They would leave the others in
possession
of their existing territory, and content themselves with their original allotment, thereby ridding Asia of many evils.
Roman Translations
.
3 Sending to Babylon .
.
.
Docimus with the leading Macedonians, he appointed him to be satrap of Babylonia, and put Archon, the previous governor, in charge of the collection of revenue .
.
.
Docimus, if he reached Babylon and gained control of the satrapy, would remove Archon .
.
.
4 gathering .
.
.
and telling them about Perdiccas' change of mind .
.
.
to gather .
.
.
in order to prevent Docimus from taking over the command.
5 While they were about this, Docimus arrived at Babylon and, ignoring some of the Babylonians in the country who were still resisting .
.
.
to the soldiers .
.
.
he pressed on and confronted Archon.
Most of the places which were resisting and still holding out were subdued.
It happened that Archon was wounded in a skirmish and died not long afterwards from his wounds.
Then Docimus came up and was received into the satrapy by the Babylonians, and he carried out .
.
.
the instructions he had received from Perdiccas.
6 Meanwhile Perdiccas learnt that the kings of Cyprus, Nicocreon of Salamis and his vassals Pasicrates of Soli and Nicocles of Paphos, and also Androcles of Amathus, had made an alliance with Ptolemy. They had collected almost two hundred ships and were besieging the city of Marium and its governor. Perdiccas gathered triremes from Phoenicia for an expedition from Cilicia over to Marium, and prepared many merchant ships . He put about 800 mercenaries on the ships, and about 500 cavalrymen. He appointed Sosigenes of Rhodes to be admiral, Medius of Thessaly to be leader of the mercenaries, Amyntas to be leader of the cavalry, and Aristonous the bodyguard of Alexander to be general of the entire force . . .
7 . . . and Menander the satrap of Lydia, when he learnt of the arrival of Antigonus and the withdrawal of Asander towards him, vigorously . . . Perdiccas . . . and being angry with Perdiccas because . . . the satrapy which he held . . . quickly fled to the army . . . Cleopatra was . . . and of Eumenes . . . the roads which led to greater Phrygia.
8 The cities around Ephesus gave him a friendly welcome, and he prepared to march on Sardis [from there]. Meanwhile, Cleopatra heard about Antigonus' arrival and the ambush which he planned for Eumenes, and she passed on the information to Eumenes. About evening time, he gathered together the friends and cavalrymen who accompanied him, and he told them to prepare for a journey and to present themselves as quickly as possible, without waiting for a trumpet or any other obvious signal. 9 He followed the route between them in the direction of the rising sun. He . . . was careful not to bring it, guessing that it had been taken . . . for this reason it was least expected. Advancing about twenty stades, he turned towards the right and . . . of the road which led to greater Phrygia . . . 10 The same night Antigonus . . . learning of the escape of Eumenes and that . . . guessing that they were lying in ambush . . . Cleopatra, since Perdiccas . . .
[11] [PHOTIUS #92 - from tertullian website] 39 The tenth book relates how Eumenes, having heard what had befallen Perdiccas, and that he himself had been declared an enemy by the Macedonians, made all preparations for war ; how Alcetas, the brother of Perdiccas, took refuge with him on that account; how Attalus, who had been one of the ringleaders in the insurrection against Antipater, also joined the exiles with a force of 10,000 foot and 800 horse; how Attalus and his troops attacked Cnidus, Caunus, and Rhodes. The Rhodians, under their admiral, Demaratus, completely repulsed them. 40 How Eumenes nearly came to blows with Antipater on his arrival at Sardis, but Cleopatra, Alexander's sister, to prevent the Macedonian people accusing her of being the cause of the war, persuaded Eumenes to leave Sardis. Notwithstanding, Antipater reviled her for her friendship with Eumenes and Perdiccas. She defended herself more vigorously than a woman could have been expected to do, brought countercharges against him, and in the end they parted amicably. 41 Eumenes, having unexpectedly attacked those who did not acknowledge his authority, collected much booty and money, which he distributed amongst his soldiers. He also sent messages to Alcetas and his friends, begging them to assemble all their forces in one place so that they might unitedly attack the common enemy. But differences of opinion arose amongst them, and they finally refused. 42 Antipater, not yet daring to engage Eumenes, sent Asander against Attalus and Alcetas; after the battle had long remained undecided, Asander was defeated. 43 Cassander was at variance with Antigonus, but by command of his father, Antipater, he abandoned his opposition. Nevertheless, Cassander, when he met his father in Phrygia, advised him not to get too far from the kings, and to keep watch on Antigonus ; but the latter, by his quiet behaviour, courtesy, and good qualities, did all he could to remove suspicion. Antipater, being appeased, appointed him to the command of the forces which had crossed over with him to Asia - 8500 Macedonian 'infantry, and the same number of foreign cavalry, together with half the elephants (that is, seventy) - to assist him in ending the war against Eumenes. 44 Thus Antigonus began the war. Antipater, with the kings and the rest of his forces, pretended to be going to cross over into Macedonia, but the army again mutinied and demanded their pay. Antipater promised that he would pay them when he reached Abydus, or let them have, if not the whole, at least the greater part of it. 45 Having thus encouraged their hopes, he reached Abydus without disturbance, but having deceived the soldiers, he crossed the Hellespont by night, with the kings, to Lysimachus. On the following day the soldiers also crossed, and for the moment made no further demand for their pay. With this the tenth book ends.
"Bithynica"
[14] [PHOTIUS #93 - from tertullian website] Read [Arrianus'] Bithynica in eight books, containing a detailed account of the mythical and general history of Bithynia. It is a history of his own country, dedicated to it as a patriotic offering. For he tells us definitely in this work that he was born in Nicomedeia, brought up and educated there, and held, the office of priest of Demeter and her daughter, to whom the city was sacred. He mentions various works of his on other subjects, such as the career of the Corinthian Timoleon in Sicily, and the memorable deeds of Dion the Syracusan, who freed Syracuse and the whole of Sicily from the second Dionysius, the son of the first, and from the barbarians,- whom Dionysius had introduced to support his tyranny. It appears that the history of his country was the fourth work he wrote, being written after the histories of Alexander the Great, Timoleon, and Dion. Certainly from the time when he first took to a literary career he had intended to treat of this subject, but the work took some time to complete owing to the lack of material; at least, this is the reason he himself gives for the delay in its production. He begins, as stated, with mythical history and goes down to the death of the last Nicomedes, who at his death left his kingdom to the Romans, who had never had a king since the expulsion of the Tarquins.
[28] [SCHOL. TZETZES] "[Hannibal] died after drinking poison in Bithynia, by a place called Libyssa. He had expected to die in his homeland, in Libya, for an ancient oracle had been written about him as follows: The Libyssan earth will cover the body of Hannibal. " This is now called the place of Butius, according to Arrianus in his Bithynica.
[29] [TZETZES] Nicomedes the founder of Nicomedeia, the father of Prusias who had a single bone instead of all his teeth, . . . this father of single-toothed Prusias, who founded the city of Prusias by Mount Olympus, the aforementioned Nicomedes had a huge Molossian hound, who was very faithful to him. Once when Queen Ditizele of Phrygia, the wife of Nicomedes and mother of Prusias, was playing with the king, the dog thought she was attacking him. He bit her and tore apart her right shoulder, crushing the flesh and bones with his teeth. She died in the king's arms, and was buried magnificently in Nicomedeia, in a gilded tomb made of stone . . . Many people say that the dog went out of sight of the king and ended its life, out of love of the king and grief for his wife. Arrianus tells the story in his Bithynica.
"Parthica"
[30] [PHOTIUS #58 - from tertullian website] Read Arrianus' Parthica (History of Parthia) in seventeen books. He has also written the best account of the campaigns of Alexander of Macedon. Another work of his is Bithynica (History of Bithynia), relating the affairs of his native country. He also wrote an Alanica (History of the Alani). In the Parthica he gives an account of the wars between Parthia and Rome during the reign of Trajan. He considers the Parthians to have been a Scythian race, which had long been under the yoke of Macedonia, and revolted, at the time of the Persian rebellion, for the following reason. Arsaces and Tiridates were two brothers, descendants of Arsaces, the son of Phriapetes. These two brothers, with five accomplices, slew Pherecles, who had been appointed satrap of Parthia by Antiochus Theos, to avenge an insult offered to one of them; they drove out the Macedonians, set up a government of their own, and became so powerful that they were a match for the Romans in war, and sometimes even were victorious over them. Arrianus further relates that during the reign of Sesostris, king of Egypt, and Iandysus, king of Scythia, the Parthians removed from their own country, Scythia, to the land which they now inhabit. The emperor Trajan reduced them to submission but left them free under a treaty, and appointed a king over them.
[31] [SYNCELLUS] The fourth king of Syria was his son Antiochus Callinicus, also called Seleucus . . . In the reign of this Antiochus, the Parthians revolted from the Macedonians and the Seleucids, after being subject to them since the reign of Alexander the founder, for the following reason. Arsaces and Teridates, two brothers who traced their family back to Artaxerxes the king of the Persians, were the satraps of the Bactrians when Agathocles of Macedonia was governor of Persia. Agathocles fell in love with Teridates, one of the brothers, and tried to trap the young man, but failed and was killed by him and his brother Arsaces. Arsaces became king of the Persians, and the kings of the Persians were called Arsacids after him. After two years Arsaces was killed, and his brother Teridates succeeded him as king, for 37 years.
(? ) "Events after the death of Alexander"
[56] And on top of this, Leonnatus who had been the shield-bearer of Alexander . . .
[124] He held back from ravaging the rest of the land, thinking that the Athenians would yield.
[129] "For (? ) they intend to act as guardians of that infant and under the pretext of his name to act in any way that they like towards their subjects. " { the same sentiment is found in Curt_10. 6'21 }
[135] Such fear took hold of them, as if terrible things were going to happen, that they could not rid themselves of consternation. { Jacoby compares this with Fr_1'4. }
{ Another two fragments have been discovered since the time of Jacoby }
[181] [papyrus - PSI_1284] # column 82: In order to make their appearance more formidable to the cavalry, they advanced in formation and the mounted troops behind them cast their javelins wherever they could, so as to repel the charge of the cavalry by the constant stream of missiles. 10 But when Eumenes saw that the Macedonians were holding their line of shields tightly together and remained stout-hearted enough to face any danger, then he sent Xennias, a man who could speak like a native Macedonian, 20 with instructions to tell them that [Eumenes] would not fight against them directly, but by following them with his cavalry and with formations of light-armed troops, he would prevent them from gathering provisions. Even if they considered themselves invincible in battle, 30 they would not be able {column 83:} to hold out against hunger and thirst for long . . .
[182] [GÖTEBORG PALIMPSEST] # {When . . . } was {at that} time . . . to all of them, those who were caught inside could neither break out nor come to each others' assistance, because all of them were threatened with personal danger; of those who were trapped one part . . . to themselves . . . of Eumenes, but to the foreigners . . . and on [payment of] ransom . . . in three [days] they had plenty to pay [the soldiers] 10 . . . collecting over 800, except for what . . . they did not pay the price in proportion to what had been taken away - and it was reckoned at not far short of one thousand [talents]. After acquiring this unexpected abundance of resources without any effort or danger, they held Eumenes in high esteem; and the enemy, who were astonished by the speed and the unexpectedness of his attack, still more admired his skill as a general and his very quick-witted intelligence. At the same time, they began to despise Antipater, 20 because although he brought with him much larger and stronger forces to contend the war, after he set up camp near to their enemies he was unable to offer any assistance to his allies. Within sight of him and his army, the allies were captured and destroyed and sold off as booty, while Antipater was nothing better than a spectator of their sufferings.
After achieving this, while it was still winter, Eumenes sent envoys to Alcetas and Attalus and Polemon and Docimus 30 and to the others who had been appointed by Perdiccas as commanders and satraps, but had now been sentenced to death by the Macedonians. He urged them to combine all their forces and jointly undertake the war, because not only would they be a match for he enemy if they were united, but also they would be more effective if they had a common plan. If all their forces were combined, they would be the equal of the enemy in numbers, and they controlled a large amount of territory, from which they could easily support their army. If they prolonged the war, they would consistently gain extra strength, 40 because Antigonus and Antipater were already considered odious, and after failing so far to achieve anything worthy of mention, they were not surprisingly regarded with contempt. Their continual losses would make the enemy weak and easy to defeat, so that if they learned that the others were working together and uniting their forces, they would immediately sue for a truce.
They would leave the others in possession of their existing territory, and content themselves with their original allotment, thereby ridding Asia of many evils. 50 If any of the commanders were not convinced by this, he told them to explain what better course they could choose instead of it, to provide deliverance from the present dangers and safety for the future. Alcetas was one of the first to do as Eumenes suggested; he wanted to attach to himself the large Macedonian army which Eumenes commanded, so that if the firm foundation of this force of foot-soldiers {was added} to the cavalry which he already had and to the mass of . . .
176: Sosylus
Sosylus accompanied Hannibal during his invasion of Italy, and later wrote a history of the war between Hannibal and the Romans.
[1] [PAP. WURZBURG] 2 . . . they all fought outstandingly, but most of all the ships of the Massilians, who were the first to join battle and were wholly responsible for the success of the Romans. In sum, their leaders encouraged the others and made them bolder, while they themselves attacked the enemy with exceptional bravery. The Carthaginians suffered a two-fold defeat, because the Massilians knew their particular style of fighting. If the Carthaginians are facing some ships prow to prow, they advance as if they are going to attack, but instead of attacking immediately, they sail through the enemy line, turn round and ram the enemy's ships from the side.
3 The Massilians had found out about a tactic which is said to have employed at Artemisium by Heracleides of Mylasa, who was one of the cleverest men of his time. When they drew up their line, they ordered the front ships to face forwards, but to leave other ships waiting behind them at suitable intervals, which as soon as the first ships had been passed could take the opportunity to attack the enemy's ships as they were still advancing, without moving from their original formation. This is what Heracleides did in past times, and as a result he was responsible for the victory. And now, as we said, the Massilians followed the description of this ancient event. 4 As the Carthaginians advanced in the anticipated fashion . . . they fought alongside . . . the Carthaginians turned to flight . . .
Book 4 of the Deeds of Hannibal, by Sosylus.
241: Eratosthenes
Eratosthenes (late third century B. C. ) was the first writer to produce a systematic list of numbered Olympiads, which became the standard method of dating events in Greek chronicles. There is a summary of his life and writings in the Suda.
[1a] [CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA] Eratosthenes sets down the dates as follows:
From the capture of Troy to the return of the Heracleidae, eighty years; { 1184/3, 1104/3 B. C. }
from then to the founding of Ionia, sixty years; { 1044/3 B. C. }
and from then to the protectorate of Lycurgus, a hundred and fifty-nine years; { 885/4 B. C. }
and to the first year of the first Olympiad, a hundred and eight years; { 777/6 B. C. }
from the first Olympiad to the invasion of Xerxes, two hundred and ninety-seven years; { 480/79 B. C. }
from then to the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, forty-eight years; { 432/1 B. C. }
and to close of the war, and the defeat of the Athenians, twenty-seven years; { 405/4 B. C. }
and to the battle at Leuctra, thirty-four years; { 371/0 B. C. }
from then to the death of Philip, thirty-five years; { 336/5 B. C. }
and from then to the death of Alexander, twelve years. { 324/3 B. C. }
[1b] [CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA] Eratosthenes says that Homer’s age was one hundred years after the capture of Troy. { 1084/3 B. C. }
[8] [SCHOL. MENANDER] Many of the comic poets mention Astyanax of Miletus. He was the greatest pancratiast of his time, and also competed in the boxing. Eratosthenes in . . . . of the Olympic Victors, talking about the 116th Olympiad, says:
"Astyanax of Miletus for the (? ) third time won at all the games"
257: Phlegon
Phlegon's "Olympiades" was a detailed list of events and Olympic victors from the first Olympiad (776 B. C. ) down to 140 A. D. Phlegon's book survived until the ninth century, when the Byzantine scholar Photius declared himself disgusted by "his ill-timed, if laborious, diligence in reckoning the Olympiads, his lists of names of the victors and their achievements, and his accounts of the oracles", but only a few fragments now remain.
[9] [PHILOPONUS] Phlegon states that, in the 124th Olympiad, Lysimachus the Macedonian's body, which lay unburied for many days, was protected by his dog who kept the wild animals away from the corpse, until Thorax of Larissa came by and buried him.
[12] [PHOTIUS] About the 177th Olympiad See the translation of Photius [ #97 ].
[16] [ST. JEROME] About an eclipse of the sun at the time of the death of Jesus. See the translation of St. Jerome [Olympiad 202. 3].
[40] [ZOSIMUS] About the Secular Games See the translation of Zosimus [beginning of book 2].
257a: ? Phlegon
The format of this anonymous fragment is very similar to fragment 12 of Phlegon's Olympiades. The beginning provides unique information about internal strife at Athens, but unfortunately gaps in the papyrus make the meaning unclear in some places.
[1] [POxy_2082] A dispute broke out between the generals of the Athenians, Charias the commander of the hoplites and Lachares the commander of the mercenaries. Charias seized the acropolis . . . after the expedition and prevented food reaching the people . . . in the war . . . but Lachares with the mercenaries . . . 2 . . . established . . . and expelled Charias and the soldiers of Peiraeus. After overpowering the men who had seized the acropolis with Charias, he sent them away under a truce, but Charias and Peithias and Lysander the son of Calliphon and Ameinias took refuge in the temple [of Athene]. They held an assembly and sentenced them all to death . . . on the motion of Apollodorus. The soldiers of Peiraeus also captured Peiraeus with the [men] from the city . . .
3 . . . besieged [them] in Peiraeus. Cassander the king of the Macedonians fell ill and died on the [21st] day of the intercalary month of Artemisius. He was succeeded by Philippus, the eldest of his sons, who was king for [4] months . . . the historian Diyllus the son of Phanodemus [ended] . . . year, Philippus [the king of] the Macedonians . . . died . . .
4 . . . and the golden [statue] of Athene, and from [this loot] he provided pay for the mercenaries.
121[st Olympiad]
[Victors in the Olympic games:]
[Pythagoras] of Magnesia-on-Maeander, in the stadion race
Pythagoras won twice at the Olympic games, and [twice] at the Pythian games. He also won five times at the Isthmian games and (? ) seven times at the Nemean games.
Apollonius of Alexandria, in the double race
Pas. . . of Boeotia, in the long race
Timarchus of Mantineia, in the pentathlon
Amphiares of Laconia, in the wrestling
Calippus of Rhodes, in the boxing
Nicon of Boeotia, in the pancration
Nicon won twice at the Olympic games and twice at the Pythian games, and four times each at the Isthmian and Nemean games.
(? ) Sosiades of Tralles, in the boys' wrestling
Antipater of Ephesus, in the boys' stadion race
Myrceus of (? ) Caleitus in [Arcadia], in the boys' boxing
[Pythagoras] of Magnesia-on-Maeander, in the race in full armour, for the second time
Archidamus of Elis, in the race for chariots drawn by four horses
Pandion of Thessaly, in the horse-race
Tlasimachus of Ambracia, in the race for chariots drawn by a pair of horses
Tlasimachus again, in the race for chariots drawn by four foals
5 The men of Thurii . . . the country . . . Agathocles . . .
6 . . .
Craterus of Thessaly, [in] the race for chariots drawn by four horses
. . . of Crannon, in the horse-race
. . . of Thessaly, in the race for chariots drawn by a pair of horses
[Belistiche] of Macedonia, in the race for chariots drawn by four foals
[Belistiche] was the concubine of Ptolemy [Philadelphus].
7 In the [first] year the Romans fought . . .
523: ? Zenon of Rhodes ( P. Köln 247 )
The Greek text of the legible part of this papyrus fragment, along with a historical commentary, was published by G. A. Lehmann (ZPE, 1988). Because of the emphasis on the Rhodians, it is likely that the fragment comes from a local history written by Zenon in the first half of the second century B. C. The surviving portion describes events of 306/5 B. C. ; Lehmann points out that the remarks in column III, about the importance to the Rhodians of trade with Egypt, are echoed in Diodorus' account of this year ( 20. 81'4 ).
[I] . . . Alcetas, son of Orontes, brother of Perdiccas . . . Eumenes . . . Silver Shields { Argyraspides } . . . Antigonus, the son of Philippus, 20 was the first to proclaim himself king, in the belief that he would easily remove all the others in positions of power, and that he would prevail 25 over the entire world { oikoumene } and just like Alexander take over the affairs . . .
[II] . . . 5 complete days they proclaimed him king before they wrote to the people, without . . . against the Rhodians and the others, 10 but responding to what was written by each of them. Therefore, he { Ptolemy } troubled Antigonus, but he was (? ) useful to the people. 15 For Ptolemy after he received (? ) what was written in the documents, took for himself the dignity of a king . . . His friends considered him worthy of the royal 30 title, among them the Rhodians, because they expected that the aggrandisement of Antigonus would be oppressive to them, 35 but they they believed that Ptolemy would stay within his realm { hegemonia } and in no way would . .
6 Meanwhile Perdiccas learnt that the kings of Cyprus, Nicocreon of Salamis and his vassals Pasicrates of Soli and Nicocles of Paphos, and also Androcles of Amathus, had made an alliance with Ptolemy. They had collected almost two hundred ships and were besieging the city of Marium and its governor. Perdiccas gathered triremes from Phoenicia for an expedition from Cilicia over to Marium, and prepared many merchant ships . He put about 800 mercenaries on the ships, and about 500 cavalrymen. He appointed Sosigenes of Rhodes to be admiral, Medius of Thessaly to be leader of the mercenaries, Amyntas to be leader of the cavalry, and Aristonous the bodyguard of Alexander to be general of the entire force . . .
7 . . . and Menander the satrap of Lydia, when he learnt of the arrival of Antigonus and the withdrawal of Asander towards him, vigorously . . . Perdiccas . . . and being angry with Perdiccas because . . . the satrapy which he held . . . quickly fled to the army . . . Cleopatra was . . . and of Eumenes . . . the roads which led to greater Phrygia.
8 The cities around Ephesus gave him a friendly welcome, and he prepared to march on Sardis [from there]. Meanwhile, Cleopatra heard about Antigonus' arrival and the ambush which he planned for Eumenes, and she passed on the information to Eumenes. About evening time, he gathered together the friends and cavalrymen who accompanied him, and he told them to prepare for a journey and to present themselves as quickly as possible, without waiting for a trumpet or any other obvious signal. 9 He followed the route between them in the direction of the rising sun. He . . . was careful not to bring it, guessing that it had been taken . . . for this reason it was least expected. Advancing about twenty stades, he turned towards the right and . . . of the road which led to greater Phrygia . . . 10 The same night Antigonus . . . learning of the escape of Eumenes and that . . . guessing that they were lying in ambush . . . Cleopatra, since Perdiccas . . .
[11] [PHOTIUS #92 - from tertullian website] 39 The tenth book relates how Eumenes, having heard what had befallen Perdiccas, and that he himself had been declared an enemy by the Macedonians, made all preparations for war ; how Alcetas, the brother of Perdiccas, took refuge with him on that account; how Attalus, who had been one of the ringleaders in the insurrection against Antipater, also joined the exiles with a force of 10,000 foot and 800 horse; how Attalus and his troops attacked Cnidus, Caunus, and Rhodes. The Rhodians, under their admiral, Demaratus, completely repulsed them. 40 How Eumenes nearly came to blows with Antipater on his arrival at Sardis, but Cleopatra, Alexander's sister, to prevent the Macedonian people accusing her of being the cause of the war, persuaded Eumenes to leave Sardis. Notwithstanding, Antipater reviled her for her friendship with Eumenes and Perdiccas. She defended herself more vigorously than a woman could have been expected to do, brought countercharges against him, and in the end they parted amicably. 41 Eumenes, having unexpectedly attacked those who did not acknowledge his authority, collected much booty and money, which he distributed amongst his soldiers. He also sent messages to Alcetas and his friends, begging them to assemble all their forces in one place so that they might unitedly attack the common enemy. But differences of opinion arose amongst them, and they finally refused. 42 Antipater, not yet daring to engage Eumenes, sent Asander against Attalus and Alcetas; after the battle had long remained undecided, Asander was defeated. 43 Cassander was at variance with Antigonus, but by command of his father, Antipater, he abandoned his opposition. Nevertheless, Cassander, when he met his father in Phrygia, advised him not to get too far from the kings, and to keep watch on Antigonus ; but the latter, by his quiet behaviour, courtesy, and good qualities, did all he could to remove suspicion. Antipater, being appeased, appointed him to the command of the forces which had crossed over with him to Asia - 8500 Macedonian 'infantry, and the same number of foreign cavalry, together with half the elephants (that is, seventy) - to assist him in ending the war against Eumenes. 44 Thus Antigonus began the war. Antipater, with the kings and the rest of his forces, pretended to be going to cross over into Macedonia, but the army again mutinied and demanded their pay. Antipater promised that he would pay them when he reached Abydus, or let them have, if not the whole, at least the greater part of it. 45 Having thus encouraged their hopes, he reached Abydus without disturbance, but having deceived the soldiers, he crossed the Hellespont by night, with the kings, to Lysimachus. On the following day the soldiers also crossed, and for the moment made no further demand for their pay. With this the tenth book ends.
"Bithynica"
[14] [PHOTIUS #93 - from tertullian website] Read [Arrianus'] Bithynica in eight books, containing a detailed account of the mythical and general history of Bithynia. It is a history of his own country, dedicated to it as a patriotic offering. For he tells us definitely in this work that he was born in Nicomedeia, brought up and educated there, and held, the office of priest of Demeter and her daughter, to whom the city was sacred. He mentions various works of his on other subjects, such as the career of the Corinthian Timoleon in Sicily, and the memorable deeds of Dion the Syracusan, who freed Syracuse and the whole of Sicily from the second Dionysius, the son of the first, and from the barbarians,- whom Dionysius had introduced to support his tyranny. It appears that the history of his country was the fourth work he wrote, being written after the histories of Alexander the Great, Timoleon, and Dion. Certainly from the time when he first took to a literary career he had intended to treat of this subject, but the work took some time to complete owing to the lack of material; at least, this is the reason he himself gives for the delay in its production. He begins, as stated, with mythical history and goes down to the death of the last Nicomedes, who at his death left his kingdom to the Romans, who had never had a king since the expulsion of the Tarquins.
[28] [SCHOL. TZETZES] "[Hannibal] died after drinking poison in Bithynia, by a place called Libyssa. He had expected to die in his homeland, in Libya, for an ancient oracle had been written about him as follows: The Libyssan earth will cover the body of Hannibal. " This is now called the place of Butius, according to Arrianus in his Bithynica.
[29] [TZETZES] Nicomedes the founder of Nicomedeia, the father of Prusias who had a single bone instead of all his teeth, . . . this father of single-toothed Prusias, who founded the city of Prusias by Mount Olympus, the aforementioned Nicomedes had a huge Molossian hound, who was very faithful to him. Once when Queen Ditizele of Phrygia, the wife of Nicomedes and mother of Prusias, was playing with the king, the dog thought she was attacking him. He bit her and tore apart her right shoulder, crushing the flesh and bones with his teeth. She died in the king's arms, and was buried magnificently in Nicomedeia, in a gilded tomb made of stone . . . Many people say that the dog went out of sight of the king and ended its life, out of love of the king and grief for his wife. Arrianus tells the story in his Bithynica.
"Parthica"
[30] [PHOTIUS #58 - from tertullian website] Read Arrianus' Parthica (History of Parthia) in seventeen books. He has also written the best account of the campaigns of Alexander of Macedon. Another work of his is Bithynica (History of Bithynia), relating the affairs of his native country. He also wrote an Alanica (History of the Alani). In the Parthica he gives an account of the wars between Parthia and Rome during the reign of Trajan. He considers the Parthians to have been a Scythian race, which had long been under the yoke of Macedonia, and revolted, at the time of the Persian rebellion, for the following reason. Arsaces and Tiridates were two brothers, descendants of Arsaces, the son of Phriapetes. These two brothers, with five accomplices, slew Pherecles, who had been appointed satrap of Parthia by Antiochus Theos, to avenge an insult offered to one of them; they drove out the Macedonians, set up a government of their own, and became so powerful that they were a match for the Romans in war, and sometimes even were victorious over them. Arrianus further relates that during the reign of Sesostris, king of Egypt, and Iandysus, king of Scythia, the Parthians removed from their own country, Scythia, to the land which they now inhabit. The emperor Trajan reduced them to submission but left them free under a treaty, and appointed a king over them.
[31] [SYNCELLUS] The fourth king of Syria was his son Antiochus Callinicus, also called Seleucus . . . In the reign of this Antiochus, the Parthians revolted from the Macedonians and the Seleucids, after being subject to them since the reign of Alexander the founder, for the following reason. Arsaces and Teridates, two brothers who traced their family back to Artaxerxes the king of the Persians, were the satraps of the Bactrians when Agathocles of Macedonia was governor of Persia. Agathocles fell in love with Teridates, one of the brothers, and tried to trap the young man, but failed and was killed by him and his brother Arsaces. Arsaces became king of the Persians, and the kings of the Persians were called Arsacids after him. After two years Arsaces was killed, and his brother Teridates succeeded him as king, for 37 years.
(? ) "Events after the death of Alexander"
[56] And on top of this, Leonnatus who had been the shield-bearer of Alexander . . .
[124] He held back from ravaging the rest of the land, thinking that the Athenians would yield.
[129] "For (? ) they intend to act as guardians of that infant and under the pretext of his name to act in any way that they like towards their subjects. " { the same sentiment is found in Curt_10. 6'21 }
[135] Such fear took hold of them, as if terrible things were going to happen, that they could not rid themselves of consternation. { Jacoby compares this with Fr_1'4. }
{ Another two fragments have been discovered since the time of Jacoby }
[181] [papyrus - PSI_1284] # column 82: In order to make their appearance more formidable to the cavalry, they advanced in formation and the mounted troops behind them cast their javelins wherever they could, so as to repel the charge of the cavalry by the constant stream of missiles. 10 But when Eumenes saw that the Macedonians were holding their line of shields tightly together and remained stout-hearted enough to face any danger, then he sent Xennias, a man who could speak like a native Macedonian, 20 with instructions to tell them that [Eumenes] would not fight against them directly, but by following them with his cavalry and with formations of light-armed troops, he would prevent them from gathering provisions. Even if they considered themselves invincible in battle, 30 they would not be able {column 83:} to hold out against hunger and thirst for long . . .
[182] [GÖTEBORG PALIMPSEST] # {When . . . } was {at that} time . . . to all of them, those who were caught inside could neither break out nor come to each others' assistance, because all of them were threatened with personal danger; of those who were trapped one part . . . to themselves . . . of Eumenes, but to the foreigners . . . and on [payment of] ransom . . . in three [days] they had plenty to pay [the soldiers] 10 . . . collecting over 800, except for what . . . they did not pay the price in proportion to what had been taken away - and it was reckoned at not far short of one thousand [talents]. After acquiring this unexpected abundance of resources without any effort or danger, they held Eumenes in high esteem; and the enemy, who were astonished by the speed and the unexpectedness of his attack, still more admired his skill as a general and his very quick-witted intelligence. At the same time, they began to despise Antipater, 20 because although he brought with him much larger and stronger forces to contend the war, after he set up camp near to their enemies he was unable to offer any assistance to his allies. Within sight of him and his army, the allies were captured and destroyed and sold off as booty, while Antipater was nothing better than a spectator of their sufferings.
After achieving this, while it was still winter, Eumenes sent envoys to Alcetas and Attalus and Polemon and Docimus 30 and to the others who had been appointed by Perdiccas as commanders and satraps, but had now been sentenced to death by the Macedonians. He urged them to combine all their forces and jointly undertake the war, because not only would they be a match for he enemy if they were united, but also they would be more effective if they had a common plan. If all their forces were combined, they would be the equal of the enemy in numbers, and they controlled a large amount of territory, from which they could easily support their army. If they prolonged the war, they would consistently gain extra strength, 40 because Antigonus and Antipater were already considered odious, and after failing so far to achieve anything worthy of mention, they were not surprisingly regarded with contempt. Their continual losses would make the enemy weak and easy to defeat, so that if they learned that the others were working together and uniting their forces, they would immediately sue for a truce.
They would leave the others in possession of their existing territory, and content themselves with their original allotment, thereby ridding Asia of many evils. 50 If any of the commanders were not convinced by this, he told them to explain what better course they could choose instead of it, to provide deliverance from the present dangers and safety for the future. Alcetas was one of the first to do as Eumenes suggested; he wanted to attach to himself the large Macedonian army which Eumenes commanded, so that if the firm foundation of this force of foot-soldiers {was added} to the cavalry which he already had and to the mass of . . .
176: Sosylus
Sosylus accompanied Hannibal during his invasion of Italy, and later wrote a history of the war between Hannibal and the Romans.
[1] [PAP. WURZBURG] 2 . . . they all fought outstandingly, but most of all the ships of the Massilians, who were the first to join battle and were wholly responsible for the success of the Romans. In sum, their leaders encouraged the others and made them bolder, while they themselves attacked the enemy with exceptional bravery. The Carthaginians suffered a two-fold defeat, because the Massilians knew their particular style of fighting. If the Carthaginians are facing some ships prow to prow, they advance as if they are going to attack, but instead of attacking immediately, they sail through the enemy line, turn round and ram the enemy's ships from the side.
3 The Massilians had found out about a tactic which is said to have employed at Artemisium by Heracleides of Mylasa, who was one of the cleverest men of his time. When they drew up their line, they ordered the front ships to face forwards, but to leave other ships waiting behind them at suitable intervals, which as soon as the first ships had been passed could take the opportunity to attack the enemy's ships as they were still advancing, without moving from their original formation. This is what Heracleides did in past times, and as a result he was responsible for the victory. And now, as we said, the Massilians followed the description of this ancient event. 4 As the Carthaginians advanced in the anticipated fashion . . . they fought alongside . . . the Carthaginians turned to flight . . .
Book 4 of the Deeds of Hannibal, by Sosylus.
241: Eratosthenes
Eratosthenes (late third century B. C. ) was the first writer to produce a systematic list of numbered Olympiads, which became the standard method of dating events in Greek chronicles. There is a summary of his life and writings in the Suda.
[1a] [CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA] Eratosthenes sets down the dates as follows:
From the capture of Troy to the return of the Heracleidae, eighty years; { 1184/3, 1104/3 B. C. }
from then to the founding of Ionia, sixty years; { 1044/3 B. C. }
and from then to the protectorate of Lycurgus, a hundred and fifty-nine years; { 885/4 B. C. }
and to the first year of the first Olympiad, a hundred and eight years; { 777/6 B. C. }
from the first Olympiad to the invasion of Xerxes, two hundred and ninety-seven years; { 480/79 B. C. }
from then to the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, forty-eight years; { 432/1 B. C. }
and to close of the war, and the defeat of the Athenians, twenty-seven years; { 405/4 B. C. }
and to the battle at Leuctra, thirty-four years; { 371/0 B. C. }
from then to the death of Philip, thirty-five years; { 336/5 B. C. }
and from then to the death of Alexander, twelve years. { 324/3 B. C. }
[1b] [CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA] Eratosthenes says that Homer’s age was one hundred years after the capture of Troy. { 1084/3 B. C. }
[8] [SCHOL. MENANDER] Many of the comic poets mention Astyanax of Miletus. He was the greatest pancratiast of his time, and also competed in the boxing. Eratosthenes in . . . . of the Olympic Victors, talking about the 116th Olympiad, says:
"Astyanax of Miletus for the (? ) third time won at all the games"
257: Phlegon
Phlegon's "Olympiades" was a detailed list of events and Olympic victors from the first Olympiad (776 B. C. ) down to 140 A. D. Phlegon's book survived until the ninth century, when the Byzantine scholar Photius declared himself disgusted by "his ill-timed, if laborious, diligence in reckoning the Olympiads, his lists of names of the victors and their achievements, and his accounts of the oracles", but only a few fragments now remain.
[9] [PHILOPONUS] Phlegon states that, in the 124th Olympiad, Lysimachus the Macedonian's body, which lay unburied for many days, was protected by his dog who kept the wild animals away from the corpse, until Thorax of Larissa came by and buried him.
[12] [PHOTIUS] About the 177th Olympiad See the translation of Photius [ #97 ].
[16] [ST. JEROME] About an eclipse of the sun at the time of the death of Jesus. See the translation of St. Jerome [Olympiad 202. 3].
[40] [ZOSIMUS] About the Secular Games See the translation of Zosimus [beginning of book 2].
257a: ? Phlegon
The format of this anonymous fragment is very similar to fragment 12 of Phlegon's Olympiades. The beginning provides unique information about internal strife at Athens, but unfortunately gaps in the papyrus make the meaning unclear in some places.
[1] [POxy_2082] A dispute broke out between the generals of the Athenians, Charias the commander of the hoplites and Lachares the commander of the mercenaries. Charias seized the acropolis . . . after the expedition and prevented food reaching the people . . . in the war . . . but Lachares with the mercenaries . . . 2 . . . established . . . and expelled Charias and the soldiers of Peiraeus. After overpowering the men who had seized the acropolis with Charias, he sent them away under a truce, but Charias and Peithias and Lysander the son of Calliphon and Ameinias took refuge in the temple [of Athene]. They held an assembly and sentenced them all to death . . . on the motion of Apollodorus. The soldiers of Peiraeus also captured Peiraeus with the [men] from the city . . .
3 . . . besieged [them] in Peiraeus. Cassander the king of the Macedonians fell ill and died on the [21st] day of the intercalary month of Artemisius. He was succeeded by Philippus, the eldest of his sons, who was king for [4] months . . . the historian Diyllus the son of Phanodemus [ended] . . . year, Philippus [the king of] the Macedonians . . . died . . .
4 . . . and the golden [statue] of Athene, and from [this loot] he provided pay for the mercenaries.
121[st Olympiad]
[Victors in the Olympic games:]
[Pythagoras] of Magnesia-on-Maeander, in the stadion race
Pythagoras won twice at the Olympic games, and [twice] at the Pythian games. He also won five times at the Isthmian games and (? ) seven times at the Nemean games.
Apollonius of Alexandria, in the double race
Pas. . . of Boeotia, in the long race
Timarchus of Mantineia, in the pentathlon
Amphiares of Laconia, in the wrestling
Calippus of Rhodes, in the boxing
Nicon of Boeotia, in the pancration
Nicon won twice at the Olympic games and twice at the Pythian games, and four times each at the Isthmian and Nemean games.
(? ) Sosiades of Tralles, in the boys' wrestling
Antipater of Ephesus, in the boys' stadion race
Myrceus of (? ) Caleitus in [Arcadia], in the boys' boxing
[Pythagoras] of Magnesia-on-Maeander, in the race in full armour, for the second time
Archidamus of Elis, in the race for chariots drawn by four horses
Pandion of Thessaly, in the horse-race
Tlasimachus of Ambracia, in the race for chariots drawn by a pair of horses
Tlasimachus again, in the race for chariots drawn by four foals
5 The men of Thurii . . . the country . . . Agathocles . . .
6 . . .
Craterus of Thessaly, [in] the race for chariots drawn by four horses
. . . of Crannon, in the horse-race
. . . of Thessaly, in the race for chariots drawn by a pair of horses
[Belistiche] of Macedonia, in the race for chariots drawn by four foals
[Belistiche] was the concubine of Ptolemy [Philadelphus].
7 In the [first] year the Romans fought . . .
523: ? Zenon of Rhodes ( P. Köln 247 )
The Greek text of the legible part of this papyrus fragment, along with a historical commentary, was published by G. A. Lehmann (ZPE, 1988). Because of the emphasis on the Rhodians, it is likely that the fragment comes from a local history written by Zenon in the first half of the second century B. C. The surviving portion describes events of 306/5 B. C. ; Lehmann points out that the remarks in column III, about the importance to the Rhodians of trade with Egypt, are echoed in Diodorus' account of this year ( 20. 81'4 ).
[I] . . . Alcetas, son of Orontes, brother of Perdiccas . . . Eumenes . . . Silver Shields { Argyraspides } . . . Antigonus, the son of Philippus, 20 was the first to proclaim himself king, in the belief that he would easily remove all the others in positions of power, and that he would prevail 25 over the entire world { oikoumene } and just like Alexander take over the affairs . . .
[II] . . . 5 complete days they proclaimed him king before they wrote to the people, without . . . against the Rhodians and the others, 10 but responding to what was written by each of them. Therefore, he { Ptolemy } troubled Antigonus, but he was (? ) useful to the people. 15 For Ptolemy after he received (? ) what was written in the documents, took for himself the dignity of a king . . . His friends considered him worthy of the royal 30 title, among them the Rhodians, because they expected that the aggrandisement of Antigonus would be oppressive to them, 35 but they they believed that Ptolemy would stay within his realm { hegemonia } and in no way would . .
