At present a state of affairs
is being created where class distinctions are likely to be barriers to
the promotion of individual worth--and equally, of course, to the
demotion of individual worthlessness.
is being created where class distinctions are likely to be barriers to
the promotion of individual worth--and equally, of course, to the
demotion of individual worthlessness.
Applied Eugenics by Roswell H. Johnson and Paul Popenoe
3
These figures again show, not alone the greater intelligence of the
white in matters of hygiene, but probably also the greater inherent
resistance of the white to a disease which has been attacking him for
many centuries. Biologically, North America is a white man's country,
not a Negro's country, and those who are considering the Negro problem
must remember that natural selection has not ceased acting on man.
From the foregoing different kinds of evidence, we feel justified in
concluding that the Negro race differs greatly from the white race,
mentally as well as physically, and that in many respects it may be said
to be inferior, when tested by the requirements of modern civilization
and progress, with particular reference to North America.
We return now to the question of intermarriage. What is to be expected
from the union of these diverse streams of descent?
The best answer would be to study and measure the mulattoes and their
posterity, in as many ways as possible. No one has ever done this. It is
the custom to make no distinction whatever between mulatto and Negro, in
the United States, and thus the whole problem is beclouded.
There is some evidence from life insurance and medical sources, that the
mulatto stands above the Negro but below the white in respect to his
health. There is considerable evidence that he occupies the same
relation in the intellectual world; it is a matter of general
observation that nearly all the leaders of the Negro race in the United
States are not Negroes but mulattoes.
Without going into detail, we feel perfectly safe in drawing this
conclusion: that in general the white race loses and the Negro gains
from miscegenation.
This applies, of course, only to the germinal nature. Taking into
consideration the present social conditions in America, it is doubtful
whether either race gains. But if social conditions be eliminated for
the moment, biologists may believe that intermarriage between the white
and Negro races represents, on the whole, an advance for the Negro; and
that it represents for the white race a distinct loss.
If eugenics is to be thought of solely in terms of the white race, there
can be no hesitation about rendering a verdict. We must unhesitatingly
condemn miscegenation.
But there are those who declare that it is small and mean to take such a
narrow view of the evolution of the race. They would have America open
its doors indiscriminately to immigration, holding it a virtue to
sacrifice one's self permanently for someone else's temporary happiness;
they would equally have the white race sacrifice itself for the Negro,
by allowing a mingling of the two blood-streams. That, it is alleged, is
the true way to elevate the Negro.
The question may well be considered from that point of view, even
though the validity of such a point of view is not admitted.
To ensure racial and social progress, nothing will take the place of
leadership, of genius. A race of nothing but mediocrities will stand
still, or very nearly so; but a race of mediocrities with a good supply
of men of exceptional ability and energy at the top, will make progress
in discovery, invention and organization, which is generally recognized
as progressive evolution.
If the level of the white race be lowered, it will hurt that race and be
of little help to the Negro. If the white race be kept at such a level
that its productivity of men of talent will be at a maximum, everyone
will progress; for the Negro benefits just as the white does from every
forward step in science and art, in industry and politics.
Remembering that the white race in America is nine times as numerous as
the black race, we conclude that it would be desirable to encourage
amalgamation of the two races only in case the average of mulattoes is
superior to the average of the whites. No one can seriously maintain
that this supposition is true. Biologically, therefore, there is no
reason to think that an increase in the number of mulattoes is
desirable.
There is a curious argument in circulation, which points out that
mulattoes are almost always the offspring of Negro mothers and white
fathers, not of Negro fathers and white mothers. Therefore, it is said,
production of mulattoes does not mean at all a decrease in the number of
white births, but merely substitutes a number of mulatto births for an
equivalent number of pure Negro births. It is therefore alleged that the
production of mulattoes is in the long run a benefit, elevating the
Negro race without impairing the white race.
But this argument assumes that most mulatto births are illegitimate,--a
condition which eugenists do not sanction, because it tends to
disintegrate the family. Rather than such a condition, the legitimate
production of pure-blood Negroes is preferable, even though they be
inferior in individual ability to the illegitimate mulattoes offered as
a substitute. There are not at the present time enough desirable white
fathers in the country. If desirable ones are set aside to produce
mulattoes, it would be a great loss to the nation; while if the
mulattoes are the offspring of eugenically undesirable white fathers,
then the product is not likely to be anything America wants.
From whatever standpoint we take, we see nothing good to be said for
miscegenation. [141] We have discussed the problem as a particular one
between the blacks and whites but the argument will hold good when
applied to any two races between which the differences are so marked
that one may be considered decidedly inferior to the other.
Society,--white society,--long ago reached the instinctive conclusion,
which seems to us a correct one, that it must put a ban on intermarriage
between two such races. It has given expression to this feeling by
passing laws to prohibit miscegenation in 22 states, while six other
states prohibit it in their constitutions. There are thus 22 states
which have attempted legally to prevent intermarriage of the white and
black race. While in 20 states there is no law on the subject, it is
needless to say that popular feeling about it is almost uniform, and
that the legislators of New England for instance would refuse to give
their daughters in marriage to Negroes, even though they might the day
before have voted down a proposed law to prohibit intermarriage on the
ground that it was an expression of race prejudice.
In a majority of the states which have no legislation of this kind,
bills have been introduced during the last two or three years, and have
been defeated through the energetic interference of the National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People, an organization of
which Oswald Garrison Villard is chairman of the Board of Directors and
W. E. B. DuBois, a brilliant mulatto, is Director of Publicity and
Research. As this association represents a very large part of the more
intelligent Negro public opinion, its attitude deserves careful
consideration. It is set forth summarily in a letter[142] which was
addressed to legislators in various states, as follows:
"The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
earnestly protests against the bill forbidding intermarriage between the
races, not because the Association advocates intermarriage, which it
does not, but primarily because whenever such laws have been enacted
they have become a menace to the whole institution of matrimony, leading
directly to concubinage, bastardy, and the degradation of the Negro
woman. No man-made law can stop the union of the races. If intermarriage
be wrong, its prevention is best left to public opinion and to nature,
which wreaks its own fearful punishments on those who transgress its
laws and sin against it. We oppose the proposed statute in the language
of William Lloyd Garrison in 1843, in his successful campaign for the
repeal of a similar law in Massachusetts: 'Because it is not the
province, and does not belong to the power of any legislative assembly,
in a republican government, to decide on the complexional affinity of
those who choose to be united together in wedlock; and it may as
rationally decree that corpulent and lean, tall and short, strong and
weak persons shall not be married to each other as that there must be an
agreement in the complexion of the parties. '
"We oppose it for the physical reason that to prohibit such
intermarriage would be publicly to acknowledge that black blood is a
physical taint, something no self-respecting colored man and woman can
be asked to admit. We oppose it for the moral reason that all such laws
leave the colored girl absolutely helpless before the lust of the white
man, without the power to compel the seducer to marry. The statistics of
intermarriage in those states where it is permitted show this happens
so infrequently as to make the whole matter of legislation unnecessary.
Both races are practically in complete agreement on this question, for
colored people marry colored people, and white marry whites, the
exceptions being few. We earnestly urge upon you an unfavorable report
on this bill. "
Legislation on the subject of marriage is clearly inside the province of
government. That such an argument as is quoted from William Lloyd
Garrison can still be circulated in the United States and apparently
carry weight, is sufficient cause for one to feel pessimistic over the
spread of the scientific spirit in this nation. Suffice it to say that
on this point the National Association is a century behind the times.
The following policy seems to us to be in accordance with modern
science, and yet meet all the legitimate arguments of the National
Association. We will state our attitude as definitely as possible:
1. We hold that it is to the interests of the United States, for the
reasons given in this chapter, to prevent further Negro-white
amalgamation.
2. The taboo of public opinion is not sufficient in all cases to prevent
intermarriage, and should be supplemented by law, particularly as the
United States have of late years received many white immigrants from
other countries (e. g. , Italy) where the taboo is weak because the
problem has never been pressing.
3. But to prevent intermarriage is only a small part of the solution,
since most mulattoes come from extramarital miscegenation. The only
solution of this, which is compatible with the requirements of eugenics,
is not that of _laissez faire_, suggested by the National Association,
but an extension of the taboo, and an extension of the laws, to prohibit
all sexual intercourse between the two races.
Four states (Louisiana, Nevada, South Dakota and Alabama) have already
attempted to gain this end by law. We believe it to be highly desirable
that such laws should be enacted and enforced by all states. A necessary
preliminary would be to standardize the laws all over the Union,
particularly with a view to agreement on what a "Negro" legally is; for
in some states the legislation applies to one who is one-sixteenth, or
even less, Negro in descent, while in other states it appears to refer
only to full-blood or, at the most, half-blood individuals.
Such legislation, and what is more important, such public opinion,
leading to a cessation of Negro-white amalgamation, we believe to be in
the interests of national eugenics, and to further the welfare of both
of the races involved. Miscegenation can only lead to unhappiness under
present social conditions and must, we believe, under _any_ social
conditions be biologically wrong.
We favor, therefore, the support of the taboo which society has placed
on these mixed marriages, as well as any legal action which can
practicably be taken to make miscegenation between white and black
impossible. Justice requires that the Negro race be treated as kindly
and considerately as possible, with every economic and political
concession that is consistent with the continued welfare of the nation.
Such social equality and intercourse as might lead to marriage are not
compatible with this welfare.
CHAPTER XV
IMMIGRATION
There are now in the United States some 14,000,000 foreign-born persons,
together with other millions of the sons and daughters of foreigners who
although born on American soil have as yet been little assimilated to
Americanism. This great body of aliens, representing perhaps a fifth of
the population, is not a pool to be absorbed, but a continuous,
inflowing stream, which until the outbreak of the Great War was steadily
increasing in volume, and of which the fountain-head is so inexhaustible
as to appal the imagination. From the beginning of the century, the
inflow averaged little less than a million a year, and while about
one-fifth of this represented a temporary migration, four-fifths of it
meant a permanent addition to the population of the New World.
The character of this stream will inevitably determine to a large extent
the future of the American nation. The direct biological results, in
race mixture, are important enough, although not easy to define. The
indirect results, which are probably of no less importance to eugenics,
are so hard to follow that some students of the problem do not even
realize their existence.
The ancestors of all white Americans, of course, were immigrants not so
very many generations ago. But the earlier immigration was relatively
homogeneous and stringently selected by the dangers of the voyage, the
hardships of life in a new country, and the equality of opportunity
where free competition drove the unfit to the wall. There were few
people of eminence in the families that came to colonize North America,
but there was a high average of sturdy virtues, and a good deal of
ability, particularly in the Puritan and Huguenot invasions and in a
part of that of Virginia.
In the first three-quarters of the nineteenth century, the number of
these "patriots and founders" was greatly increased by the arrival of
immigrants of similar racial stocks from Ireland, Germany, Scandinavia,
and to a less extent from the other countries of northern and western
Europe. These arrivals added strength to the United States, particularly
as a large part of them settled on farms.
This stream of immigration gradually dried up, but was succeeded by a
flood from a new source,--southern and eastern Europe. Italians, Slavs,
Poles, Magyars, East European Hebrews, Finns, Portuguese, Greeks,
Roumanians and representatives of many other small nationalities began
to seek fortunes in America. The earlier immigration had been made up
largely of those who sought escape from religious or political tyranny
and came to settle permanent homes. The newer immigration was made up,
on the whole, of those who frankly sought wealth. The difference in the
reason for coming could not fail to mean a difference in selection of
the immigrants, quite apart from the change in the races.
Last of all began an immigration of Levantines, of Syrians, Armenians,
and other inhabitants of Asiatic Turkey. Beyond this region lie the
great nations of Asia, "oversaturated" with population. So far there has
been little more than the threat of their overflow, but the threat is
certain to become a reality within a few years unless prevented by legal
restriction.
The eugenic results of immigration are partly indirect and partly
direct. Direct results follow if the newcomers are assimilated,--a word
which we shall use rather narrowly to mean that free intermarriage takes
place between them and all parts of the older population. We shall
discuss the direct results first, the nature of which depends largely on
whether the newcomers are racially homogeneous with the population
already in the country.
If they are like, the old and new will blend without difficulty. The
effects of the immigration then depend on whether the immigrants are
better or worse in average quality than the older residents. If as good
or better, they are valuable additions; if inferior they are
biologically a detriment.
But if the new arrivals are different, if they represent a different
subspecies of _Homo sapiens_, the question is more serious, for it
involves the problem of crossing races which are biologically more or
less distinct. Genetics can throw some light on this problem.
Waiving for the moment all question as to the relative quality of two
distinct races, what results are to be expected from crossing? It (1)
gives an increase of vigor which diminishes in later generations and (2)
produces recombination of characters.
The first result may be disregarded, for the various races of man are
probably already much mixed, and too closely related, to give rise to
much hybrid vigor in crosses.
The second result will be favorable or unfavorable, depending on the
characters which go into the cross; and it is not possible to predict
the result in human matings, because the various racial characters are
so ill known. It is, therefore, not worth while here to discuss at
length genetic theory. In general it may be said that some valuable
characters are likely to disappear, as the result of such crosses, and
less desirable ones to take their place. The great bulk of the
population resulting from such racial crosses is likely to be more or
less mongrel in nature. Finally, some individuals will appear who
combine the good characters of the two races, without the bad ones.
The net result will therefore probably be some distinct gain, but a
greater loss. There is danger that complex and valuable traits of a race
will be broken down in the process of hybridization, and that it will
take a long time to bring them together again. The old view that racial
crosses lead fatally to race degeneration is no longer tenable, but the
view recently advanced, that crosses are advantageous, seems equally
hasty. W. E. Castle has cited the Pitcairn Islanders and the
Boer-Hottentot mulattoes of South Africa as evidence that wide crosses
are productive of no evil results. These cases may be admitted to show
that such a hybrid race may be physically healthy, but in respect of
mental traits they hardly do more than suggest the conclusion we
advanced in our chapter on the Color Line,--that such miscegenation is
an advantage to the inferior race and a disadvantage to the superior
one.
On the whole, we believe wide racial crosses should be looked upon with
suspicion by eugenists.
The colonizers of North America mostly belonged to the Nordic race. [143]
The earlier immigrants to the United States,--roughly, those who came
here before the Civil War,--belonged mostly to the same stock, and
therefore mixed with the early settlers without difficulty. The
advantages of this immigration were offset by no impairment of racial
homogeneity.
But the more recent immigration belongs mostly to other races,
principally the Mediterranean and Alpine. Even if these immigrants were
superior on the average to the older population, it is clear that their
assimilation would not be an unmixed blessing, for the evil of
crossbreeding would partly offset the advantage of the addition of
valuable new traits. If, on the other hand, the average of the new
immigration is inferior in quality, or in so far as it is inferior in
quality, it is evident that it must represent biologically an almost
unmixed evil; it not only brings in new undesirable traits, but injures
the desirable ones already here.
E. A. Ross has attempted to predict some of the changes that will take
place in the population of the United States, as a result of the
immigration of the last half-century. [144] "It is reasonable," he
thinks, "to expect an early falling off in the frequency of good looks
in the American people. " A diminution of stature, a depreciation of
morality, an increase in gross fecundity, and a considerable lowering of
the level of average natural ability are among other results that he
considers probable. Not only are the races represented in the later
immigration in many cases inferior in average ability to the earlier
immigrant races, but America does not get the best, or even a
representative selection,[145] from the races which are now contributing
to her population. "Europe retains most of her brains, but sends
multitudes of the common and sub-common. There is little sign of an
intellectual element among the Magyars, Russians, South Slavs, Italians,
Greeks or Portuguese" who are now arriving. "This does not hold,
however, for currents created by race discrimination or oppression. The
Armenian, Syrian, Finnish and Russo-Hebrew streams seem
_representative_, and the first wave of Hebrews out of Russia in the
eighties was superior. "
While the earlier immigration brought a liberal amount of intelligence
and ability, the later immigration (roughly, that of the last half
century) seems to have brought distinctly less. It is at present
principally an immigration of unskilled labor, of vigorous, ignorant
peasants. Some of this is "promoted" by agents of transportation
companies and others who stand to gain by stirring up the population of
a country village in Russia or Hungary, excite the illiterate peasants
by stories of great wealth and freedom to be gained in the New World,
provide the immigrant with a ticket to New York and start him for Ellis
Island. Naturally, such immigration is predominantly male. On the whole,
females make up one-third of the recent inflow, but among some
races--Greeks, Italians and Roumanians, for example--only one-fifth.
In amount of inherent ability these immigrants are not only less highly
endowed than is desirable, but they furnish, despite weeding out,
altogether too large a proportion of the "three D's"--defectives,
delinquents and dependents. In the single year 1914 more than 33,000
would-be immigrants were turned back, about half of them because likely
to become public charges. The immigration law of 1907, amended in 1910,
1913 and 1917, excludes the following classes of aliens from admission
into the United States:
Idiots, imbeciles, feeble-minded persons, epileptics, insane
persons, persons who have been insane within 5 years previously;
persons who have had two or more attacks of insanity at any time
previously or who are affected by constitutional psychopathic
inferiority or chronic alcoholism; paupers, vagrants, persons
likely to become public charges; professional beggars, persons
afflicted with tuberculosis or with a loathsome or contagious
disease; persons who have been convicted of a crime involving moral
turpitude; polygamists, anarchists, contract laborers, prostitutes,
persons not comprehended within any one of the foregoing excluded
classes who are found to be and are certified by the examining
surgeon as being mentally or physically defective, such mental or
physical defect being of such a nature as to affect the ability of
the alien to earn a living.
[Illustration: EXAMINING IMMIGRANTS AT ELLIS ISLAND, NEW YORK
FIG. 39. --Surgeons of the United States Public Health Service
test every immigrant, physically and mentally, in order to send back any
who give promise of being undesirable additions to the population. The
above photograph shows how the examination of those whose condition has
aroused suspicion, is conducted. The boy under the measuring bar, in the
foreground, and the three immediately to the left of the desk, are
examples of congenital asthenia and poor physique; two of the four were
found to be dull mentally. Photograph from U. S. Public Health Service. ]
Despite the efficiency of the U. S. Public Health Service, it is quite
impossible for its small staff to examine thoroughly every immigrant,
when three or four thousand arrive in a single day, as has frequently
happened at Ellis Island. Under such circumstances, the medical officer
must pass the immigrants with far too cursory an inspection. It is not
surprising that many whose mental defects are not of an obvious nature
manage to slip through; particularly if, as is charged,[146] many of the
undesirables are informed that the immigrant rush is greatest in March
and April, and therefore make it a point to arrive at that time, knowing
the medical inspection will be so overtaxed that they will have a better
chance to get by. The state hospitals of the Atlantic states are rapidly
filling up with foreign-born insane. [147] Probably few of these were
patently insane when they passed through the port of entry. Insanity, it
must be remembered, is predominantly a disease of old age, whereas the
average alien on arrival is not old. The mental weakness appears only
after he has been here some years, perhaps inevitably or perhaps because
he finds his environment in, say, lower Manhattan Island is much more
taxing to the brain than the simple surroundings of his farm overlooking
the bay of Naples.
The amount of crime attributable to certain sections of the more recent
immigration is relatively large. "It was frequently stated to the
members of the Immigration Commission in southern Italy that crime had
greatly diminished in many communities because most of the criminals had
gone to America. " The amount of crime among immigrants in the United
States is partly due to their age and sex distribution, partly due to
their concentration in cities, partly to the bad environment from which
they have sometimes come; partly to inherent racial characteristics,
such as make crimes of violence frequent among the Southern Italians,
crimes of gain proportionately more frequent among the Jews, and
violence when drunk more a characteristic of the Slavs. No restriction
of immigration can wholly eliminate the criminal tendencies, but, says
Dr. Warne,[148] after balancing the two sides, "It still remains true
that because of immigration we have a greater amount of pauperism and
crime than would be the case if there were no immigration. It is also an
indisputable fact that with a better regulation of immigration the
United States would have less of these social horrors. "
To dwell too much on the undesirable character of part of the present
immigration would be to lose perspective. Most of it consists of
vigorous, industrious, ignorant peasants, induced to come here in search
of a better living than they can get at home. But it is important to
remember that if they come here and stay, they are pretty certain to be
assimilated sooner or later. In cases superior to the average of the
older population, their arrival should be welcomed if not too racially
diverse; but if, as we believe the record of their achievements shows, a
large part of the immigration is on the average inferior to the older
population of the United States, such are eugenically a detriment to the
future progress of the race. The direct biological result to be expected
from the assimilation of such newcomers is the swamping of the best
characteristics of the old American stock, and a diminution of the
average of intelligence of the whole country.
The interbreeding is too slow at present to be conspicuous, and hence
its effects are little noticed. The foreigners tend to keep by
themselves, to form "Little Italies," "Little Russias," transplanted
Ghettoes and "foreign quarters," where they retain their native
languages and customs and marry compatriots. This condition of
segregation can not last forever; the process of amalgamation will be
more rapid with each generation, particularly because of the
preponderance of males in the newer immigration who must marry outside
their own race, if they are to marry at all.
The direct results of immigration that lead to intermarriage with the
older population are fairly easy to outline. The indirect results, which
we shall now consider, are more complex. We have dealt so far only with
the effects of an immigration that is assimilated; but some immigration
(that from the Orient, for example) is not assimilated; other
immigration remains unassimilated for a long time. What are the eugenic
consequences of an unassimilated immigration?
The presence of large numbers of immigrants who do not intermarry with
the older stock will, says T. N. Carver,[149] inevitably mean one of
three things:
1. Geographical separation of races.
2. Social separation of races (as the "color line" in the South and to a
large extent in the North, between Negroes and whites who yet live side
by side).
3. Continuous racial antagonism, frequently breaking out into race war.
This third possibility has been at least threatened, by the conflict
between the white and yellow races in California, and the conflict
between whites and Hindus in British Columbia.
None of these alternatives is attractive. The third is undesirable in
every way and the first two are difficult to maintain. The first is
perhaps impossible; the second is partly practicable, as is shown by the
case of the Negro. One of its drawbacks is not sufficiently recognized.
In a soundly-organized society, it is necessary that the road should be
open from top to bottom and bottom to top, in order that genuine merit
may get its deserts. A valuable strain which appears at the bottom of
the social scale must be able to make its way to the top, receiving
financial and other rewards commensurate with its value to the state,
and being able to produce a number of children proportionate to its
reward and its value. This is an ideal which is seldom approximated in
government, but it is the advantage of a democratic form of government
that it presents the open road to success, more than does an oligarchic
government. That this freedom of access to all rewards that the state
can give should be open to every one (and conversely that no one should
be kept at the top and over-rewarded if he is unworthy) is essential to
eugenics; but it is quite incompatible with the existence within the
state of a number of isolated groups, some of which must inevitably and
properly be considered inferior. It is certain that, at the present time
in this country, no Negro can take a place in the upper ranks of
society, which are and will long remain white. The fact that this
situation is inevitable makes it no less unfortunate for both Negro and
white races; consolation can only be found in the thought that it is
less of a danger than the opposite condition would be. But this
condition of class discrimination is likely to exist, to a much less
extent it is true, in every city where there are foreign-born and
native-born populations living side by side, and where the epithets of
"Sheeny," "Dago," "Wop," "Kike," "Greaser," "Guinea," etc. , testify to
the feeling of the older population that it is superior.
While eugenic strength in a state is promoted by variety, too great a
heterogeneity offers serious social difficulties. It is essential if
America is to be strong eugenically that it slow down the flood of
immigrants who are not easily assimilable.
At present a state of affairs
is being created where class distinctions are likely to be barriers to
the promotion of individual worth--and equally, of course, to the
demotion of individual worthlessness.
Even if an immigration is not assimilated, then, it yet has an indirect
effect on eugenics. But there are other indirect effects of immigration,
which are quite independent of assimilation: they inhere in the mere
bulk and economic character of the immigration. The arrivals of the past
few decades have been nearly all unskilled laborers. Professor Carver
believes that continuous immigration which enters the ranks of labor in
larger proportion and the business and professional classes in a smaller
proportion than the native-born will produce the following results:
1. Distribution. It will keep competition more intense among laborers
and less intense among business and professional men: it will therefore
raise the income of the employing classes and lower the wages of
unskilled labor.
2. Production. It will give a relatively low marginal productivity to a
typical immigrant and make him a relatively unimportant factor in the
production of wealth.
3. Organization of industry. Immigrants can only be employed
economically at low wages and in large gangs, because of (2).
4. Agriculture. If large numbers of immigrants should go into
agriculture, it will mean one of two things, probably the second:
(a) Continuous subdivision of farms resulting in inefficient and
wasteful application of labor and smaller crops per man, although
probably larger crops per acre.
(b) Development of a class of landed proprietors on the one hand and a
landless agricultural proletariat on the other.
It is true that the great mass of unskilled labor which has come to the
United States in the last few decades has made possible the development
of many industries that have furnished an increased number of good jobs
to men of intelligence, but many who have made a close study of the
immigration problem think that despite this, unskilled labor has been
coming in altogether too large quantities. Professor Ross publishes the
following illustration:
"What a college man saw in a copper-mine in the Southwest gives in a
nutshell the logic of low wages.
"The American miners, getting $2. 75 a day, are abruptly displaced
without a strike by a train-load of 500 raw Italians brought in by the
company and put to work at from $1. 50 to $2 a day. For the Americans
there is nothing to do but to 'go down the road. ' At first the Italians
live on bread and beer, never wash, wear the same filthy clothes night
and day, and are despised. After two or three years they want to live
better, wear decent clothes, and be respected. They ask for more wages,
the bosses bring in another train-load from the steerage, and the partly
Americanized Italians follow the American miners 'down the road. ' No
wonder the estimate of government experts as to the number of our
floating casual laborers ranges up to five millions! "
"It is claimed that the natives are not displaced" by the constant
inflow of alien unskilled labor, says H. P. Fairchild,[150] but that they
"are simply forced into higher occupations. Those who were formerly
common laborers are now in positions of authority. While this argument
holds true of individuals, its fallacy when applied to groups is
obvious. There are not nearly enough places of authority to receive
those who are forced out from below. The introduction of 500 Slav
laborers into a community may make a demand for a dozen or a score of
Americans in higher positions, but hardly for 500. "
"The number of unskilled workers coming in at the present time is
sufficient to check decidedly the normal tendency toward an improved
standard of living in many lines of industry," in the opinion of J. W.
Jenks, who was a member of the Immigration Commission appointed by
President Roosevelt in 1907. He alludes to the belief that instead of
crowding the older workers _out_, the aliens merely crowd them up, and
says that he himself formerly held that view; "but the figures collected
by the Immigration commission, from a sufficient number of industries in
different sections of the country to give general conclusions, prove
beyond a doubt that in a good many cases these incoming immigrants
actually drive out into other localities and into other unskilled trades
large numbers of American workingmen and workingmen of the earlier
immigration who do not get better positions but, rather, worse ones. . . .
Professor Lauck, our chief superintendent of investigators in the
field, and, so far as I am aware, every single investigator in the
field, before the work ended, reached the conclusion from personal
observation that the tendency of the large percentage of immigration of
unskilled workers is clearly to lower the standard of living in a number
of industries, and the statistics of the commission support this
impression. I therefore changed my earlier views. "
If the immigration of large quantities of unskilled labor with low
standards of living tends in most cases to depress wages and lower the
standard of living of the corresponding class of the old American
population, the consequences would appear to be:
1. The employers of labor would profit, since they would get abundant
labor at low wages. If this increase in the wealth of employers led to
an increase in their birth-rate, it would be an advantage. But it
apparently does not. The birth-rate of the employing class is probably
little restricted by financial difficulties; therefore on them
immigration probably has no immediate eugenic effect.
2. The American skilled laborers would profit, since there is more
demand for skilled labor in industries created by unskilled immigrant
labor. Would the increasing prosperity and a higher standard of living
here, tend to lower the relative birth-rate of the class or not?
The answer probably depends on the extent of the knowledge of birth
control which has been discussed elsewhere.
3. The wages and standard of living of American unskilled laborers will
fall, since they are obliged directly to compete with the newcomers. It
seems most likely that a fall in wages and standards is correlated with
a fall in birth-rate. This case must be distinguished from cases where
the wages and standards _never were high_, and where poverty is
correlated with a high birth-rate. If this distinction is correct, the
present immigration will tend to lower the birth-rate of American
unskilled laborers.
The arguments here used may appear paradoxical, and have little
statistical support, but they seem to us sound and not in contradiction
with any known facts. If they are valid, the effect of such immigration
as the United States has been receiving is to reduce the birth-rate of
the unskilled labor with little or no effect on the employers and
managers of labor.
Since both the character and the volume of immigration are at fault,
remedial measures may be applied to either one or both of these
features. It is very desirable that we have a much more stringent
selection of immigrants than is made at the present time. But most of
the measures which have been actually proposed and urged in recent years
have been directed at a diminution of the volume, and at a change in
character only by somewhat indirect and indiscriminate means.
The Immigration Commission made a report to Congress on Dec. 5, 1910, in
which it suggested the following possible methods of restricting the
volume of immigration:
1. The exclusion of those unable to read and write in some language.
2. The reduction of the number of each race arriving each year to a
certain percentage of the average of that race arriving during a given
period of years.
3. The exclusion of unskilled laborers unaccompanied by wives or
families.
4. Material increase in the amount of money required to be in the
possession of the immigrant at the port of arrival.
5. Material increase in the head tax.
6. Limitation of the number of immigrants arriving annually at any port.
7. The levying of the head tax so as to make a marked discrimination in
favor of men with families.
Eugenically, it is probable that (3) and (7), which would tend to admit
only families, would be a detriment to American welfare; (1) and (2)
have been the suggestions which have met with the most favor. All but
one member of the commission favored (1), the literacy test, as the most
feasible single method of restricting undesirable immigration, and it
was enacted into law by Congress, which passed it over President
Wilson's veto, in February, 1917.
Records for 1914 show that "illiteracy among the total number of
arrivals of each race ranged all the way from 64% for the Turkish to
less than 1% for the English, the Scotch, the Welsh, the Scandinavian,
and the Finnish. The Bohemian and Moravian, the German, and the Irish
each had less than 5% illiterate. Races other than the Turkish, whose
immigration in 1914 was more than one-third illiterate, include the
Dalmatians, Bosnians, Herzegovinians, Russians, Ruthenians, Italians,
Lithuanians, and Roumanians. "
It is frankly admitted by the proponents of this method of restriction
that it will keep out some who ought to come in, and let in some who
ought to be kept out. It is in some cases a test of opportunity rather
than of character, but "in the belief of its advocates, it will meet the
situation as disclosed by the investigation of the Immigration
Commission better than any other means that human ingenuity can devise.
It is believed that it would exclude more of the undesirable and fewer
of the desirable immigrants than any other method of restriction. "
On the other hand, it is argued that the literacy test will fail of
success because those who want to come will learn to read and write,
which will only delay their arrival a few months without changing their
real character. But the effect of such attempts will separate those who
succeed from those who are too inferior to succeed, which would be an
advantage of the plan rather than a defect.
The second method of selection enumerated (2) above, was proposed by
Rev. Sidney L. Gulick, particularly with a view to meeting the need of
restriction of Asiatic immigration. [151] This immigration will be
discussed shortly, but in the meantime the details of his plan may be
presented.
"Only so many immigrants of any people should be admitted as we can
Americanize. Let the maximum permissible annual immigration from any
people be a definite per cent. (say five) of the sum of the
American-born children of that people plus those who have become
naturalized of the same people. Let this restriction be imposed only
upon adult males.
"Taking the 1910 census as our basis, the 5% Restriction Proposal would
have fixed the maximum permissible immigration of males from North and
West Europe at 759,000 annually, while the actual annual immigration for
the last 5 years averages but 115,000. The permissible immigration from
South and East Europe would have been 189,000 annually, while the
average for the last five years has been 372,000. When applied to China,
the policy would have admitted 1,106 males per year, while the number
admitted on the average for the last 5 years has been 1,571. The
proposal would provide for the admission of 1,200 Japanese annually,
here again resulting in the exclusion on the average of 1,238 males
yearly during the years 1911-1915. No estimate is made here of the
effect of the exclusion of males on the arrival of women and children. "
The percentage restriction is unsatisfactory to a eugenist, as not
sufficiently discriminating.
The literary restriction has been a great step forward but should be
backed by the addition of such mental tests as will make it fairly
certain to keep out the dull-minded as well as feeble-minded. Long
division would suffice as such a test until better tests relatively
unaffected by schooling can be put into operation, since it is at this
point in the grades that so many dull-minded drop out of the schools.
Oriental immigration is becoming an urgent problem, and it is essential
that its biological, as well as its economic and sociological features
be understood, if it is to be solved in a satisfactory and reasonably
permanent way. In the foregoing discussion, Oriental immigration has
hardly been taken into account; it must now receive particular
consideration.
What are the grounds, then, for forbidding the yellow races, or the
races of British India, to enter the United States? The considerations
urged in the past have been (1) Political: it is said that they are
unable to acquire the spirit of American institutions. This is an
objection which concerns eugenics only indirectly. (2) Medical: it is
said that they introduce diseases, such as the oriental liver, lung and
intestinal flukes, which are serious, against which Americans have never
been selected, and for which no cure is known. (3) Economic: it is
argued that the Oriental's lower standard of living makes it impossible
for the white man to compete with him. The objection is well founded,
and is indirectly of concern to eugenics, as was pointed out in a
preceding section of this chapter. As eugenists we feel justified in
objecting to the immigration of large bodies of unskilled Oriental
labor, on the ground that they rear larger families than our stock on
the same small incomes.
A biological objection has also been alleged, in the possibility of
interbreeding between the yellow and white races. In the past such cases
have been very rare; it is authoritatively stated[152] that "there are
on our whole Pacific coast not more than 20 instances of intermarriage
between Americans and Japanese, and . . . one might count on the fingers
of both hands the number of American-Chinese marriages between San Diego
and Seattle. " The presence of a body of non-interbreeding immigrants is
likely to produce the adverse results already discussed in the earlier
part of this chapter.
Eugenically, then, the immigration of any considerable number of
unskilled laborers from the Orient may have undesirable direct results
and is certain to have unfavorable indirect results. It should therefore
be prevented, either by a continuation of the "gentlemen's agreement"
now in force between the United States and Japan, and by similar
agreements with other nations, or by some such non-invidious measure as
that proposed by Dr. Gulick. This exclusion should not of course be
applied to the intellectual classes, whose presence here would offer
advantages which would outweigh the disadvantages.
We have a different situation in the Philippine islands, there the
yellow races have been denied admission since the United States took
possession. Previously, the Chinese had been trading there for
centuries, and had settled in considerable numbers almost from the time
the Spaniards colonized the archipelago.
At present it is estimated that there are 100,000 Chinese in the
islands, and their situation was not put too strongly by A. E. Jenks,
when he wrote:[153]
"As to the Chinese, it does not matter much what they themselves desire;
but what their descendants desire will go far toward answering the whole
question of the Filipinos' volition toward assimilation, because they
are _the_ Filipinos. To be specific: During the latter days of my
residence in the Islands in 1905 Governor-General Wright one day told me
that he had recently personally received from one of the most
distinguished Filipinos of the time, and a member of the Insular Civil
Commission, the statement that 'there was not a single prominent and
dominant family among the Christianized Filipinos which did not possess
Chinese blood. ' The voice and will of the Filipinos of to-day is the
voice and the will of these brainy, industrious, rapidly developing men
whose judgment in time the world is bound to respect. "
This statement will be confirmed by almost any American resident in the
Islands. Most of the men who have risen to prominence in the Islands are
mestizos, and while in political life some of the leaders are merely
Spanish metis, the financial leaders almost without exception, the
captains of industry, have Chinese blood in their veins, while this
class has also taken an active part in the government of the
archipelago. Emilio Aguinaldo is one of the most conspicuous of the
Chinese mestizos. Individual examples might be multiplied without limit;
it will be sufficient to mention Bautista Lim, president of the largest
tobacco firm in the islands and also a physician; his brother, formerly
an insurgent general and later governor of Sampango province under the
American administration; the banker Lim Hap; Faustino Lechoco, cattle
king of the Philippines; Fernandez brothers, proprietors of a steamship
line; Locsin and Lacson, wealthy sugar planters; Mariano Velasco,
dry-goods importer; Datto Piang, the Moro warrior and chieftain; Paua,
insurgent general in southern Luzon; Ricardo Gochuico, tobacco magnate.
In most of these men the proportion of Chinese blood is large.
Generalizing, we are justified in saying that the cross between Chinese
and Filipinos produces progeny superior to the Filipinos. It must be
remembered that it is not a very wide cross, the Malayans, who include
most of the Filipinos, being closely related to the Chinese.
It appears that even a small infusion of Chinese blood may produce
long-continued favorable results, if the case of the Ilocanos is
correctly described. This tribe, in Northern Luzon, furnishes perhaps
the most industrious workers of any tribe in the islands; foremen and
overseers of Filipinos are quite commonly found to be Ilocanos, while
the members of the tribe are credited with accomplishing more steady
work than any other element of the population. The current explanation
of this is that they are Chinese mestizos: their coast was constantly
exposed the raids of Chinese pirates, a certain number of whom settled
there and took Ilocano women as wives. From these unions, the whole
tribe in the course of time is thought to have benefited. [154]
The history of the Chinese in the Philippines fails to corroborate the
idea that he never loses his racial identity. It must be borne in mind
that nearly all the Chinese in the United States are of the lowest
working class, and from the vicinity of Canton; while those in the
Philippines are of a higher class, and largely from the neighborhood of
Amoy. They have usually married Filipino women of good families, so
their offspring had exceptional advantages, and stand high in the
estimation of the community. The requirement of the Spanish government
was that a Chinese must embrace Christianity and become a citizen,
before he could marry a Filipino. Usually he assumed his wife's name, so
the children were brought up wholly as Filipinos, and considered
themselves such, without cherishing any particular sentiment for the
Flowery Kingdom.
The biologist who studies impartially the Filipino peoples may easily
conclude that the American government is making a mistake in excluding
the Chinese; that the infiltration of intelligent Chinese and their
intermixture with the native population would do more to raise the level
of ability of the latter than a dozen generations of that compulsory
education on which the government has built such high hopes.
And this conclusion leads to the question whether much of the surplus
population of the Orient could not profitably be diverted to regions
occupied by savage and barbarian people. Chinese immigrants, mostly
traders, have long been going in small numbers to many such regions and
have freely intermarried with native women. It is a matter of common
observation to travelers that much of the small mercantile business has
passed into the hands of Chinese mestizos. As far as the first few
generations, at least, the cross here seems to be productive of good
results. Whether Oriental immigration should be encouraged must depend
on the decision of the respective governments, and considerations other
than biologic will have weight. As far as eugenics is concerned it is
likely that such regions would profit by a reasonable amount of Chinese
or Japanese immigration which resulted in interbreeding and not in the
formation of isolated race-groups, because the superior Orientals tend
to raise the level of the native population into which they marry.
The question of the regulation of immigration is, as we have insisted
throughout this chapter, a question of weighing the consequences. A
decision must be reached in each case by asking what course will do most
for the future good both of the nation and of the whole species. To talk
of the sacred duty of offering an asylum to any who choose to come, is
to indulge in immoral sentimentality. Even if the problem be put on the
most unselfish plane possible, to ask not what will be for this
country's own immediate or future benefit, but what will most benefit
the world at large, it can only be concluded that the duty of the
United States is to make itself strong, efficient, productive and
progressive. By so doing they will be much better able to help the rest
of the world than by progressively weakening themselves through failure
to regulate immigration.
Further, in reaching a decision on the regulation of immigration, there
are numerous kinds of results to be considered: political, social,
economic and biologic, among others. All these interact, and it is hard
to say that one is more important than another; naturally we have
limited ourselves to the biologic aspect, but not without recognizing
that the other aspects exist and must be taken into account by those who
are experts in those fields.
Looking only at the eugenic consequences, we can not doubt that a
considerable and discriminatory selection of immigrants to this country
is necessary. Both directly and indirectly, the immigration of recent
years appears to be diminishing the eugenic strength of the nation more
than it increases it.
The state would be in a stronger position eugenically (and in many other
ways) if it would decrease the immigration of unskilled labor, and
increase the immigration of creative and directing talent. A selective
diminution of the volume of immigration would tend to have that result,
because it would necessarily shut out more of the unskilled than the
skilled.
CHAPTER XVI
WAR
War always changes the composition of a nation; but this change may be
either a loss or a gain. The modification of selection by war is far
more manifold than the literature on the biological effects of war would
lead the reader to suppose. All wars are partly eugenic and partly
dysgenic; some are mainly the one, some are mainly the other. The racial
effects of war occur in at least three periods:
1. The period of preparation.
2. The period of actual fighting.
3. The period of readjustment after the war.
The first division involves the effect of a standing army, which
withdraws men during a part of the reproductive period and keeps most of
them in a celibate career. The officers marry late if at all and show a
very low birth-rate. The prolonged celibacy has in many armies led to a
higher incidence of venereal diseases which prolongs the celibacy and
lowers the birthrate. [155] Without extended discussion, the following
considerations may be named as among those which should govern a policy
of military preparedness that will safeguard, as far as possible, the
eugenic interests:
1. If the army is a standing one, composed of men serving long terms of
enlistment, they should be of as advanced an age as is compatible with
military efficiency. If a man of 35 has not married, it is probable that
he will never marry, and therefore there is less loss to the race in
enrolling him for military service, than is the case with a man of
20-25.
2. The army (except in so far as composed of inferior men) should not
foster celibacy. Short enlistments are probably the most valuable means
of avoiding this evil.
3. Universal conscription is much better than voluntary service, since
the latter is highly selective, the former much less so. Those in
regular attendance in college should receive their military training in
their course as is now done.
4. Officers' families should be given an additional allowance for each
child. This would aid in increasing the birth-rate, which appears to be
very low among army and navy officers in the United States service, and
probably in that of all civilized countries.
5. Every citizen owes service to his nation, in time of need, but
fighting service should not be exacted if some one else could perform it
better than he where he is expert in some other needed field. The recent
action of England in sending to the front as subaltern officers, who
were speedily killed, many highly trained technicians and young
scientists and medical men who would have been much more valuable at
home in connection with war measures, is an example of this mistake.
Carrying the idea farther, one sees that in many nations there are
certain races which are more valuable on the firing line than in
industries at the rear; and it appears that they should play the part
for which they are best fitted. From this point of view, the Entente
allies were wholly justified in employing their Asiatic and African
subjects in war. In the United States are millions of negroes who are of
less value than white men in organized industry but almost as valuable
as the whites, when properly led, at the front. It would appear to be
sound statesmanship to enlist as many Negroes as possible in the active
forces, in case of war, thus releasing a corresponding number of more
skilled white workers for the industrial machine on whose efficiency
success in modern warfare largely rests.
The creation of the National Army in the United States, in 1917, while
in most ways admirably conducted, was open to criticism in several
respects, from the eugenic point of view:
(a) Too many college men and men in intellectual pursuits were taken as
officers, particularly in the aviation corps. There should have been
more men employed as officers who had demonstrated the necessary
qualifications, as foremen and others accustomed to boss gangs of men.
(b) The burden was thrown too heavily on the old white Americans, by the
exemption of aliens, who make up a large part of the population in some
states. There were communities in New England which actually could not
fill their quotas, even by taking every acceptable native-born resident,
so large is their alien population. The quota should have been adjusted
if aliens were to be exempt.
(c) The district boards were not as liberal as was desirable, in
exempting from the first quota men needed in skilled work at home. The
spirit of the _selective_ draft was widely violated, and necessitated a
complete change of method before the second quota was called by the much
improved questionnaire method.
These figures again show, not alone the greater intelligence of the
white in matters of hygiene, but probably also the greater inherent
resistance of the white to a disease which has been attacking him for
many centuries. Biologically, North America is a white man's country,
not a Negro's country, and those who are considering the Negro problem
must remember that natural selection has not ceased acting on man.
From the foregoing different kinds of evidence, we feel justified in
concluding that the Negro race differs greatly from the white race,
mentally as well as physically, and that in many respects it may be said
to be inferior, when tested by the requirements of modern civilization
and progress, with particular reference to North America.
We return now to the question of intermarriage. What is to be expected
from the union of these diverse streams of descent?
The best answer would be to study and measure the mulattoes and their
posterity, in as many ways as possible. No one has ever done this. It is
the custom to make no distinction whatever between mulatto and Negro, in
the United States, and thus the whole problem is beclouded.
There is some evidence from life insurance and medical sources, that the
mulatto stands above the Negro but below the white in respect to his
health. There is considerable evidence that he occupies the same
relation in the intellectual world; it is a matter of general
observation that nearly all the leaders of the Negro race in the United
States are not Negroes but mulattoes.
Without going into detail, we feel perfectly safe in drawing this
conclusion: that in general the white race loses and the Negro gains
from miscegenation.
This applies, of course, only to the germinal nature. Taking into
consideration the present social conditions in America, it is doubtful
whether either race gains. But if social conditions be eliminated for
the moment, biologists may believe that intermarriage between the white
and Negro races represents, on the whole, an advance for the Negro; and
that it represents for the white race a distinct loss.
If eugenics is to be thought of solely in terms of the white race, there
can be no hesitation about rendering a verdict. We must unhesitatingly
condemn miscegenation.
But there are those who declare that it is small and mean to take such a
narrow view of the evolution of the race. They would have America open
its doors indiscriminately to immigration, holding it a virtue to
sacrifice one's self permanently for someone else's temporary happiness;
they would equally have the white race sacrifice itself for the Negro,
by allowing a mingling of the two blood-streams. That, it is alleged, is
the true way to elevate the Negro.
The question may well be considered from that point of view, even
though the validity of such a point of view is not admitted.
To ensure racial and social progress, nothing will take the place of
leadership, of genius. A race of nothing but mediocrities will stand
still, or very nearly so; but a race of mediocrities with a good supply
of men of exceptional ability and energy at the top, will make progress
in discovery, invention and organization, which is generally recognized
as progressive evolution.
If the level of the white race be lowered, it will hurt that race and be
of little help to the Negro. If the white race be kept at such a level
that its productivity of men of talent will be at a maximum, everyone
will progress; for the Negro benefits just as the white does from every
forward step in science and art, in industry and politics.
Remembering that the white race in America is nine times as numerous as
the black race, we conclude that it would be desirable to encourage
amalgamation of the two races only in case the average of mulattoes is
superior to the average of the whites. No one can seriously maintain
that this supposition is true. Biologically, therefore, there is no
reason to think that an increase in the number of mulattoes is
desirable.
There is a curious argument in circulation, which points out that
mulattoes are almost always the offspring of Negro mothers and white
fathers, not of Negro fathers and white mothers. Therefore, it is said,
production of mulattoes does not mean at all a decrease in the number of
white births, but merely substitutes a number of mulatto births for an
equivalent number of pure Negro births. It is therefore alleged that the
production of mulattoes is in the long run a benefit, elevating the
Negro race without impairing the white race.
But this argument assumes that most mulatto births are illegitimate,--a
condition which eugenists do not sanction, because it tends to
disintegrate the family. Rather than such a condition, the legitimate
production of pure-blood Negroes is preferable, even though they be
inferior in individual ability to the illegitimate mulattoes offered as
a substitute. There are not at the present time enough desirable white
fathers in the country. If desirable ones are set aside to produce
mulattoes, it would be a great loss to the nation; while if the
mulattoes are the offspring of eugenically undesirable white fathers,
then the product is not likely to be anything America wants.
From whatever standpoint we take, we see nothing good to be said for
miscegenation. [141] We have discussed the problem as a particular one
between the blacks and whites but the argument will hold good when
applied to any two races between which the differences are so marked
that one may be considered decidedly inferior to the other.
Society,--white society,--long ago reached the instinctive conclusion,
which seems to us a correct one, that it must put a ban on intermarriage
between two such races. It has given expression to this feeling by
passing laws to prohibit miscegenation in 22 states, while six other
states prohibit it in their constitutions. There are thus 22 states
which have attempted legally to prevent intermarriage of the white and
black race. While in 20 states there is no law on the subject, it is
needless to say that popular feeling about it is almost uniform, and
that the legislators of New England for instance would refuse to give
their daughters in marriage to Negroes, even though they might the day
before have voted down a proposed law to prohibit intermarriage on the
ground that it was an expression of race prejudice.
In a majority of the states which have no legislation of this kind,
bills have been introduced during the last two or three years, and have
been defeated through the energetic interference of the National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People, an organization of
which Oswald Garrison Villard is chairman of the Board of Directors and
W. E. B. DuBois, a brilliant mulatto, is Director of Publicity and
Research. As this association represents a very large part of the more
intelligent Negro public opinion, its attitude deserves careful
consideration. It is set forth summarily in a letter[142] which was
addressed to legislators in various states, as follows:
"The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
earnestly protests against the bill forbidding intermarriage between the
races, not because the Association advocates intermarriage, which it
does not, but primarily because whenever such laws have been enacted
they have become a menace to the whole institution of matrimony, leading
directly to concubinage, bastardy, and the degradation of the Negro
woman. No man-made law can stop the union of the races. If intermarriage
be wrong, its prevention is best left to public opinion and to nature,
which wreaks its own fearful punishments on those who transgress its
laws and sin against it. We oppose the proposed statute in the language
of William Lloyd Garrison in 1843, in his successful campaign for the
repeal of a similar law in Massachusetts: 'Because it is not the
province, and does not belong to the power of any legislative assembly,
in a republican government, to decide on the complexional affinity of
those who choose to be united together in wedlock; and it may as
rationally decree that corpulent and lean, tall and short, strong and
weak persons shall not be married to each other as that there must be an
agreement in the complexion of the parties. '
"We oppose it for the physical reason that to prohibit such
intermarriage would be publicly to acknowledge that black blood is a
physical taint, something no self-respecting colored man and woman can
be asked to admit. We oppose it for the moral reason that all such laws
leave the colored girl absolutely helpless before the lust of the white
man, without the power to compel the seducer to marry. The statistics of
intermarriage in those states where it is permitted show this happens
so infrequently as to make the whole matter of legislation unnecessary.
Both races are practically in complete agreement on this question, for
colored people marry colored people, and white marry whites, the
exceptions being few. We earnestly urge upon you an unfavorable report
on this bill. "
Legislation on the subject of marriage is clearly inside the province of
government. That such an argument as is quoted from William Lloyd
Garrison can still be circulated in the United States and apparently
carry weight, is sufficient cause for one to feel pessimistic over the
spread of the scientific spirit in this nation. Suffice it to say that
on this point the National Association is a century behind the times.
The following policy seems to us to be in accordance with modern
science, and yet meet all the legitimate arguments of the National
Association. We will state our attitude as definitely as possible:
1. We hold that it is to the interests of the United States, for the
reasons given in this chapter, to prevent further Negro-white
amalgamation.
2. The taboo of public opinion is not sufficient in all cases to prevent
intermarriage, and should be supplemented by law, particularly as the
United States have of late years received many white immigrants from
other countries (e. g. , Italy) where the taboo is weak because the
problem has never been pressing.
3. But to prevent intermarriage is only a small part of the solution,
since most mulattoes come from extramarital miscegenation. The only
solution of this, which is compatible with the requirements of eugenics,
is not that of _laissez faire_, suggested by the National Association,
but an extension of the taboo, and an extension of the laws, to prohibit
all sexual intercourse between the two races.
Four states (Louisiana, Nevada, South Dakota and Alabama) have already
attempted to gain this end by law. We believe it to be highly desirable
that such laws should be enacted and enforced by all states. A necessary
preliminary would be to standardize the laws all over the Union,
particularly with a view to agreement on what a "Negro" legally is; for
in some states the legislation applies to one who is one-sixteenth, or
even less, Negro in descent, while in other states it appears to refer
only to full-blood or, at the most, half-blood individuals.
Such legislation, and what is more important, such public opinion,
leading to a cessation of Negro-white amalgamation, we believe to be in
the interests of national eugenics, and to further the welfare of both
of the races involved. Miscegenation can only lead to unhappiness under
present social conditions and must, we believe, under _any_ social
conditions be biologically wrong.
We favor, therefore, the support of the taboo which society has placed
on these mixed marriages, as well as any legal action which can
practicably be taken to make miscegenation between white and black
impossible. Justice requires that the Negro race be treated as kindly
and considerately as possible, with every economic and political
concession that is consistent with the continued welfare of the nation.
Such social equality and intercourse as might lead to marriage are not
compatible with this welfare.
CHAPTER XV
IMMIGRATION
There are now in the United States some 14,000,000 foreign-born persons,
together with other millions of the sons and daughters of foreigners who
although born on American soil have as yet been little assimilated to
Americanism. This great body of aliens, representing perhaps a fifth of
the population, is not a pool to be absorbed, but a continuous,
inflowing stream, which until the outbreak of the Great War was steadily
increasing in volume, and of which the fountain-head is so inexhaustible
as to appal the imagination. From the beginning of the century, the
inflow averaged little less than a million a year, and while about
one-fifth of this represented a temporary migration, four-fifths of it
meant a permanent addition to the population of the New World.
The character of this stream will inevitably determine to a large extent
the future of the American nation. The direct biological results, in
race mixture, are important enough, although not easy to define. The
indirect results, which are probably of no less importance to eugenics,
are so hard to follow that some students of the problem do not even
realize their existence.
The ancestors of all white Americans, of course, were immigrants not so
very many generations ago. But the earlier immigration was relatively
homogeneous and stringently selected by the dangers of the voyage, the
hardships of life in a new country, and the equality of opportunity
where free competition drove the unfit to the wall. There were few
people of eminence in the families that came to colonize North America,
but there was a high average of sturdy virtues, and a good deal of
ability, particularly in the Puritan and Huguenot invasions and in a
part of that of Virginia.
In the first three-quarters of the nineteenth century, the number of
these "patriots and founders" was greatly increased by the arrival of
immigrants of similar racial stocks from Ireland, Germany, Scandinavia,
and to a less extent from the other countries of northern and western
Europe. These arrivals added strength to the United States, particularly
as a large part of them settled on farms.
This stream of immigration gradually dried up, but was succeeded by a
flood from a new source,--southern and eastern Europe. Italians, Slavs,
Poles, Magyars, East European Hebrews, Finns, Portuguese, Greeks,
Roumanians and representatives of many other small nationalities began
to seek fortunes in America. The earlier immigration had been made up
largely of those who sought escape from religious or political tyranny
and came to settle permanent homes. The newer immigration was made up,
on the whole, of those who frankly sought wealth. The difference in the
reason for coming could not fail to mean a difference in selection of
the immigrants, quite apart from the change in the races.
Last of all began an immigration of Levantines, of Syrians, Armenians,
and other inhabitants of Asiatic Turkey. Beyond this region lie the
great nations of Asia, "oversaturated" with population. So far there has
been little more than the threat of their overflow, but the threat is
certain to become a reality within a few years unless prevented by legal
restriction.
The eugenic results of immigration are partly indirect and partly
direct. Direct results follow if the newcomers are assimilated,--a word
which we shall use rather narrowly to mean that free intermarriage takes
place between them and all parts of the older population. We shall
discuss the direct results first, the nature of which depends largely on
whether the newcomers are racially homogeneous with the population
already in the country.
If they are like, the old and new will blend without difficulty. The
effects of the immigration then depend on whether the immigrants are
better or worse in average quality than the older residents. If as good
or better, they are valuable additions; if inferior they are
biologically a detriment.
But if the new arrivals are different, if they represent a different
subspecies of _Homo sapiens_, the question is more serious, for it
involves the problem of crossing races which are biologically more or
less distinct. Genetics can throw some light on this problem.
Waiving for the moment all question as to the relative quality of two
distinct races, what results are to be expected from crossing? It (1)
gives an increase of vigor which diminishes in later generations and (2)
produces recombination of characters.
The first result may be disregarded, for the various races of man are
probably already much mixed, and too closely related, to give rise to
much hybrid vigor in crosses.
The second result will be favorable or unfavorable, depending on the
characters which go into the cross; and it is not possible to predict
the result in human matings, because the various racial characters are
so ill known. It is, therefore, not worth while here to discuss at
length genetic theory. In general it may be said that some valuable
characters are likely to disappear, as the result of such crosses, and
less desirable ones to take their place. The great bulk of the
population resulting from such racial crosses is likely to be more or
less mongrel in nature. Finally, some individuals will appear who
combine the good characters of the two races, without the bad ones.
The net result will therefore probably be some distinct gain, but a
greater loss. There is danger that complex and valuable traits of a race
will be broken down in the process of hybridization, and that it will
take a long time to bring them together again. The old view that racial
crosses lead fatally to race degeneration is no longer tenable, but the
view recently advanced, that crosses are advantageous, seems equally
hasty. W. E. Castle has cited the Pitcairn Islanders and the
Boer-Hottentot mulattoes of South Africa as evidence that wide crosses
are productive of no evil results. These cases may be admitted to show
that such a hybrid race may be physically healthy, but in respect of
mental traits they hardly do more than suggest the conclusion we
advanced in our chapter on the Color Line,--that such miscegenation is
an advantage to the inferior race and a disadvantage to the superior
one.
On the whole, we believe wide racial crosses should be looked upon with
suspicion by eugenists.
The colonizers of North America mostly belonged to the Nordic race. [143]
The earlier immigrants to the United States,--roughly, those who came
here before the Civil War,--belonged mostly to the same stock, and
therefore mixed with the early settlers without difficulty. The
advantages of this immigration were offset by no impairment of racial
homogeneity.
But the more recent immigration belongs mostly to other races,
principally the Mediterranean and Alpine. Even if these immigrants were
superior on the average to the older population, it is clear that their
assimilation would not be an unmixed blessing, for the evil of
crossbreeding would partly offset the advantage of the addition of
valuable new traits. If, on the other hand, the average of the new
immigration is inferior in quality, or in so far as it is inferior in
quality, it is evident that it must represent biologically an almost
unmixed evil; it not only brings in new undesirable traits, but injures
the desirable ones already here.
E. A. Ross has attempted to predict some of the changes that will take
place in the population of the United States, as a result of the
immigration of the last half-century. [144] "It is reasonable," he
thinks, "to expect an early falling off in the frequency of good looks
in the American people. " A diminution of stature, a depreciation of
morality, an increase in gross fecundity, and a considerable lowering of
the level of average natural ability are among other results that he
considers probable. Not only are the races represented in the later
immigration in many cases inferior in average ability to the earlier
immigrant races, but America does not get the best, or even a
representative selection,[145] from the races which are now contributing
to her population. "Europe retains most of her brains, but sends
multitudes of the common and sub-common. There is little sign of an
intellectual element among the Magyars, Russians, South Slavs, Italians,
Greeks or Portuguese" who are now arriving. "This does not hold,
however, for currents created by race discrimination or oppression. The
Armenian, Syrian, Finnish and Russo-Hebrew streams seem
_representative_, and the first wave of Hebrews out of Russia in the
eighties was superior. "
While the earlier immigration brought a liberal amount of intelligence
and ability, the later immigration (roughly, that of the last half
century) seems to have brought distinctly less. It is at present
principally an immigration of unskilled labor, of vigorous, ignorant
peasants. Some of this is "promoted" by agents of transportation
companies and others who stand to gain by stirring up the population of
a country village in Russia or Hungary, excite the illiterate peasants
by stories of great wealth and freedom to be gained in the New World,
provide the immigrant with a ticket to New York and start him for Ellis
Island. Naturally, such immigration is predominantly male. On the whole,
females make up one-third of the recent inflow, but among some
races--Greeks, Italians and Roumanians, for example--only one-fifth.
In amount of inherent ability these immigrants are not only less highly
endowed than is desirable, but they furnish, despite weeding out,
altogether too large a proportion of the "three D's"--defectives,
delinquents and dependents. In the single year 1914 more than 33,000
would-be immigrants were turned back, about half of them because likely
to become public charges. The immigration law of 1907, amended in 1910,
1913 and 1917, excludes the following classes of aliens from admission
into the United States:
Idiots, imbeciles, feeble-minded persons, epileptics, insane
persons, persons who have been insane within 5 years previously;
persons who have had two or more attacks of insanity at any time
previously or who are affected by constitutional psychopathic
inferiority or chronic alcoholism; paupers, vagrants, persons
likely to become public charges; professional beggars, persons
afflicted with tuberculosis or with a loathsome or contagious
disease; persons who have been convicted of a crime involving moral
turpitude; polygamists, anarchists, contract laborers, prostitutes,
persons not comprehended within any one of the foregoing excluded
classes who are found to be and are certified by the examining
surgeon as being mentally or physically defective, such mental or
physical defect being of such a nature as to affect the ability of
the alien to earn a living.
[Illustration: EXAMINING IMMIGRANTS AT ELLIS ISLAND, NEW YORK
FIG. 39. --Surgeons of the United States Public Health Service
test every immigrant, physically and mentally, in order to send back any
who give promise of being undesirable additions to the population. The
above photograph shows how the examination of those whose condition has
aroused suspicion, is conducted. The boy under the measuring bar, in the
foreground, and the three immediately to the left of the desk, are
examples of congenital asthenia and poor physique; two of the four were
found to be dull mentally. Photograph from U. S. Public Health Service. ]
Despite the efficiency of the U. S. Public Health Service, it is quite
impossible for its small staff to examine thoroughly every immigrant,
when three or four thousand arrive in a single day, as has frequently
happened at Ellis Island. Under such circumstances, the medical officer
must pass the immigrants with far too cursory an inspection. It is not
surprising that many whose mental defects are not of an obvious nature
manage to slip through; particularly if, as is charged,[146] many of the
undesirables are informed that the immigrant rush is greatest in March
and April, and therefore make it a point to arrive at that time, knowing
the medical inspection will be so overtaxed that they will have a better
chance to get by. The state hospitals of the Atlantic states are rapidly
filling up with foreign-born insane. [147] Probably few of these were
patently insane when they passed through the port of entry. Insanity, it
must be remembered, is predominantly a disease of old age, whereas the
average alien on arrival is not old. The mental weakness appears only
after he has been here some years, perhaps inevitably or perhaps because
he finds his environment in, say, lower Manhattan Island is much more
taxing to the brain than the simple surroundings of his farm overlooking
the bay of Naples.
The amount of crime attributable to certain sections of the more recent
immigration is relatively large. "It was frequently stated to the
members of the Immigration Commission in southern Italy that crime had
greatly diminished in many communities because most of the criminals had
gone to America. " The amount of crime among immigrants in the United
States is partly due to their age and sex distribution, partly due to
their concentration in cities, partly to the bad environment from which
they have sometimes come; partly to inherent racial characteristics,
such as make crimes of violence frequent among the Southern Italians,
crimes of gain proportionately more frequent among the Jews, and
violence when drunk more a characteristic of the Slavs. No restriction
of immigration can wholly eliminate the criminal tendencies, but, says
Dr. Warne,[148] after balancing the two sides, "It still remains true
that because of immigration we have a greater amount of pauperism and
crime than would be the case if there were no immigration. It is also an
indisputable fact that with a better regulation of immigration the
United States would have less of these social horrors. "
To dwell too much on the undesirable character of part of the present
immigration would be to lose perspective. Most of it consists of
vigorous, industrious, ignorant peasants, induced to come here in search
of a better living than they can get at home. But it is important to
remember that if they come here and stay, they are pretty certain to be
assimilated sooner or later. In cases superior to the average of the
older population, their arrival should be welcomed if not too racially
diverse; but if, as we believe the record of their achievements shows, a
large part of the immigration is on the average inferior to the older
population of the United States, such are eugenically a detriment to the
future progress of the race. The direct biological result to be expected
from the assimilation of such newcomers is the swamping of the best
characteristics of the old American stock, and a diminution of the
average of intelligence of the whole country.
The interbreeding is too slow at present to be conspicuous, and hence
its effects are little noticed. The foreigners tend to keep by
themselves, to form "Little Italies," "Little Russias," transplanted
Ghettoes and "foreign quarters," where they retain their native
languages and customs and marry compatriots. This condition of
segregation can not last forever; the process of amalgamation will be
more rapid with each generation, particularly because of the
preponderance of males in the newer immigration who must marry outside
their own race, if they are to marry at all.
The direct results of immigration that lead to intermarriage with the
older population are fairly easy to outline. The indirect results, which
we shall now consider, are more complex. We have dealt so far only with
the effects of an immigration that is assimilated; but some immigration
(that from the Orient, for example) is not assimilated; other
immigration remains unassimilated for a long time. What are the eugenic
consequences of an unassimilated immigration?
The presence of large numbers of immigrants who do not intermarry with
the older stock will, says T. N. Carver,[149] inevitably mean one of
three things:
1. Geographical separation of races.
2. Social separation of races (as the "color line" in the South and to a
large extent in the North, between Negroes and whites who yet live side
by side).
3. Continuous racial antagonism, frequently breaking out into race war.
This third possibility has been at least threatened, by the conflict
between the white and yellow races in California, and the conflict
between whites and Hindus in British Columbia.
None of these alternatives is attractive. The third is undesirable in
every way and the first two are difficult to maintain. The first is
perhaps impossible; the second is partly practicable, as is shown by the
case of the Negro. One of its drawbacks is not sufficiently recognized.
In a soundly-organized society, it is necessary that the road should be
open from top to bottom and bottom to top, in order that genuine merit
may get its deserts. A valuable strain which appears at the bottom of
the social scale must be able to make its way to the top, receiving
financial and other rewards commensurate with its value to the state,
and being able to produce a number of children proportionate to its
reward and its value. This is an ideal which is seldom approximated in
government, but it is the advantage of a democratic form of government
that it presents the open road to success, more than does an oligarchic
government. That this freedom of access to all rewards that the state
can give should be open to every one (and conversely that no one should
be kept at the top and over-rewarded if he is unworthy) is essential to
eugenics; but it is quite incompatible with the existence within the
state of a number of isolated groups, some of which must inevitably and
properly be considered inferior. It is certain that, at the present time
in this country, no Negro can take a place in the upper ranks of
society, which are and will long remain white. The fact that this
situation is inevitable makes it no less unfortunate for both Negro and
white races; consolation can only be found in the thought that it is
less of a danger than the opposite condition would be. But this
condition of class discrimination is likely to exist, to a much less
extent it is true, in every city where there are foreign-born and
native-born populations living side by side, and where the epithets of
"Sheeny," "Dago," "Wop," "Kike," "Greaser," "Guinea," etc. , testify to
the feeling of the older population that it is superior.
While eugenic strength in a state is promoted by variety, too great a
heterogeneity offers serious social difficulties. It is essential if
America is to be strong eugenically that it slow down the flood of
immigrants who are not easily assimilable.
At present a state of affairs
is being created where class distinctions are likely to be barriers to
the promotion of individual worth--and equally, of course, to the
demotion of individual worthlessness.
Even if an immigration is not assimilated, then, it yet has an indirect
effect on eugenics. But there are other indirect effects of immigration,
which are quite independent of assimilation: they inhere in the mere
bulk and economic character of the immigration. The arrivals of the past
few decades have been nearly all unskilled laborers. Professor Carver
believes that continuous immigration which enters the ranks of labor in
larger proportion and the business and professional classes in a smaller
proportion than the native-born will produce the following results:
1. Distribution. It will keep competition more intense among laborers
and less intense among business and professional men: it will therefore
raise the income of the employing classes and lower the wages of
unskilled labor.
2. Production. It will give a relatively low marginal productivity to a
typical immigrant and make him a relatively unimportant factor in the
production of wealth.
3. Organization of industry. Immigrants can only be employed
economically at low wages and in large gangs, because of (2).
4. Agriculture. If large numbers of immigrants should go into
agriculture, it will mean one of two things, probably the second:
(a) Continuous subdivision of farms resulting in inefficient and
wasteful application of labor and smaller crops per man, although
probably larger crops per acre.
(b) Development of a class of landed proprietors on the one hand and a
landless agricultural proletariat on the other.
It is true that the great mass of unskilled labor which has come to the
United States in the last few decades has made possible the development
of many industries that have furnished an increased number of good jobs
to men of intelligence, but many who have made a close study of the
immigration problem think that despite this, unskilled labor has been
coming in altogether too large quantities. Professor Ross publishes the
following illustration:
"What a college man saw in a copper-mine in the Southwest gives in a
nutshell the logic of low wages.
"The American miners, getting $2. 75 a day, are abruptly displaced
without a strike by a train-load of 500 raw Italians brought in by the
company and put to work at from $1. 50 to $2 a day. For the Americans
there is nothing to do but to 'go down the road. ' At first the Italians
live on bread and beer, never wash, wear the same filthy clothes night
and day, and are despised. After two or three years they want to live
better, wear decent clothes, and be respected. They ask for more wages,
the bosses bring in another train-load from the steerage, and the partly
Americanized Italians follow the American miners 'down the road. ' No
wonder the estimate of government experts as to the number of our
floating casual laborers ranges up to five millions! "
"It is claimed that the natives are not displaced" by the constant
inflow of alien unskilled labor, says H. P. Fairchild,[150] but that they
"are simply forced into higher occupations. Those who were formerly
common laborers are now in positions of authority. While this argument
holds true of individuals, its fallacy when applied to groups is
obvious. There are not nearly enough places of authority to receive
those who are forced out from below. The introduction of 500 Slav
laborers into a community may make a demand for a dozen or a score of
Americans in higher positions, but hardly for 500. "
"The number of unskilled workers coming in at the present time is
sufficient to check decidedly the normal tendency toward an improved
standard of living in many lines of industry," in the opinion of J. W.
Jenks, who was a member of the Immigration Commission appointed by
President Roosevelt in 1907. He alludes to the belief that instead of
crowding the older workers _out_, the aliens merely crowd them up, and
says that he himself formerly held that view; "but the figures collected
by the Immigration commission, from a sufficient number of industries in
different sections of the country to give general conclusions, prove
beyond a doubt that in a good many cases these incoming immigrants
actually drive out into other localities and into other unskilled trades
large numbers of American workingmen and workingmen of the earlier
immigration who do not get better positions but, rather, worse ones. . . .
Professor Lauck, our chief superintendent of investigators in the
field, and, so far as I am aware, every single investigator in the
field, before the work ended, reached the conclusion from personal
observation that the tendency of the large percentage of immigration of
unskilled workers is clearly to lower the standard of living in a number
of industries, and the statistics of the commission support this
impression. I therefore changed my earlier views. "
If the immigration of large quantities of unskilled labor with low
standards of living tends in most cases to depress wages and lower the
standard of living of the corresponding class of the old American
population, the consequences would appear to be:
1. The employers of labor would profit, since they would get abundant
labor at low wages. If this increase in the wealth of employers led to
an increase in their birth-rate, it would be an advantage. But it
apparently does not. The birth-rate of the employing class is probably
little restricted by financial difficulties; therefore on them
immigration probably has no immediate eugenic effect.
2. The American skilled laborers would profit, since there is more
demand for skilled labor in industries created by unskilled immigrant
labor. Would the increasing prosperity and a higher standard of living
here, tend to lower the relative birth-rate of the class or not?
The answer probably depends on the extent of the knowledge of birth
control which has been discussed elsewhere.
3. The wages and standard of living of American unskilled laborers will
fall, since they are obliged directly to compete with the newcomers. It
seems most likely that a fall in wages and standards is correlated with
a fall in birth-rate. This case must be distinguished from cases where
the wages and standards _never were high_, and where poverty is
correlated with a high birth-rate. If this distinction is correct, the
present immigration will tend to lower the birth-rate of American
unskilled laborers.
The arguments here used may appear paradoxical, and have little
statistical support, but they seem to us sound and not in contradiction
with any known facts. If they are valid, the effect of such immigration
as the United States has been receiving is to reduce the birth-rate of
the unskilled labor with little or no effect on the employers and
managers of labor.
Since both the character and the volume of immigration are at fault,
remedial measures may be applied to either one or both of these
features. It is very desirable that we have a much more stringent
selection of immigrants than is made at the present time. But most of
the measures which have been actually proposed and urged in recent years
have been directed at a diminution of the volume, and at a change in
character only by somewhat indirect and indiscriminate means.
The Immigration Commission made a report to Congress on Dec. 5, 1910, in
which it suggested the following possible methods of restricting the
volume of immigration:
1. The exclusion of those unable to read and write in some language.
2. The reduction of the number of each race arriving each year to a
certain percentage of the average of that race arriving during a given
period of years.
3. The exclusion of unskilled laborers unaccompanied by wives or
families.
4. Material increase in the amount of money required to be in the
possession of the immigrant at the port of arrival.
5. Material increase in the head tax.
6. Limitation of the number of immigrants arriving annually at any port.
7. The levying of the head tax so as to make a marked discrimination in
favor of men with families.
Eugenically, it is probable that (3) and (7), which would tend to admit
only families, would be a detriment to American welfare; (1) and (2)
have been the suggestions which have met with the most favor. All but
one member of the commission favored (1), the literacy test, as the most
feasible single method of restricting undesirable immigration, and it
was enacted into law by Congress, which passed it over President
Wilson's veto, in February, 1917.
Records for 1914 show that "illiteracy among the total number of
arrivals of each race ranged all the way from 64% for the Turkish to
less than 1% for the English, the Scotch, the Welsh, the Scandinavian,
and the Finnish. The Bohemian and Moravian, the German, and the Irish
each had less than 5% illiterate. Races other than the Turkish, whose
immigration in 1914 was more than one-third illiterate, include the
Dalmatians, Bosnians, Herzegovinians, Russians, Ruthenians, Italians,
Lithuanians, and Roumanians. "
It is frankly admitted by the proponents of this method of restriction
that it will keep out some who ought to come in, and let in some who
ought to be kept out. It is in some cases a test of opportunity rather
than of character, but "in the belief of its advocates, it will meet the
situation as disclosed by the investigation of the Immigration
Commission better than any other means that human ingenuity can devise.
It is believed that it would exclude more of the undesirable and fewer
of the desirable immigrants than any other method of restriction. "
On the other hand, it is argued that the literacy test will fail of
success because those who want to come will learn to read and write,
which will only delay their arrival a few months without changing their
real character. But the effect of such attempts will separate those who
succeed from those who are too inferior to succeed, which would be an
advantage of the plan rather than a defect.
The second method of selection enumerated (2) above, was proposed by
Rev. Sidney L. Gulick, particularly with a view to meeting the need of
restriction of Asiatic immigration. [151] This immigration will be
discussed shortly, but in the meantime the details of his plan may be
presented.
"Only so many immigrants of any people should be admitted as we can
Americanize. Let the maximum permissible annual immigration from any
people be a definite per cent. (say five) of the sum of the
American-born children of that people plus those who have become
naturalized of the same people. Let this restriction be imposed only
upon adult males.
"Taking the 1910 census as our basis, the 5% Restriction Proposal would
have fixed the maximum permissible immigration of males from North and
West Europe at 759,000 annually, while the actual annual immigration for
the last 5 years averages but 115,000. The permissible immigration from
South and East Europe would have been 189,000 annually, while the
average for the last five years has been 372,000. When applied to China,
the policy would have admitted 1,106 males per year, while the number
admitted on the average for the last 5 years has been 1,571. The
proposal would provide for the admission of 1,200 Japanese annually,
here again resulting in the exclusion on the average of 1,238 males
yearly during the years 1911-1915. No estimate is made here of the
effect of the exclusion of males on the arrival of women and children. "
The percentage restriction is unsatisfactory to a eugenist, as not
sufficiently discriminating.
The literary restriction has been a great step forward but should be
backed by the addition of such mental tests as will make it fairly
certain to keep out the dull-minded as well as feeble-minded. Long
division would suffice as such a test until better tests relatively
unaffected by schooling can be put into operation, since it is at this
point in the grades that so many dull-minded drop out of the schools.
Oriental immigration is becoming an urgent problem, and it is essential
that its biological, as well as its economic and sociological features
be understood, if it is to be solved in a satisfactory and reasonably
permanent way. In the foregoing discussion, Oriental immigration has
hardly been taken into account; it must now receive particular
consideration.
What are the grounds, then, for forbidding the yellow races, or the
races of British India, to enter the United States? The considerations
urged in the past have been (1) Political: it is said that they are
unable to acquire the spirit of American institutions. This is an
objection which concerns eugenics only indirectly. (2) Medical: it is
said that they introduce diseases, such as the oriental liver, lung and
intestinal flukes, which are serious, against which Americans have never
been selected, and for which no cure is known. (3) Economic: it is
argued that the Oriental's lower standard of living makes it impossible
for the white man to compete with him. The objection is well founded,
and is indirectly of concern to eugenics, as was pointed out in a
preceding section of this chapter. As eugenists we feel justified in
objecting to the immigration of large bodies of unskilled Oriental
labor, on the ground that they rear larger families than our stock on
the same small incomes.
A biological objection has also been alleged, in the possibility of
interbreeding between the yellow and white races. In the past such cases
have been very rare; it is authoritatively stated[152] that "there are
on our whole Pacific coast not more than 20 instances of intermarriage
between Americans and Japanese, and . . . one might count on the fingers
of both hands the number of American-Chinese marriages between San Diego
and Seattle. " The presence of a body of non-interbreeding immigrants is
likely to produce the adverse results already discussed in the earlier
part of this chapter.
Eugenically, then, the immigration of any considerable number of
unskilled laborers from the Orient may have undesirable direct results
and is certain to have unfavorable indirect results. It should therefore
be prevented, either by a continuation of the "gentlemen's agreement"
now in force between the United States and Japan, and by similar
agreements with other nations, or by some such non-invidious measure as
that proposed by Dr. Gulick. This exclusion should not of course be
applied to the intellectual classes, whose presence here would offer
advantages which would outweigh the disadvantages.
We have a different situation in the Philippine islands, there the
yellow races have been denied admission since the United States took
possession. Previously, the Chinese had been trading there for
centuries, and had settled in considerable numbers almost from the time
the Spaniards colonized the archipelago.
At present it is estimated that there are 100,000 Chinese in the
islands, and their situation was not put too strongly by A. E. Jenks,
when he wrote:[153]
"As to the Chinese, it does not matter much what they themselves desire;
but what their descendants desire will go far toward answering the whole
question of the Filipinos' volition toward assimilation, because they
are _the_ Filipinos. To be specific: During the latter days of my
residence in the Islands in 1905 Governor-General Wright one day told me
that he had recently personally received from one of the most
distinguished Filipinos of the time, and a member of the Insular Civil
Commission, the statement that 'there was not a single prominent and
dominant family among the Christianized Filipinos which did not possess
Chinese blood. ' The voice and will of the Filipinos of to-day is the
voice and the will of these brainy, industrious, rapidly developing men
whose judgment in time the world is bound to respect. "
This statement will be confirmed by almost any American resident in the
Islands. Most of the men who have risen to prominence in the Islands are
mestizos, and while in political life some of the leaders are merely
Spanish metis, the financial leaders almost without exception, the
captains of industry, have Chinese blood in their veins, while this
class has also taken an active part in the government of the
archipelago. Emilio Aguinaldo is one of the most conspicuous of the
Chinese mestizos. Individual examples might be multiplied without limit;
it will be sufficient to mention Bautista Lim, president of the largest
tobacco firm in the islands and also a physician; his brother, formerly
an insurgent general and later governor of Sampango province under the
American administration; the banker Lim Hap; Faustino Lechoco, cattle
king of the Philippines; Fernandez brothers, proprietors of a steamship
line; Locsin and Lacson, wealthy sugar planters; Mariano Velasco,
dry-goods importer; Datto Piang, the Moro warrior and chieftain; Paua,
insurgent general in southern Luzon; Ricardo Gochuico, tobacco magnate.
In most of these men the proportion of Chinese blood is large.
Generalizing, we are justified in saying that the cross between Chinese
and Filipinos produces progeny superior to the Filipinos. It must be
remembered that it is not a very wide cross, the Malayans, who include
most of the Filipinos, being closely related to the Chinese.
It appears that even a small infusion of Chinese blood may produce
long-continued favorable results, if the case of the Ilocanos is
correctly described. This tribe, in Northern Luzon, furnishes perhaps
the most industrious workers of any tribe in the islands; foremen and
overseers of Filipinos are quite commonly found to be Ilocanos, while
the members of the tribe are credited with accomplishing more steady
work than any other element of the population. The current explanation
of this is that they are Chinese mestizos: their coast was constantly
exposed the raids of Chinese pirates, a certain number of whom settled
there and took Ilocano women as wives. From these unions, the whole
tribe in the course of time is thought to have benefited. [154]
The history of the Chinese in the Philippines fails to corroborate the
idea that he never loses his racial identity. It must be borne in mind
that nearly all the Chinese in the United States are of the lowest
working class, and from the vicinity of Canton; while those in the
Philippines are of a higher class, and largely from the neighborhood of
Amoy. They have usually married Filipino women of good families, so
their offspring had exceptional advantages, and stand high in the
estimation of the community. The requirement of the Spanish government
was that a Chinese must embrace Christianity and become a citizen,
before he could marry a Filipino. Usually he assumed his wife's name, so
the children were brought up wholly as Filipinos, and considered
themselves such, without cherishing any particular sentiment for the
Flowery Kingdom.
The biologist who studies impartially the Filipino peoples may easily
conclude that the American government is making a mistake in excluding
the Chinese; that the infiltration of intelligent Chinese and their
intermixture with the native population would do more to raise the level
of ability of the latter than a dozen generations of that compulsory
education on which the government has built such high hopes.
And this conclusion leads to the question whether much of the surplus
population of the Orient could not profitably be diverted to regions
occupied by savage and barbarian people. Chinese immigrants, mostly
traders, have long been going in small numbers to many such regions and
have freely intermarried with native women. It is a matter of common
observation to travelers that much of the small mercantile business has
passed into the hands of Chinese mestizos. As far as the first few
generations, at least, the cross here seems to be productive of good
results. Whether Oriental immigration should be encouraged must depend
on the decision of the respective governments, and considerations other
than biologic will have weight. As far as eugenics is concerned it is
likely that such regions would profit by a reasonable amount of Chinese
or Japanese immigration which resulted in interbreeding and not in the
formation of isolated race-groups, because the superior Orientals tend
to raise the level of the native population into which they marry.
The question of the regulation of immigration is, as we have insisted
throughout this chapter, a question of weighing the consequences. A
decision must be reached in each case by asking what course will do most
for the future good both of the nation and of the whole species. To talk
of the sacred duty of offering an asylum to any who choose to come, is
to indulge in immoral sentimentality. Even if the problem be put on the
most unselfish plane possible, to ask not what will be for this
country's own immediate or future benefit, but what will most benefit
the world at large, it can only be concluded that the duty of the
United States is to make itself strong, efficient, productive and
progressive. By so doing they will be much better able to help the rest
of the world than by progressively weakening themselves through failure
to regulate immigration.
Further, in reaching a decision on the regulation of immigration, there
are numerous kinds of results to be considered: political, social,
economic and biologic, among others. All these interact, and it is hard
to say that one is more important than another; naturally we have
limited ourselves to the biologic aspect, but not without recognizing
that the other aspects exist and must be taken into account by those who
are experts in those fields.
Looking only at the eugenic consequences, we can not doubt that a
considerable and discriminatory selection of immigrants to this country
is necessary. Both directly and indirectly, the immigration of recent
years appears to be diminishing the eugenic strength of the nation more
than it increases it.
The state would be in a stronger position eugenically (and in many other
ways) if it would decrease the immigration of unskilled labor, and
increase the immigration of creative and directing talent. A selective
diminution of the volume of immigration would tend to have that result,
because it would necessarily shut out more of the unskilled than the
skilled.
CHAPTER XVI
WAR
War always changes the composition of a nation; but this change may be
either a loss or a gain. The modification of selection by war is far
more manifold than the literature on the biological effects of war would
lead the reader to suppose. All wars are partly eugenic and partly
dysgenic; some are mainly the one, some are mainly the other. The racial
effects of war occur in at least three periods:
1. The period of preparation.
2. The period of actual fighting.
3. The period of readjustment after the war.
The first division involves the effect of a standing army, which
withdraws men during a part of the reproductive period and keeps most of
them in a celibate career. The officers marry late if at all and show a
very low birth-rate. The prolonged celibacy has in many armies led to a
higher incidence of venereal diseases which prolongs the celibacy and
lowers the birthrate. [155] Without extended discussion, the following
considerations may be named as among those which should govern a policy
of military preparedness that will safeguard, as far as possible, the
eugenic interests:
1. If the army is a standing one, composed of men serving long terms of
enlistment, they should be of as advanced an age as is compatible with
military efficiency. If a man of 35 has not married, it is probable that
he will never marry, and therefore there is less loss to the race in
enrolling him for military service, than is the case with a man of
20-25.
2. The army (except in so far as composed of inferior men) should not
foster celibacy. Short enlistments are probably the most valuable means
of avoiding this evil.
3. Universal conscription is much better than voluntary service, since
the latter is highly selective, the former much less so. Those in
regular attendance in college should receive their military training in
their course as is now done.
4. Officers' families should be given an additional allowance for each
child. This would aid in increasing the birth-rate, which appears to be
very low among army and navy officers in the United States service, and
probably in that of all civilized countries.
5. Every citizen owes service to his nation, in time of need, but
fighting service should not be exacted if some one else could perform it
better than he where he is expert in some other needed field. The recent
action of England in sending to the front as subaltern officers, who
were speedily killed, many highly trained technicians and young
scientists and medical men who would have been much more valuable at
home in connection with war measures, is an example of this mistake.
Carrying the idea farther, one sees that in many nations there are
certain races which are more valuable on the firing line than in
industries at the rear; and it appears that they should play the part
for which they are best fitted. From this point of view, the Entente
allies were wholly justified in employing their Asiatic and African
subjects in war. In the United States are millions of negroes who are of
less value than white men in organized industry but almost as valuable
as the whites, when properly led, at the front. It would appear to be
sound statesmanship to enlist as many Negroes as possible in the active
forces, in case of war, thus releasing a corresponding number of more
skilled white workers for the industrial machine on whose efficiency
success in modern warfare largely rests.
The creation of the National Army in the United States, in 1917, while
in most ways admirably conducted, was open to criticism in several
respects, from the eugenic point of view:
(a) Too many college men and men in intellectual pursuits were taken as
officers, particularly in the aviation corps. There should have been
more men employed as officers who had demonstrated the necessary
qualifications, as foremen and others accustomed to boss gangs of men.
(b) The burden was thrown too heavily on the old white Americans, by the
exemption of aliens, who make up a large part of the population in some
states. There were communities in New England which actually could not
fill their quotas, even by taking every acceptable native-born resident,
so large is their alien population. The quota should have been adjusted
if aliens were to be exempt.
(c) The district boards were not as liberal as was desirable, in
exempting from the first quota men needed in skilled work at home. The
spirit of the _selective_ draft was widely violated, and necessitated a
complete change of method before the second quota was called by the much
improved questionnaire method.
