits. His clumsy designs were easily
read by Aurangzib, who met them by craft and ruthlessness. Having


## p. 215 (#249) ############################################

AURANGZIB BECOMES EMPEROR
216
marched a short distance from Agra he sent money and horses to
Murad to aid his expenses in the pursuit of Dara and invited him
to a banquet. For some days the dissuasion of his more apprehensive
officers kept Murad from accepting the invitation, but a personal
attendant who had been corrupted by Aurangzib induced him to
enter his brother's camp after a heated day in the chase. The brothers
a
ate together and Murad was invited to rest after the hunt. A female
slave who was sent to his tent to shampoo his legs removed his
weapons as he slept and he was easily made a prisoner, and carried
off secretly and immediately to the fort at Delhi. Fickle troops at
once joined Aurangzib and their leaders accepted rich gifts.
Meanwhile Dara, who had seized Delhi in his first flight and had
begun to collect a fresh army, soon realised that he could not hope
to resist Aurangzib there. He therefore pressed on to Lahore, leaving
guards on the Sutlej and striving to increase his own forces and to
corrupt the generals of his brother. There was reason to hope that
the fatigue of Aurangzib's army would allow him time to organise a
successful resistance.
By the confinement of Murad Bakhsh Aurangzib was now relieved
of immediate anxiety, and he marched on to Delhi, where he rapidly
matured his plans. One force was sent at once after Dara, and another
was despatched east to capture Allahabad as a bulwark against
Sulaiman Shukoh and the possibility of action by Shah Shuja'. For
three weeks he halted, busy with the details of civil administration,
Here he finally achieved his original plan and assumed the imperial
title, though with scanty pomp, taking the additional name of
‘Alamgir (universe grasper). Thus ended the reign of Shah Jahan,
who spent the remaining years of his life a prisoner in the fort of
Agra. " Here he was confined in the gilded marble palace he had
built, from which he could gaze down the Jumna with its arid dusty
banks to the magnificent tomb he was building for his wife-and
himself.
By race Shah Jahan was three-quarters Indian, both his mother
and grandmother having been Rajput ladies of high birth, and the
failure of his sons and army in the enterprise against Balkh showed
that the Mughul line in India was no longer able to cope with the
hardy and turbulent tribesmen beyond the Hindu Kush. Each of
the Mughul emperors from Akbar to Aurangzib seemed to realise
and avoid the faults of his predecessor more diligently than to emulate
any good qualities that existed. As a youth Shah Jahan was accus-
tomed to see his father indulging to excess in drink, and Jahangir
himself records that he was unable to persuade his son even to taste
liquor till he was twenty-four. And throughout his life, while his
marriage to Mumtaz Mahall proved a pleasing example of conjugal
1 While at this period Roe states that both father and son were fond of red
wine it is clear that Shah Jahan never became a drunkard.


## p. 216 (#250) ############################################

216
SHAH JAHAN
happiness for nearly twenty years, and later he became addicted to
sensual pleasures, he never subordinated his own judgement to female
influences as Jahangir did.
Even during boyhood the restless uncertainty as to their hopes
of a crown that always obsessed the sons of an oriental ruler was
forced upon him. The dispute with his elder brother Khusrav over
the elephant fight which disturbed the last days of his grandfather
Akbar occurred when he was not fourteen, and shortly afterwards
he saw Khusrav try to wrest the throne from their father. During a
stay of over three years (1615-19) in India Sir Thomas Roe was at
the court for long periods and his business brought him into contact
with Shah Jahan, who was then governor of Gujarat and thus of
great importance to the British ambassador endeavouring to establish
trade. The grievances of the English traders naturally prejudiced
.
Roe against the man whom he believed to be responsible for not
righting them. Moreover, the prince disliked Roe, who insisted on
being treated with the dignity due to his office as ambassador and
could not be cajoled or brow-beaten. Roe's allowances from the com-
pany did not permit him to offer presents so costly as those of the
Portuguese who were his competitors for favour. Allowing for these
sources of bias Roe's judgement of the prince is confirmed by other.
sources. He found Shah Jahan at the age of twenty-four already
mature, and writes :
I never saw so settled a countenance, nor any man keepe so constant a
gravety, never smiling, nor in face showing any respect or difference of men;
but mingled with extreme pride and contempt of all. Yet I found some inward
trouble now and then assayle him, and a kind of brokennes and distraction in
his thoughts, unprovidedly and amasedly answering sutors, or not hearing. 1
Elsewhere he describes the prince as “proud naturally” and as
intolerant and more favourable to the Portuguese than to the English,
which was natural, as the English were newcomers of whom nothing
was known in India while the Portuguese had already established
some dominion there.
When he came to the throne Shah Jahan was nearly thirty-six,
and his character had mellowed. He had disposed of all possible
rivals of the blood royal and the people at large were prepared to
welcome a ruler who had shown ability as general and administrator
after the impotent government of his father. Nor were they dis-
appointed, as Shah Jahan, at last relieved from the long anxiety about
his position, showed that he had unexpected geniality and modera-
tion. His careful handling of the Afghan tribes round the Khyber
pass who commanded the line of communications with Kabul and
are even still a menace to civilised administration shows this. ? These
1 Shah Jahan was just about to leave for the Deccan, having superseded his
brother Parviz, of whom he was jealous.
2 C. E. Biddulph, Afghan Poetry (1890), p. xiv.


## p. 217 (#251) ############################################

SHAH JAHAN'S RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE 217
qualities, however, did not permit toleration of abuses and negligence
of their duties by the officials of the empire, and there were notable
instances of local administrators being removed for such faults.
Though in matters of religion his plain straightforward creed per-
mitted no licence, he never degenerated into the bigot that his suc-
cessor became. With the latitude of Akbar's religious beliefs and
practices, and the looseness of Jahangir's court, he had no sympathy,
and his objects were primarily to restore the strict profession of Islam
rather than to persecute believers in other religions. Thus he soon
abolished the ceremonial prostration before the throne which had
been instituted by Akbar and maintained by Jahangir, and in its
place prescribed forms which savoured less of divine worship. The
ostentatious use of the divine era instituted by Akbar ceased so far
as the record of months on the coinage was concerned a few years
after Shah Jahan's accession, except in one or two outlying places,
though the practical value of a calendar of solar months led to their
continued use (but not invariably) for fiscal purposes.
In 1633 Shah Jahan ordered the demolition of Hindu temples
which had been begun in the previous reign, especially at Benares,
and many were demolished.