He could be
magnanimous
to a fallen
foe, and was by no means destitute of ability.
foe, and was by no means destitute of ability.
Cambridge History of India - v4 - Mugul Period
In Gujarat, Trimbak Rao Dabhade, who had suc-
1 Irvine, Later Mughuls, II, 146, 154.
? See chap. XIII, p. 380.
## p. 401 (#439) ############################################
TREATY OF WARNA
401
ceeded to the title of Senapati after the death of his father, the veteran
Khande Rao, in January, 1730,1 was assembling troops and plotting
with Pilaji Gaikwar and other chiefs, “to protect the Raja's authority",
by ridding him of his Peshwa. He had opened negotiations with
the Nizam; but Baji Rao, by means of his excellent system of
espionage, was well aware of all that was taking place. Meanwhile,
in the south, prince Shambhuji, who had been allowed to retire to
Panhala after the signing of the treaty, had allied himself to a free-
booter named Udaji Chauhan, and had encamped in bravado on the
north side of the Warna, insolently demanding to be recognised as
independent ruler of the southern half of the swarajya.
As Baji Rao was preoccupied with affairs in Gujarat, Shahu sent
Shripat Rao Pratinidhi to deal with his cousin. The Pratinidhi took
the field in January, 1730, and surprised the Kolhapur army while
it was encamped. The route was complete, and Shripat Rao captured
the royal camp with all its inmates, including Tara Bai, Rajas Bai,
Shambhuji's wife Jija Bai, and many Maratha chiefs of note. Shahu
behaved with his usual magnanimity. He released all his prisoners.
His aunt Tara Bai, however, asked not to be sent back. The lot of
the senior Maharani when the son of her co-wife reigns is never an
enviable one. "Wherever I go", she said, “I shall have a prison as
my lot: here or there is all one to me. Let me stay in peace. ” Her
request was, unfortunately for the state, acceded to: and the old
queen retired to Satara to bide her time for fresh plots. Meanwhile,
Shambhuji had surrendered unconditionally, and the two cousins met
at a magnificent darbar, where they were formally reconciled.
A treaty, commonly known as the treaty of Warna (the river being
the boundary between the territories of the combatants), was signed
on 13 April, 1731, which left Shambhuji with only a shadow of his
former power, and after this he ceases to be an important factor in
Maratha history until his death in 1760. The long strife between the
rival houses of Kolhapur and Satara, which had gone on since 1703,
was for the time being settled. --
Meanwhile, important events were taking place in the north.
Throughout the rainy season of 1730, Baji Rao had been making
preparations for the invasion of Gujarat, with the assistance of his
brother Chimaji Appa. On 10 October the brothers celebrated the
Dasahra in great splendour at Poona, and took the field at once. In
February, 1731, Baji Rao reached Ahmadabad, and concluded a
treaty with the new viceroy, Abhay Singh of Marwar, who had been
sent to supersede Sarbuland Khan. On 1 April, twelve days before
Shahu and Shambhuji signed the treaty of Warna, the Peshwa moved
out to meet the forces of Trimbak Rao and his lieutenant the Gaik-
i The date of Khande Rao's death is unknown. Grant Duff gives 1721, which
must be wrong, as conteinporary correspondence shows that he was still alive in
June, 1729. He probably died in July or August of that year.
26
## p. 402 (#440) ############################################
402
RISE OF THE MARATHA EMPIRE (1707-1761)
war, on the broad plain of Bilhapur, between Baroda and Dabhoi.
The Senapati's numerous levies proved no match for the small but
compact army of the Peshwa : the famous Khas Paga, the house-
hold cavalry, carried all before it. But Trimbak Rao, disdaining
offers to surrender, chained together the legs of his war-elephant,
and continued the fight single-handed, until a musket-ball (fired,
it is now known, by a traitor's hand) brought him down, while he
was drawing the bowstring to his ear.
his ear. The pious Shahu, deeply
shocked by this fratricidal strife, behaved with the utmost chivalry
towards the family of his late Senapati, and bestowed the office upon
his younger brother Yeshwant Rao. But the family of Dabhade never
recovered its prestige, and Baji Rao, his last and greatest rival
removed, was now sovereign in all but name. In Gujarat, the power
once wielded by the Dabhades passed to their erstwhile lieutenants,
the Gaikwars, the Mughul viceroy receding more and more into the
background. Pilaji Gaikwar was assassinated by Abhay Singh, the
Mughul viceroy, in 1732, and was succeeded by Damaji II, who was
present at Panipat, and died in 1768. 1
We must now turn our attention to Malwa, where Udaji Powar,
Malhar Rao Holkar and Ranoji Sindia had been steadily under-
mining the Mughul power. On 8 December, 1728, at Sarangpur, ,
they defeated and killed the governor, Raja Girdhar Bahadur, who
for ten years had struggled to prevent the Marathas from getting
a firm footing in his province. His successor, Daya Bahadur, suffered
a similar fate at Tala near Dhar (12 October, 1731). In 1732, the
Peshwa himself took command over the Maratha forces, sending
back his brother and Pilaji Jadav to watch over his interests at
Satara. On his arrival there he found the new viceroy was Muham-
mad Khan Bangash, whom he had defeated in Bundelkhand in 1729. 2
Muhammad Khan, receiving no support from Delhi, was unable to
stay the Maratha incursion and was relieved by Raja Jay Singh of
Amber. In 1733 the Peshwa placed in charge of Bundelkhand
a Brahman officer named Govind Pant Kher who afterwards was
known as Bundele and played a part in the Panipat campaign. The
great Rajput barons, who had once been the guardians of the empire
on its western borders, were now more and more openly throwing
off their allegiance, and welcoming the Marathas as the champions
of the Hindu religion. 3 In 1736, Jay Singh came to terms with the
Peshwa, appointing him as deputy-governor on condition that he did
not plunder imperial territories. This amounted to the virtual cession
of the province, and had not the smallest deterrent effect on Maratha
1 For the early history of the Gaikwars of Baroda, see Bombay Gazetteer,
vol vri, and Forbes, op. cit. Book III, chaps. I-m.
2 See chap. XII, p. 353. W. Irvine, The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad,
p. 302, shows that the Bundelkhand campaign was before Muhammad Khan's
appointment to Malwa.
3 Malcolm, Central India, chaps. IV and v.
## p. 403 (#441) ############################################
RETURN OF THE NIZAM
403
depredations : the following year saw their horsemen crossing the
Jumna and plundering the Duab. It was now that Baji Rao planned
one of his boldest strokes. In March, 1737, Sa'adat Khan, the governor
of Oudh, had defeated Malhar Rao Holkar, and elated by his success
wrote a vainglorious letter to Delhi, boasting that he had driven
the Marathas across the Chambal. "Hearing this", wrote Baji Rao
to his brother, "I was resolved to let the emperor know the truth,
to prove that I was still in Hindustan, and to shew him flames and
the Marathas at the gate of the capital. " i Gathering a picked body
1
of horsemen and covering ten days' march in two, he swooped down
upon Delhi. Fugitives, distraught with terror, poured into the city,
The government, at first incredulous and then panic-stricken,
gathered together all available forces and despatched them to chastise
the invaders. Baji Rao, adopting the usual Maratha tactics, skilfully
fell back until he had drawn his opponents away from the walls and
well out into the open. Then he turned, and in a moment, Malhar
Rao Holkar, with Ranoji Sindia hard at his heels, crashed into their
ranks. That day the Maratha sword and lance drank deep of the
blood of the proudest of the Mughul nobles : over six hundred were
slain, and the troopers helped themselves freely to riderless horses
with their gorgeous equipments of cloth of gold. The terrified
emperor awaited in fear and trembling the approach of the victors;
but before dawn Baji Rao had vanished as swiftly as he came,
cleverly outmanoeuvring an imperial army under the minister whicin
tried to cut off his retreat (April, 1737).
By this time the opinion began to prevail that only one person
could save the empire, and stem the flood of Maratha invasion.
This was the Nizam, who, as we have seen, had shaken the dust
of Delhi from off his feet fourteen years before. He was now at
Burhanpur, closely watched by Chimaji Appa, who had received
orders, if his opponent crossed the Narbada, "to fall on his rear and
put heel-ropes on him". The Nizam's change of front was no doubt
inspired by the apprehensions he must have felt at the growing power
of the Marathas in Hindustan.
In April, 1737, the Nizam set out for Delhi, by way of Gwalior
and Agra. The capital was reached in July, and his reception was
one of the most amazing sights ever witnessed in that ancient city :
the minister escorted him personally to the emperor's presence,
amidst crowds which loudly welcomed him as their saviour. After
staying as the imperial guest until August, he took the field in order
to drive the marauders out of Hindustan. But he found Baji Rao
awaiting him, and once more he proved no match for his nimble
antagonist.
He suffered himself to be shepherded into Bhopal,
1 W. Irvine, Later Mughuls, II, 287. The letter is quoted in full in Kincaid and
Parasnis, History of the Maratha People, pp. 451-3.
2 Irvine, Later Mighuls, 11, 301.
## p. 404 (#442) ############################################
404 RISE OF THE MARATHA EMPIRE (1707-1761)
where he was closely besieged, and, as at Palkhed almost exactly
ten years earlier, he was once more compelled by the Peshwa to sign
a humiliating treaty. He agreed to grant to Baji Rao the whole of
Malwa, with the complete sovereignty of the territory between the
Narbada and the Chambal, and to obtain the emperor's confirma-
tion for these terms. Hence the calling-in of the Nizam, instead of
helping the emperor, merely led to the humiliation of both, and to
the crowning triumph of Baji Rao. The Mughul empire was tottering
to its fall : it only needed the invasion of Nadir Shah, already looming
on the horizon, to complete its destruction.
The sudden irruption of Nadir Shah into Hindustan, in 1739,
caused a panic at Poona, and for a moment Baji Rao thought that
he might continue his march southward into the Deccan. "Our
domestic quarrels”, he wrote, "are now insignificant : there is now
but one enemy in Hindustan. Hindu and Mussalman, the whole
power of the Deccan, must assemble, and I shall spread our Mara-
thas from the Narbada to the Chambal. " Fortunately, the menaced
invasion of the Deccan failed to materialise, and the Peshwa was
able to continue his operations uninterrupted. Malwa and Gujarat
had been virtually added to the Maratha empire, but the Konkan,
the fertile strip of country between the Ghats and the sea, still
remained unsubdued. Here were three rival powers, the Angrias of
Kolaba, the Abyssinians of Janjira, and the Portuguese. The Angrias,
in spite of Kanhoji's agreement with Shahu, defied the control of
the Peshwas, and levied, on their own authority, the "chauth of the
sea" on passing vessels. Equally powerful were their rivals the
Sidis, the hereditary Mughul admirals. The Maratha campaigns in
the Konkan were, however, a failure, and their chief result was
to bring the Marathas into contact with the Portuguese. The
Portuguese had been old enemies of the Marathas, on religious as
well as political grounds, but during the Peshwa's preoccupations
in the north, they had been left in peace. Their possessions on the
Bombay coast were grouped together under the title of the "province
of the north"; its governor, "the general of the north", had his
capital at Bassein. The island of Salsette, which was in Portuguese
hands, is separated from the mainland by a long, narrow creek or
arm of the sea, Bassein at the northern and Thana at the southern
extremities of which guarded the two entrances. Along the coast
were a number of fortified posts. But the Portuguese power was fast
declining. They were a proud, indolent race, with little aptitude for
commerce. The English and Dutch had driven their fleets off the
sea, and in 1661, the Lisbon government, despite frantic protests
from Goa, had suicidally ceded the island of Bombay, at the southern
extremity of Salsette, with its excellent harbour, to the English. ”
Receiving little or no help from home, the Portuguese had allowed
1 See Kincaid and Parasnis, chap. XXXIII.
• See Vol. v, p. 86.
## p. 405 (#443) ############################################
SIEGE OF BASSEIN
405
their fortresses to fall into a state of disrepair : the walls were ruinous
and manned only by a handful of tattered soldiers with a few rusty
cannon. Baji Rao cast covetous eyes on the fertile and almost
defenceless island of Salsette with its green rice fields, groves and
orchards. Here was a fruit ready to be plucked. The excuse, if one
was needed, was afforded by the haughty Luis Botelho, the governor
of Bassein, who grossly insulted the Peshwa's envoy by speaking of
his master as a "nigger". 1
Baji Rao concentrated a large force at Poona in the cold weather
of 1736-37, and being himself fully occupied with events in Hindu-
stan, he entrusted it to his brother Chimaji Appa. The Maratha
army moved down the passes with great speed and secrecy, and on
6 April, 1737, captured Thana, which, as we have seen, commanded
the southern entrance of the Salsette channel. Until the break of
the monsoon, the Marathas occupied their time in overrunning
Salsette and reducing the fortress on the island. As soon as the
rains were over, they made a general assault on Bassein itself, but
the storming party, 9000 strong, was completely defeated by its
gallant defenders, who manned the walls, sword in hand, threw down
the scaling-ladders, and killed or captured every one who reached
the ramparts. Meanwhile the government of Goa, at last awake to
the situation, sent shiploads of troops under Pedro de Mello to the
relief of Bassein. De Mello at once realised that Thana was the key
to the position : could he retake it, the Maratha forces in Salsette
would be cut off. But in the meantime, the Marathas also received
large reinforcements : Baji Rao's campaign in Malwa had come to a
successful conclusion, and Holkar and other Maratha leaders had
hastened to the scene of operations. De Mello was killed in action,
and his troops were driven back to their boats in disorder.
Bassein was now doomed. The Portuguese appealed for help to
the English at Bombay, and it cannot be said that the latter behaved
with credit in the matter. They had, indeed, little love for their
rivals, and they were anxious to do nothing to offend the Marathas.
They accordingly temporised : to the Portuguese they merely tend-
ered good advice, while to the Marathas they supplied powder and
shot : it was even asserted that the Portuguese commander was killed
by a piece aimed by an English gunner. The letters of the Portuguese
commandant are full of dignity and pathos. The garrison, he says, is
starving, and worn out by constant fighting. There is no money to
pay the soldiers. All the church plate has long ago been melted down.
"The Marathas have carried on mines, covered ways and other
approaches to the very foundation of the wall, their batteries being
very near the town : they throw large stones into the place from
mortars. ” A little moved by this touching appeal, the council sent
1 “Tratando o de Negro", Kincaid and Parasnis, 261 note, quoting a Portu-
guese authority.
>
## p. 406 (#444) ############################################
406 RISE OF THE MARATHA EMPIRE (1707-1761)
them two hundred barrels of gunpowder, and four thousand rounds
of cannon-shot. Later, with the quixotic gallantry of his nation, the
commandant actually offered to pledge to the English some of his
best cannon in return for further supplies, “having this considera-
tion, that it is most becoming my nation that it should be known
to the world how, for the preservation of their king's city, Bassein
was stripped of its artillery, the principal instruments of its defence,
whilst they put their trust more in their personal valour, in their
constant fidelity and zeal, than on the extraordinary force or hard-
ness of metal”. But nothing could save the city. On 13 May, a mine
was sprung under one of the principal bastions, and the Maratha
storming parties, led in person by their greatest captains, Malhar
Rac Holkar, Ranoji Sindia, Manaji Angria and Chimaji Appa himself,
swarmed up the walls, only to be driven back in disorder. Eleven
times the columns moved to the assault, and eleven times they
were repulsed with slaughter; and when the attack was renewed
at daylight, it was found that the Portuguese had repaired the
breaches. But on the next day another mine was exploded, and the
Marathas established themselves in a position among the ruins, from
which they could enfilade the defences. All that day the Portuguese
Inaintained an unequal combat with the courage of despair, and in
the evening Chimaji sent an envoy to say that, unless the town sur-
rendered, further mines would be exploded, and the whole popula-
tion put to the sword. The governor then capitulated, after one of
the most heroic defences in history. The severity of the fighting is
indicated by the fact that the Maratha losses were estimated at 5000
out of a total of 22,000. Chimaji chivalrously allowed the garrison
to march out with the honours of war, and a safe-conduct to Goa
or Daman, while those who preferred to remain were promised com-
plete religious freedom. The English, be it said to their honour, did
all in their power to help the refugees. ?
The fall of Bassein warned the English in Bombay to prepare for
a similar peril. A sum of 30,000 rupees was subscribed by the Indian
merchants of the town for the purpose of putting the defences in
order and two embassies were despatched, one under captain Inch-
bird to visit king Shahu in the Deccan, and the other under captain
Gordon to congratulate Chimaji Appa at Bassein. Both were entirely
successful, and a treaty was drawn up, dated 12 July, 1739, giving
the English the right of free trade in the Deccan. 2
In the following year, an irreparable calamity overtook the
Marathas. Their guiding spirit, Baji Rao Peshwa, worn out by his
hard life in the field, suddenly passed away, at the early age of forty-
two, on the banks of the Narbada, on 28 April, 1740. "He died as
Forrest, Selections, Maratha Series, 1, 25-66.
2 Forrest, op. cit. pp. 66-84; Aitchinson's Treaties, v. 14. "First wars and Trea-
ties of the Bombay Presidency”, Bombay Quarterly Review, 1855, Art. rv.
1
## p. 407 (#445) ############################################
)
2
DEATH OF BAJI RAO
407
he had lived," says Sir Richard Temple, "in camp, under canvas
among his men, and he is remembered to this day among Marathas
as the fighting Peshwa or the incarnation of Hindu energy. ” He was
the most remarkable man, next to Shivaji himself, that his nation
had produced. In the words of the historian of the Marathas, his
was “the head to plan and the heart to execute”. Tall and com-
manding in appearance, he was, like all his family, famous for his
good looks. He was equally great as a soldier and as a statesman.
He understood to perfection the peculiar tactics of the Maratha
horse, and his campaigns against the Nizam were masterpieces, of
strategy. He was as chivalrous in the hour of victory as he was brave
in the field. As a politician, he had the lofty and far-reaching
ambitions of his father, and he lived to see the tiny Maratha race,
once “ a cloud no bigger than a man's hand", spread all over India,
from Delhi to Tanjore. He was an eloquent and inspiring orator,
and if in private life he had something of the haughty and imperious
reserve of the Chitpavan, he was a generous master to those who
served him faithfully. He made his home, during the short intervals
of his campaigns, at Poona, which was fast becoming the rival of
Satara, and here in 1732 he built the famous Shanwar Wada, or
"Saturday Palace", which he decorated with the spoils of Hindustan.
Captain Închbird, who visited Poona in 1739, describes it as well
built and abounding with people, and the district in appearance
more fertile and valuable than any other he had passed through.
He especially noted the Peshwa's gun-foundry. Baji Rao left behind
four children, two of whom, Balaji and Raghunath Rao, familiarly
known as Ragoba, rose to fame. Another son, Shamsher Bahadur,
borne to him by his beautiful Muhammadan mistress Mastani,fell
at Panipat. In January, 1741, he was followed to the funeral pyre
by his brother Chimaji, the conqueror of Bassein, who, had he not
been overshadowed by the Peshwa's transcendent genius, would have
been recognised as one of the greatest names in Maratha history :
as an administrator, he was, perhaps, Baji Rao's superior, but he
was loyally content to give his brother the credit for his achievements.
His son, Sadashiv Rao (the Bhao Sahib), was destined to play a
tragic part in his country's annals.
The death of Baji Rao was followed by the usual scramble for
office, but Balaji Baji Rao, the late Peshwa's eldest son, had already
insinuated himself into the old king's favour, and Shahu had no
hesitation about bestowing upon him the robes of office, although
he was only nineteen at the time. The investiture took place in
August, 1740. Balaji's chief rival was Raghuji Bhonsle of Berar, a
1 Poona in Bygone Days, by R. B. Parasnis, chap. I.
Baji Rao's relations with Mastani caused much scandal: she is said to have
taught him to eat meat and drink to excess. For her history, see Kincaid and
Parasnis, 270 sqq.
## p. 408 (#446) ############################################
408 RISE OF THE MARATHA EMPIRE (1707-1761)
kinsman of Shahu and an inveterate enemy of the Peshwas, who was
away at the time on an expedition to the Carnatic. This expedition
had been sent at the request of the Hindu rajas of the south, and in
particular of the Maratha prince Pratap Singh of Tanjore, the de-
scendant of Vyankaji, the half-brother of the great Shivaji : they
were threatened with extermination at the hands of Dost "Ali, the
Nawab of the Carnatic.
The Maratha armies marched from victory to victory. Dost ‘Ali
was defeated and killed (31 May, 1740) at the Damalcherry pass
and in the following August Raghuji patched up a truce with his
son Safdar 'Ali, and proceeded to Satara to dispute the Peshwaship.
Not succeeding, he returned to the Carnatic, and in December laid
siege to Chanda Sahib, Dost ‘Ali's son-in-law, in Trichinopoly, which
fell in March, 1741. Chanda Sahib was sent to Satara as a state
prisoner, and remained there for eight years. Trichinopoly was
handed over to the charge of Murari Rao Ghorpare of Gooty.
Raghuji next proceeded to threaten Pondicherry, the headquarters
of Chanda Sahib's French allies : but the Marathas were no match
for European troops behind ramparts, and prudently retired. This
expedition, which was warmly supported by the party in court and
advocated expansion in the south rather than conquests in Hindustan,
was completely successful.
Raghuji Bhonsle continued, after his return from the Carnatic, to
oppose the Peshwa, who was at length (1744) forced to buy off his
formidable rival by allowing him a free hand in Bengal, where
'Ali Vardi Khan (Mirza Muhammad 'Ali) had set himself up as an
independent ruler. 'Ali Vardi Khan treacherously massacred in
cold blood Bhaskar Pant, Raghuji's revenue minister, and a score of
Maratha officers whom he had invited to a conference, but he had
to pay heavily for his perfidy. In 1751 he was forced to surrender
the province of Orissa (Cuttack) to the Marathas, with 1,200,000
rupees annually as the chauth of Bengal. The Marathas never
attempted to establish any civil administration in the province, but
left it to the local chiefs. The "Maratha ditch", built round Calcutta
in 1742, long bore witness to the terror aroused by the Bhonsle's
far-flung horsemen.
Meanwhile Shahu was slowly dying.
"Shahu the good” was an
amiable and religious man, whose piety is still remembered with
affection by the Marathas.
He could be magnanimous to a fallen
foe, and was by no means destitute of ability. (But his upbringing
in the Mughul court had made him ill-fitted to deal with the tur.
bulent spirits of his age). His grandfather had been reared in the
wilds of the mountain forest; Shahu's boyhood was spent in the
imperial seraglio. He was content to pass his time hunting, fishing
1 See chap. XII, p. 366.
2 See chap. xv, p. 441.
8 Grant Duff, 1, chap. XVIII; V. A. Smith, Oxford History of India, pp. 487-8.
## p. 409 (#447) ############################################
CHARACTER OF SHAHU
409
and hawking, and left the drudgery of state affairs more and more
to his Peshwa, little realising that he was building up a power destined
to supersede his house. But it is a mistake to suppose that he was a
mere puppet, like his successors. He exacted the homage due to his
person on every occasion. "He was not the mere titular head of the
Maratha government", says Ranade :
He directed all the operations, ordered and recalled commanders, and he
exercised a great controlling power on the chiefs, though he led no armies in the
field. . . Shahu was strong enough to enforce moderation even over the towering
ambition of Balaji, and forced him to leave the eastern provinces of India free
for the development of the Bhonsle's power. Baji Rao was only a general under
Shahu : and the Pratinidhis, Bhonsles, Nimbalkars, Dabhades, Gaikwars, Kadam
Bandes, Angres and Ghorpades all respected his power. 1
His chief defect was his intense conservatism. “Do not break the
old, or introduce the new”, was his motto, and he confirmed incap-
able assignees and other useless officers in their holdings, much to
the detriment of the state. To the day of his death, he was incapable
of shaking off the belief that he was still the vassal of the Mughul
empire, for which, and for the memory of the great emperor in whose
household he was reared, he cherished the profoundest reverence.
For this reason he never approved of the policy of the Peshwas in
northern India, though he was unable to check their soaring ambi.
tions. His last years were clouded by failing health ? and the quarrels
of his two Ranis, Sakwar Bai and Saguna Bai. The latter died in
1748, and Sakwar Bai, the survivor, was a turbulent and ambitious
woman. Lastly, he was deeply distressed at the lack of a legitimate
heir. The Peshwa wished him to nominate Shambhuji, and so unite
the crowns of Satara and Kolhapur, but Shahu could never over-
come his dislike of his cousin, who was, moreover, an elderly man
without heirs, and disinherited him. He contemplated adopting a boy
of the Bhonsle family, when Tara Bai dramatically announced the
existence of a posthumous son of Shivaji II named Ram Raja, who,
she asserted, had been smuggled by a gondhali, or wandering bard,
at Tuljapur.
Whether Tara Bai's story was true or not will never be known, but
Shahu, after due enquiry, accepted it. Sakwar Bai, on the other
hand, stigmatised it as a fresh plot' on the part of the old dowager
to regain her influence. Feeling his end to be near, Shahu sent for
the Peshwa, and in the presence of Govind Rao Chitnis handed
him two wills or rescripts. The first of these states
We order that you should command the forces. . . . The government of the
empire must be carried on. Appoint therefore a successor, but none from
1 Miscellaneous Writings, p. 348.
2 Shahu was eccentric, but not, as Grant Duff says, in a state of "mental im-
becility". His actions show that he was compos mentis.
3 Selections from Peshwa's Daftar, vol. vi, No. 147.
## p. 410 (#448) ############################################
410 RISE OF THE MARATHA EMPIRE (1707-1761)
Kolhapur. We have given full instructions to the Chitnis. Act accordingly.
Whoever succeeds, obey him and uphold the dignity of the throne. The Chitnis
has always been loyal to us. You are jointly to take measures to preserve the
Kingdom. Our successors will not interfere with your post.
The second document adds nothing material, except a solemn injunc-
tion to Shahu's successors to maintain the Peshwa in office.
Shahu died on 15 December, 1749, aged sixty-seven, after a reign
of over forty-one years. The Peshwa at once occupied Satara with
his troops, arrested the Pratinidhi and other rivals, and calling a
meeting of the council produced the papers. These, he asserted,
gave him the right to administer the kingdom on behalf of Ram
Raja and his heirs. Sakwar Bai was offered the alternative of coming
in on the Peshwa's side or becoming sati. She chose the latter, and
went to her doom with the traditional courage of a Maratha lady :
the place of her self-immolation is still regarded as holy ground.
The young king was brought in triumph to Satara, and solemnly
crowned by the Peshwa amid great public rejoicings (4 January,
1750). He was a feeble-minded youth, and an easy tool in the hands
of his astute minister. Tara Bai, who had hoped to control him as
she had done his father, retired to Sinhgarh, ostensibly to be near
her husband's ashes, but in reality in order to start intriguing with
the Pant Sachiv, who was the commandant of the fort. Balaji, who
was attending some wedding ceremonies in Poona, thereupon sum-
moned Tara Bai and the Pant Sachiv into his presence. Tara Bai
was treated with respect, but the Pant Sachiv was thrown into prison.
Ram Raja was then invited to leave Satara, where he was in charge
of Raghuji Bhonsle, and come to Poona. This marks the culminating
point in the Peshwa's coup d'état. Never before had the Chhatrapati
been brought from his capital by his minister. "From this point",
says Grant Duff, "Poona may be considered the capital of the
Peshwas. " Under Balaji's directions, Ram Raja drew up a document
known as the "Sangola agreement”, by which all the chief offices
in the state were handed over to the Peshwa's adherents. ?
When the monsoon of 1750 was drawing to a close, and the Dasahra
festival ushered in the campaigning season, the Peshwa thought him-
self sufficiently secure to set out for Hyderabad. The old Nizam had
died on 1 June, 1748, at Burhanpur, aged seventy-nine, and a war of
succession had broken out among his sons. The Peshwa, in return
for important concessions, had agreed to support the elder Ghazi-ud-
din against Salabat Jang. His real aim, however, was no less than
the annexation of Hyderabad to the Maratha empire. But he had
reckoned without Tara Bai. Scarcely had he turned his back, than
that indefatigable old queen, upon whom years seemed only to confer
1 These momentous documents are in the Parasnis Museum, Satara. A photo-
static copy is in Itihasa Sangraha, Nov. -Dec. 1915, and an English translation in
Kincaid and Parasnis, p. 455.
2 Rajwade, u, p. ! 15.
3 See chap. XII, pp. 387-8.
## p. 411 (#449) ############################################
DEFEAT OF THE GAIKWAR
411
fresh energy, organised a far-reaching conspiracy to throw off for
ever the yoke of the hated Brahman. She found no lack of support
among the Maratha chiefs, who were smarting under the Sangola
agreement. Her first step, however, was to get into her power the
miserable puppet who sat on the throne of the great Shivaji. Having
seized the fort of Satara, she invited Ram Raja to a banquet and cast
him into prison (24 November, 1750). She then prevailed upon
another Maratha lady, Uma Bai, the widow of Khande Rao Dabhade,
to call in her late husband's old lieutenant, the Gaikwar, from
Gujarat. Damaji Gaikwar was nothing loath. He advanced upon
Satara with 15,000 men in order to link up with the forces of Tara
Bai.
But the Peshwa was too quick for him. Hearing of what had
happened while near Raichur, by forced marches in which he covered
400 miles in thirteen days he descended upon Damaji Gaikwar, who
was being hotly engaged by Nana Purandhare and others. The
Gaikwar fell back before his new opponent, and retreated into a
cul-de-sac in the Krishna valley. The Gujarat troops, unused to
jungle-fighting, became disorganised, and Damaji had no option but
to negotiate. The Peshwa pressed him to surrender half Gujarat and
pay an indemnity of two and half million rupees. Finding him
obdurate, he suddenly, in spite of the truce, attacked and captured
Damaji, together with his son and Uma Bai Dabhade, and sent
them as prisoners to Poona. So incensed was Damaji at this piece
of treachery, that ever after he refused to salute the Peshwa except
with his left hand. Balaji's terms of ransom-half of Gujarat, and
a yearly tribute of 500,000 rupees—were severe, and for a long time
Damaji resisted. After six months of rigorous confinement, however,
he capitulated, and in the cold weather of 1752-53 he returned
homewards, accompanied by Raghunath Rao and a considerable
force, with the object of reinstating himself as sole ruler of Gujarat
and expelling the Mughul viceroy. After a desperate struggle,
Ahmadabad was captured, and the last remains of Mughul rule in
Gujarat were obliterated. 1
Tara Bai still held out defiantly in Satara fort, and refused to come
to terms until the Peshwa guaranteed her liberty under the most
solemn oaths. The unfortunate Ram Raja remained in custody, and
Tara Bai now shamelessly declared that he was an impostor, and
the son of a gondhali. Imprisonment told on his reason, and he died
in obscurity in 1777. Shortly before his death, he adopted a son, wh
received the name of Shahu the Younger, and reigned till 1810.
But after the death of Shahu I in 1749, the kings were mere rois
fainéants, though the Peshwas, always strict constitutionalists, pro-
fessed to the last to act as their viceroys, and sent all documents for
1 In July, 1756, Mumin Khan, Nawab of Cambay, temporarily occupied the
town, but was expelled in the following year.
## p. 412 (#450) ############################################
412 RISE OF THE MARATHA EMPIRE (1707-1761)
their signature to their state prison in Satara fort. For this change
in the government, Tara Bai and the Maratha nobles, rather than
the Peshwa, were to blame. They had no fixed policy, and little
thought except for personal aggrandisement. Shahu had deliberately
allowed the executive power to lapse into the hands of his capable and
patriotic minister, and preferred to leave the young heir to the throne
under the tutelage of the Peshwa, rather than expose the country
to the risks of civil war. "The usurpation of the Peshwas”, Scott
Waring justly remarks, "neither attracted observation nor excited
surprise. Indeed, the transition was easy, natural and progressive. ” 1
Its greatest disadvantage was that it aggravated the centrifugal ten-
dencies of the Maratha state, and especially the enmity between
Brahman and Maratha, which were at least kept in check while a
member of the house of Bhonsle actually ruled; after the Peshwa's
prestige was shaken by the defeat of Panipat, the disintegration
became more and more evident.
Balaji, having crushed his rivals, was now once more at liberty
to turn his attention to foreign affairs. In the cold weather of 1751
the war with Hyderabad was renewed, but Bussy's trained infantry
outmanœuvred the Peshwa and inflicted more than one defeat upon
him. At one time he penetrated to within sixteen miles of Poona:
but the troops mutinied for want of pay and the campaign collapsed
with the poisoning, in 1752, of Ghazi-ud-din, the Peshwa's candidate.
In 1754, Balaji organised a mulukgiri expedition on a stupendous
scale to collect arrears of tribute from the Carnatic, exterminate
the last remnants of Mughul rule, plunder Mysore, and replenish
the Peshwa's exhausted coffers. From every village through which
the Marathas passed money was extorted and treasure chests rifled,
till the countryside looked as though it had been devastated by a
swarm of locusts. On their return, laden with booty, the Marathas
combined with the Nizam's forces in attacking the Nawab of Savanur,
who had put himself at the head of a confederacy of Afghan
Nawabs and southern Maratha chiefs who refused to acknowledge
the Peshwa : the tremendous effect of Muzaffar Khan's artillery
trained by Bussy at the bombardment of Savanur greatly impressed
his allies.
In 1758 Bussy was recalled by Lally from the Nizam's service,
and a quarrel broke out between Nizam 'Ali, the brother of Salabat
Jang, and the Peshwa. Balaji, knowing that without their famous
French commandant the Hyderabad troops would be easy to deal
with, determined to attack them. He first scored two bloodless
triumphs. Ahmadnagar, the Nizam's great fortress and place of
arms in the Deccan, was taken without a blow, the commandant,
Kavi Jang, having been bribed to open the gates to the Marathas.
This deprived the Hyderabad army of its advanced base. Secondly,
1 History of the Marathas, p. 169.
## p. 413 (#451) ############################################
BATTLE OF UDGIR
413
Ibrahim Khan Gardi, the commandant of the Nizam's artillery, a
soldier of fortune who had been trained by Bussy himself, was
induced to enter the Peshwa's service. The two brothers, Salabat
Jang and Nizam 'Ali, were in no condition to fight : their troops were
in arrears and mutinous : but they could not afford to neglect the
challenge, when they saw the ancient stronghold of the Nizam Shahi
kings, which had cost the Mughuls so much blood and treasure to
capture, filched away in this treacherous manner. The Peshwa put the
Maratha army, 40,000 strong, under the command of his cousin,
Sadashiv Rao, son of Chimaji Appa. With it marched Ibrahim Khan
Gardi, with 5000 regular sepoys and his famous French artillery.
Battle was joined on 3 February, 1760, at Udgir, 200 miles east of
Poona. The Mughuls fought bravely; but their crowded ranks were
decimated by the Gardi's artillery, and a smashing cavalry charge
decided the action. The Mughul army fell back in disorder upon
the fortress of Ausa, where, after a four days' siege, the two brothers
sued for peace. Seldom had the Marathas won a more spectacular
victory, and Sadashiv Rao insisted on terms which were calculated
to cripple the state of Hyderabad for ever. Territory round Bijapur,
Bidar and Aurangabad, to the extent of an annual income of six
million rupees, together with the key fortresses of Daulatabad,
Asirgarh, Bijapur, Ahmadnagar and Burhanpur, were to be sur-
rendered.
The Marathas were now a very different people from the sturdy
hillmen who had fought and conquered under the great Shivaji,
“like our old Britons", as Fryer describes them, "half naked and as
fierce". Contact with the Mughuls had introduced into the Deccan
a love of refinement and culture before unknown. The nobles and
their wives went about arrayed in silk and cloth of gold. Contem-
porary correspondence contains constant applications from writers
in the Deccan to their friends in Hindustan to procure for them old
Sanskrit manuscripts, pictures and carvings, other articles of luxury,
and dancing girls and musicians. The fine examples of Mughul and
Rajput painting to be found to-day in places like Satara probably
found their way to the south about this time. The Shanwar Wada
in Poona, the Peshwa's official residence, was six storeys high, and
contained a series of sumptuous halls decorated with mirrors and
carved ivory, and marble courtyards where innumerable fountains
played incessantly. In the Peshwa's court, the elaborate etiquette
of the Mughul nobility was strictly followed. But all this imported
luxury had a demoralising effect upon the hardy and simple character
of the nation.
Balaji, in the intervals of his campaigns, did a great deal to improve
the administration of the Maratha state. Regularly appointed officers
1 See chap. XIII, p. 390.
2 D. B. Parasnis, Poona in Bygone Days, chap. I
## p. 414 (#452) ############################################
414
RISE OF THE MARATHA EMPIRE (1707-1761)
were placed in charge of the several districts; and the territory round
Satara, being the best protected and most productive, was entrusted
to the Peshwa's favourites. They had absolute charge of the civil
administration, but they were expected to furnish proper accounts:
this, however, was very irregularly done, as the holders of these
offices, being usually absent on campaign or in attendance on the
Peshwa in Poona, left the work in the hands of dishonest and extor-
tionate deputies. Balaji, however, placed the civil administration in
the hands of his great minister Ramchandra Shenvi, and after his
death in those of his cousin Sadashiv Rao. The latter appointed as
chief of the revenue-collectors a very able man by name Balloba
Manduvaguni, who introduced sweeping reforms, and forced the
collectors to produce their accounts. At the same time, the admini-
stration of justice was reformed : a strong police force was organised
in Poona city : and a famous jurist, Bal Kishan Gadgil, was appointed
as chief justice. The panchayats or courts of arbitration were im-
proved, and altogether the administration was established upon a
sound basis; abuses in revenue collection were checked, and the
villages were encouraged to resist the exactions of every petty com-
mander of horse who tried to levy blackmail on them. Each village
was, of course, a tiny republic, administered by the headman,
assisted by the accountant and other village officers: over the head-
man was the sub-collector, and over him the collector, who had
armed irregulars to assist in keeping order.
Balaji Baji Rao (or Nana Sahib, as he was familiarly called) had
the handsome appearance and gracious manner, but not the lofty
character, of his father and grandfather. His conduct towards Sakwar
Bai and Damaji Gaikwar has been stigmatised as unpardonably
treacherous, and later in life. he became indolent and sensual. But
the Maratha peasantry, remembering the all-round improvement
which took place in local government under his regime, have ever
since blessed the days of "Nana Sahib Peshwa". ?
The chief objection to be urged against the Maratha system of
government is that, outside its own territory, it was almost purely
predatory. The Maratha was never a colonist. While away on his
expeditions, his thoughts were always with his little holding in the
Deccan hills, and he seldom intermarried with the people of the
country. 3 Other Hindu states took a pride in improving the con-
dition of the territory they conquered. They constructed temples,
wells, canals, roads and other public works. The Marathas did nothing
of this kind. Their mulukgiri raids, by destroying the industries and
wealth of the countries overrun, merely "killed the goose which
1 Grant Duff, 1, 29 sqq. and 579 sqq. with Edwardes' footnotes. Sen, op. cit.
Book u, passim.
2 Grant Duff, 1, 531-2.
3 Grant Duff dwells on the devotion of the Maratha to his watan or hereditary
holding, 1, 340, 370, passim.
## p. 415 (#453) ############################################
1
THE MARATHAS IN THE NORTH
416
laid the golden eggs”. The Maratha state was a Krieg Staat, pure
and simple : and it is the fate of the Krieg Staat, as Sarkar justly
observes, to defeat its own ends. The severity of the Maratha raids,
for the collection of chauth and other arrears, varied of course, in
intensity. In Gujarat, and in the Carnatic in 1754-56, the plundering
was as thorough as it was merciless : in Malwa, on the other hand,
war was waged against the government rather than the people, and
though the bulk of the revenue was appropriated at each incursion,
the sources from which it was drawn were crippled but not entirely
ruined. But the principle was the same. 2
Meanwhile, stirring events were happening in Hindustan, but only
a brief outline of the tangled skein of intrigue can be given here.
Nadir Shah died in 1747, and Ahmad Shah Abdali, the founder of
Afghanistan, continued his policy of raiding the declining empire,
which he invaded in 1748 and 1749. In the 1751 Safdar Jang, the Nawab
of Oudh, with the sanction of the young emperor, Ahmad Shah, and
heedless of the danger of drawing the Marathas into disputes in the
very heart of the empire, called in Malhar Rao Holkar from Malwa,
Jayappa Sindia from Narnaul, and Suraj Mal the Jat, to help him
against the Bangash Afghans, who had invaded Oudh and plundered
Allahabad and Lucknow. The Marathas drove the Afghans into the
hills with severe loss, and occupied Rohilkhand in 1751. They “sacked
the whole country, not allowing a single man to escape, and every
article they carried away as booty”. 4 For their help, they were given
half the Bangash territory in the Duab, which they held precariously
till the Panipat disaster (1761). This was the first territorial
acquisition of the Marathas beyond the Jumna. In 1752 Ahmad
Shah Abdali invaded the Punjab for a third time.
1 Irvine, Later Mughuls, II, 146, 154.
? See chap. XIII, p. 380.
## p. 401 (#439) ############################################
TREATY OF WARNA
401
ceeded to the title of Senapati after the death of his father, the veteran
Khande Rao, in January, 1730,1 was assembling troops and plotting
with Pilaji Gaikwar and other chiefs, “to protect the Raja's authority",
by ridding him of his Peshwa. He had opened negotiations with
the Nizam; but Baji Rao, by means of his excellent system of
espionage, was well aware of all that was taking place. Meanwhile,
in the south, prince Shambhuji, who had been allowed to retire to
Panhala after the signing of the treaty, had allied himself to a free-
booter named Udaji Chauhan, and had encamped in bravado on the
north side of the Warna, insolently demanding to be recognised as
independent ruler of the southern half of the swarajya.
As Baji Rao was preoccupied with affairs in Gujarat, Shahu sent
Shripat Rao Pratinidhi to deal with his cousin. The Pratinidhi took
the field in January, 1730, and surprised the Kolhapur army while
it was encamped. The route was complete, and Shripat Rao captured
the royal camp with all its inmates, including Tara Bai, Rajas Bai,
Shambhuji's wife Jija Bai, and many Maratha chiefs of note. Shahu
behaved with his usual magnanimity. He released all his prisoners.
His aunt Tara Bai, however, asked not to be sent back. The lot of
the senior Maharani when the son of her co-wife reigns is never an
enviable one. "Wherever I go", she said, “I shall have a prison as
my lot: here or there is all one to me. Let me stay in peace. ” Her
request was, unfortunately for the state, acceded to: and the old
queen retired to Satara to bide her time for fresh plots. Meanwhile,
Shambhuji had surrendered unconditionally, and the two cousins met
at a magnificent darbar, where they were formally reconciled.
A treaty, commonly known as the treaty of Warna (the river being
the boundary between the territories of the combatants), was signed
on 13 April, 1731, which left Shambhuji with only a shadow of his
former power, and after this he ceases to be an important factor in
Maratha history until his death in 1760. The long strife between the
rival houses of Kolhapur and Satara, which had gone on since 1703,
was for the time being settled. --
Meanwhile, important events were taking place in the north.
Throughout the rainy season of 1730, Baji Rao had been making
preparations for the invasion of Gujarat, with the assistance of his
brother Chimaji Appa. On 10 October the brothers celebrated the
Dasahra in great splendour at Poona, and took the field at once. In
February, 1731, Baji Rao reached Ahmadabad, and concluded a
treaty with the new viceroy, Abhay Singh of Marwar, who had been
sent to supersede Sarbuland Khan. On 1 April, twelve days before
Shahu and Shambhuji signed the treaty of Warna, the Peshwa moved
out to meet the forces of Trimbak Rao and his lieutenant the Gaik-
i The date of Khande Rao's death is unknown. Grant Duff gives 1721, which
must be wrong, as conteinporary correspondence shows that he was still alive in
June, 1729. He probably died in July or August of that year.
26
## p. 402 (#440) ############################################
402
RISE OF THE MARATHA EMPIRE (1707-1761)
war, on the broad plain of Bilhapur, between Baroda and Dabhoi.
The Senapati's numerous levies proved no match for the small but
compact army of the Peshwa : the famous Khas Paga, the house-
hold cavalry, carried all before it. But Trimbak Rao, disdaining
offers to surrender, chained together the legs of his war-elephant,
and continued the fight single-handed, until a musket-ball (fired,
it is now known, by a traitor's hand) brought him down, while he
was drawing the bowstring to his ear.
his ear. The pious Shahu, deeply
shocked by this fratricidal strife, behaved with the utmost chivalry
towards the family of his late Senapati, and bestowed the office upon
his younger brother Yeshwant Rao. But the family of Dabhade never
recovered its prestige, and Baji Rao, his last and greatest rival
removed, was now sovereign in all but name. In Gujarat, the power
once wielded by the Dabhades passed to their erstwhile lieutenants,
the Gaikwars, the Mughul viceroy receding more and more into the
background. Pilaji Gaikwar was assassinated by Abhay Singh, the
Mughul viceroy, in 1732, and was succeeded by Damaji II, who was
present at Panipat, and died in 1768. 1
We must now turn our attention to Malwa, where Udaji Powar,
Malhar Rao Holkar and Ranoji Sindia had been steadily under-
mining the Mughul power. On 8 December, 1728, at Sarangpur, ,
they defeated and killed the governor, Raja Girdhar Bahadur, who
for ten years had struggled to prevent the Marathas from getting
a firm footing in his province. His successor, Daya Bahadur, suffered
a similar fate at Tala near Dhar (12 October, 1731). In 1732, the
Peshwa himself took command over the Maratha forces, sending
back his brother and Pilaji Jadav to watch over his interests at
Satara. On his arrival there he found the new viceroy was Muham-
mad Khan Bangash, whom he had defeated in Bundelkhand in 1729. 2
Muhammad Khan, receiving no support from Delhi, was unable to
stay the Maratha incursion and was relieved by Raja Jay Singh of
Amber. In 1733 the Peshwa placed in charge of Bundelkhand
a Brahman officer named Govind Pant Kher who afterwards was
known as Bundele and played a part in the Panipat campaign. The
great Rajput barons, who had once been the guardians of the empire
on its western borders, were now more and more openly throwing
off their allegiance, and welcoming the Marathas as the champions
of the Hindu religion. 3 In 1736, Jay Singh came to terms with the
Peshwa, appointing him as deputy-governor on condition that he did
not plunder imperial territories. This amounted to the virtual cession
of the province, and had not the smallest deterrent effect on Maratha
1 For the early history of the Gaikwars of Baroda, see Bombay Gazetteer,
vol vri, and Forbes, op. cit. Book III, chaps. I-m.
2 See chap. XII, p. 353. W. Irvine, The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad,
p. 302, shows that the Bundelkhand campaign was before Muhammad Khan's
appointment to Malwa.
3 Malcolm, Central India, chaps. IV and v.
## p. 403 (#441) ############################################
RETURN OF THE NIZAM
403
depredations : the following year saw their horsemen crossing the
Jumna and plundering the Duab. It was now that Baji Rao planned
one of his boldest strokes. In March, 1737, Sa'adat Khan, the governor
of Oudh, had defeated Malhar Rao Holkar, and elated by his success
wrote a vainglorious letter to Delhi, boasting that he had driven
the Marathas across the Chambal. "Hearing this", wrote Baji Rao
to his brother, "I was resolved to let the emperor know the truth,
to prove that I was still in Hindustan, and to shew him flames and
the Marathas at the gate of the capital. " i Gathering a picked body
1
of horsemen and covering ten days' march in two, he swooped down
upon Delhi. Fugitives, distraught with terror, poured into the city,
The government, at first incredulous and then panic-stricken,
gathered together all available forces and despatched them to chastise
the invaders. Baji Rao, adopting the usual Maratha tactics, skilfully
fell back until he had drawn his opponents away from the walls and
well out into the open. Then he turned, and in a moment, Malhar
Rao Holkar, with Ranoji Sindia hard at his heels, crashed into their
ranks. That day the Maratha sword and lance drank deep of the
blood of the proudest of the Mughul nobles : over six hundred were
slain, and the troopers helped themselves freely to riderless horses
with their gorgeous equipments of cloth of gold. The terrified
emperor awaited in fear and trembling the approach of the victors;
but before dawn Baji Rao had vanished as swiftly as he came,
cleverly outmanoeuvring an imperial army under the minister whicin
tried to cut off his retreat (April, 1737).
By this time the opinion began to prevail that only one person
could save the empire, and stem the flood of Maratha invasion.
This was the Nizam, who, as we have seen, had shaken the dust
of Delhi from off his feet fourteen years before. He was now at
Burhanpur, closely watched by Chimaji Appa, who had received
orders, if his opponent crossed the Narbada, "to fall on his rear and
put heel-ropes on him". The Nizam's change of front was no doubt
inspired by the apprehensions he must have felt at the growing power
of the Marathas in Hindustan.
In April, 1737, the Nizam set out for Delhi, by way of Gwalior
and Agra. The capital was reached in July, and his reception was
one of the most amazing sights ever witnessed in that ancient city :
the minister escorted him personally to the emperor's presence,
amidst crowds which loudly welcomed him as their saviour. After
staying as the imperial guest until August, he took the field in order
to drive the marauders out of Hindustan. But he found Baji Rao
awaiting him, and once more he proved no match for his nimble
antagonist.
He suffered himself to be shepherded into Bhopal,
1 W. Irvine, Later Mughuls, II, 287. The letter is quoted in full in Kincaid and
Parasnis, History of the Maratha People, pp. 451-3.
2 Irvine, Later Mighuls, 11, 301.
## p. 404 (#442) ############################################
404 RISE OF THE MARATHA EMPIRE (1707-1761)
where he was closely besieged, and, as at Palkhed almost exactly
ten years earlier, he was once more compelled by the Peshwa to sign
a humiliating treaty. He agreed to grant to Baji Rao the whole of
Malwa, with the complete sovereignty of the territory between the
Narbada and the Chambal, and to obtain the emperor's confirma-
tion for these terms. Hence the calling-in of the Nizam, instead of
helping the emperor, merely led to the humiliation of both, and to
the crowning triumph of Baji Rao. The Mughul empire was tottering
to its fall : it only needed the invasion of Nadir Shah, already looming
on the horizon, to complete its destruction.
The sudden irruption of Nadir Shah into Hindustan, in 1739,
caused a panic at Poona, and for a moment Baji Rao thought that
he might continue his march southward into the Deccan. "Our
domestic quarrels”, he wrote, "are now insignificant : there is now
but one enemy in Hindustan. Hindu and Mussalman, the whole
power of the Deccan, must assemble, and I shall spread our Mara-
thas from the Narbada to the Chambal. " Fortunately, the menaced
invasion of the Deccan failed to materialise, and the Peshwa was
able to continue his operations uninterrupted. Malwa and Gujarat
had been virtually added to the Maratha empire, but the Konkan,
the fertile strip of country between the Ghats and the sea, still
remained unsubdued. Here were three rival powers, the Angrias of
Kolaba, the Abyssinians of Janjira, and the Portuguese. The Angrias,
in spite of Kanhoji's agreement with Shahu, defied the control of
the Peshwas, and levied, on their own authority, the "chauth of the
sea" on passing vessels. Equally powerful were their rivals the
Sidis, the hereditary Mughul admirals. The Maratha campaigns in
the Konkan were, however, a failure, and their chief result was
to bring the Marathas into contact with the Portuguese. The
Portuguese had been old enemies of the Marathas, on religious as
well as political grounds, but during the Peshwa's preoccupations
in the north, they had been left in peace. Their possessions on the
Bombay coast were grouped together under the title of the "province
of the north"; its governor, "the general of the north", had his
capital at Bassein. The island of Salsette, which was in Portuguese
hands, is separated from the mainland by a long, narrow creek or
arm of the sea, Bassein at the northern and Thana at the southern
extremities of which guarded the two entrances. Along the coast
were a number of fortified posts. But the Portuguese power was fast
declining. They were a proud, indolent race, with little aptitude for
commerce. The English and Dutch had driven their fleets off the
sea, and in 1661, the Lisbon government, despite frantic protests
from Goa, had suicidally ceded the island of Bombay, at the southern
extremity of Salsette, with its excellent harbour, to the English. ”
Receiving little or no help from home, the Portuguese had allowed
1 See Kincaid and Parasnis, chap. XXXIII.
• See Vol. v, p. 86.
## p. 405 (#443) ############################################
SIEGE OF BASSEIN
405
their fortresses to fall into a state of disrepair : the walls were ruinous
and manned only by a handful of tattered soldiers with a few rusty
cannon. Baji Rao cast covetous eyes on the fertile and almost
defenceless island of Salsette with its green rice fields, groves and
orchards. Here was a fruit ready to be plucked. The excuse, if one
was needed, was afforded by the haughty Luis Botelho, the governor
of Bassein, who grossly insulted the Peshwa's envoy by speaking of
his master as a "nigger". 1
Baji Rao concentrated a large force at Poona in the cold weather
of 1736-37, and being himself fully occupied with events in Hindu-
stan, he entrusted it to his brother Chimaji Appa. The Maratha
army moved down the passes with great speed and secrecy, and on
6 April, 1737, captured Thana, which, as we have seen, commanded
the southern entrance of the Salsette channel. Until the break of
the monsoon, the Marathas occupied their time in overrunning
Salsette and reducing the fortress on the island. As soon as the
rains were over, they made a general assault on Bassein itself, but
the storming party, 9000 strong, was completely defeated by its
gallant defenders, who manned the walls, sword in hand, threw down
the scaling-ladders, and killed or captured every one who reached
the ramparts. Meanwhile the government of Goa, at last awake to
the situation, sent shiploads of troops under Pedro de Mello to the
relief of Bassein. De Mello at once realised that Thana was the key
to the position : could he retake it, the Maratha forces in Salsette
would be cut off. But in the meantime, the Marathas also received
large reinforcements : Baji Rao's campaign in Malwa had come to a
successful conclusion, and Holkar and other Maratha leaders had
hastened to the scene of operations. De Mello was killed in action,
and his troops were driven back to their boats in disorder.
Bassein was now doomed. The Portuguese appealed for help to
the English at Bombay, and it cannot be said that the latter behaved
with credit in the matter. They had, indeed, little love for their
rivals, and they were anxious to do nothing to offend the Marathas.
They accordingly temporised : to the Portuguese they merely tend-
ered good advice, while to the Marathas they supplied powder and
shot : it was even asserted that the Portuguese commander was killed
by a piece aimed by an English gunner. The letters of the Portuguese
commandant are full of dignity and pathos. The garrison, he says, is
starving, and worn out by constant fighting. There is no money to
pay the soldiers. All the church plate has long ago been melted down.
"The Marathas have carried on mines, covered ways and other
approaches to the very foundation of the wall, their batteries being
very near the town : they throw large stones into the place from
mortars. ” A little moved by this touching appeal, the council sent
1 “Tratando o de Negro", Kincaid and Parasnis, 261 note, quoting a Portu-
guese authority.
>
## p. 406 (#444) ############################################
406 RISE OF THE MARATHA EMPIRE (1707-1761)
them two hundred barrels of gunpowder, and four thousand rounds
of cannon-shot. Later, with the quixotic gallantry of his nation, the
commandant actually offered to pledge to the English some of his
best cannon in return for further supplies, “having this considera-
tion, that it is most becoming my nation that it should be known
to the world how, for the preservation of their king's city, Bassein
was stripped of its artillery, the principal instruments of its defence,
whilst they put their trust more in their personal valour, in their
constant fidelity and zeal, than on the extraordinary force or hard-
ness of metal”. But nothing could save the city. On 13 May, a mine
was sprung under one of the principal bastions, and the Maratha
storming parties, led in person by their greatest captains, Malhar
Rac Holkar, Ranoji Sindia, Manaji Angria and Chimaji Appa himself,
swarmed up the walls, only to be driven back in disorder. Eleven
times the columns moved to the assault, and eleven times they
were repulsed with slaughter; and when the attack was renewed
at daylight, it was found that the Portuguese had repaired the
breaches. But on the next day another mine was exploded, and the
Marathas established themselves in a position among the ruins, from
which they could enfilade the defences. All that day the Portuguese
Inaintained an unequal combat with the courage of despair, and in
the evening Chimaji sent an envoy to say that, unless the town sur-
rendered, further mines would be exploded, and the whole popula-
tion put to the sword. The governor then capitulated, after one of
the most heroic defences in history. The severity of the fighting is
indicated by the fact that the Maratha losses were estimated at 5000
out of a total of 22,000. Chimaji chivalrously allowed the garrison
to march out with the honours of war, and a safe-conduct to Goa
or Daman, while those who preferred to remain were promised com-
plete religious freedom. The English, be it said to their honour, did
all in their power to help the refugees. ?
The fall of Bassein warned the English in Bombay to prepare for
a similar peril. A sum of 30,000 rupees was subscribed by the Indian
merchants of the town for the purpose of putting the defences in
order and two embassies were despatched, one under captain Inch-
bird to visit king Shahu in the Deccan, and the other under captain
Gordon to congratulate Chimaji Appa at Bassein. Both were entirely
successful, and a treaty was drawn up, dated 12 July, 1739, giving
the English the right of free trade in the Deccan. 2
In the following year, an irreparable calamity overtook the
Marathas. Their guiding spirit, Baji Rao Peshwa, worn out by his
hard life in the field, suddenly passed away, at the early age of forty-
two, on the banks of the Narbada, on 28 April, 1740. "He died as
Forrest, Selections, Maratha Series, 1, 25-66.
2 Forrest, op. cit. pp. 66-84; Aitchinson's Treaties, v. 14. "First wars and Trea-
ties of the Bombay Presidency”, Bombay Quarterly Review, 1855, Art. rv.
1
## p. 407 (#445) ############################################
)
2
DEATH OF BAJI RAO
407
he had lived," says Sir Richard Temple, "in camp, under canvas
among his men, and he is remembered to this day among Marathas
as the fighting Peshwa or the incarnation of Hindu energy. ” He was
the most remarkable man, next to Shivaji himself, that his nation
had produced. In the words of the historian of the Marathas, his
was “the head to plan and the heart to execute”. Tall and com-
manding in appearance, he was, like all his family, famous for his
good looks. He was equally great as a soldier and as a statesman.
He understood to perfection the peculiar tactics of the Maratha
horse, and his campaigns against the Nizam were masterpieces, of
strategy. He was as chivalrous in the hour of victory as he was brave
in the field. As a politician, he had the lofty and far-reaching
ambitions of his father, and he lived to see the tiny Maratha race,
once “ a cloud no bigger than a man's hand", spread all over India,
from Delhi to Tanjore. He was an eloquent and inspiring orator,
and if in private life he had something of the haughty and imperious
reserve of the Chitpavan, he was a generous master to those who
served him faithfully. He made his home, during the short intervals
of his campaigns, at Poona, which was fast becoming the rival of
Satara, and here in 1732 he built the famous Shanwar Wada, or
"Saturday Palace", which he decorated with the spoils of Hindustan.
Captain Închbird, who visited Poona in 1739, describes it as well
built and abounding with people, and the district in appearance
more fertile and valuable than any other he had passed through.
He especially noted the Peshwa's gun-foundry. Baji Rao left behind
four children, two of whom, Balaji and Raghunath Rao, familiarly
known as Ragoba, rose to fame. Another son, Shamsher Bahadur,
borne to him by his beautiful Muhammadan mistress Mastani,fell
at Panipat. In January, 1741, he was followed to the funeral pyre
by his brother Chimaji, the conqueror of Bassein, who, had he not
been overshadowed by the Peshwa's transcendent genius, would have
been recognised as one of the greatest names in Maratha history :
as an administrator, he was, perhaps, Baji Rao's superior, but he
was loyally content to give his brother the credit for his achievements.
His son, Sadashiv Rao (the Bhao Sahib), was destined to play a
tragic part in his country's annals.
The death of Baji Rao was followed by the usual scramble for
office, but Balaji Baji Rao, the late Peshwa's eldest son, had already
insinuated himself into the old king's favour, and Shahu had no
hesitation about bestowing upon him the robes of office, although
he was only nineteen at the time. The investiture took place in
August, 1740. Balaji's chief rival was Raghuji Bhonsle of Berar, a
1 Poona in Bygone Days, by R. B. Parasnis, chap. I.
Baji Rao's relations with Mastani caused much scandal: she is said to have
taught him to eat meat and drink to excess. For her history, see Kincaid and
Parasnis, 270 sqq.
## p. 408 (#446) ############################################
408 RISE OF THE MARATHA EMPIRE (1707-1761)
kinsman of Shahu and an inveterate enemy of the Peshwas, who was
away at the time on an expedition to the Carnatic. This expedition
had been sent at the request of the Hindu rajas of the south, and in
particular of the Maratha prince Pratap Singh of Tanjore, the de-
scendant of Vyankaji, the half-brother of the great Shivaji : they
were threatened with extermination at the hands of Dost "Ali, the
Nawab of the Carnatic.
The Maratha armies marched from victory to victory. Dost ‘Ali
was defeated and killed (31 May, 1740) at the Damalcherry pass
and in the following August Raghuji patched up a truce with his
son Safdar 'Ali, and proceeded to Satara to dispute the Peshwaship.
Not succeeding, he returned to the Carnatic, and in December laid
siege to Chanda Sahib, Dost ‘Ali's son-in-law, in Trichinopoly, which
fell in March, 1741. Chanda Sahib was sent to Satara as a state
prisoner, and remained there for eight years. Trichinopoly was
handed over to the charge of Murari Rao Ghorpare of Gooty.
Raghuji next proceeded to threaten Pondicherry, the headquarters
of Chanda Sahib's French allies : but the Marathas were no match
for European troops behind ramparts, and prudently retired. This
expedition, which was warmly supported by the party in court and
advocated expansion in the south rather than conquests in Hindustan,
was completely successful.
Raghuji Bhonsle continued, after his return from the Carnatic, to
oppose the Peshwa, who was at length (1744) forced to buy off his
formidable rival by allowing him a free hand in Bengal, where
'Ali Vardi Khan (Mirza Muhammad 'Ali) had set himself up as an
independent ruler. 'Ali Vardi Khan treacherously massacred in
cold blood Bhaskar Pant, Raghuji's revenue minister, and a score of
Maratha officers whom he had invited to a conference, but he had
to pay heavily for his perfidy. In 1751 he was forced to surrender
the province of Orissa (Cuttack) to the Marathas, with 1,200,000
rupees annually as the chauth of Bengal. The Marathas never
attempted to establish any civil administration in the province, but
left it to the local chiefs. The "Maratha ditch", built round Calcutta
in 1742, long bore witness to the terror aroused by the Bhonsle's
far-flung horsemen.
Meanwhile Shahu was slowly dying.
"Shahu the good” was an
amiable and religious man, whose piety is still remembered with
affection by the Marathas.
He could be magnanimous to a fallen
foe, and was by no means destitute of ability. (But his upbringing
in the Mughul court had made him ill-fitted to deal with the tur.
bulent spirits of his age). His grandfather had been reared in the
wilds of the mountain forest; Shahu's boyhood was spent in the
imperial seraglio. He was content to pass his time hunting, fishing
1 See chap. XII, p. 366.
2 See chap. xv, p. 441.
8 Grant Duff, 1, chap. XVIII; V. A. Smith, Oxford History of India, pp. 487-8.
## p. 409 (#447) ############################################
CHARACTER OF SHAHU
409
and hawking, and left the drudgery of state affairs more and more
to his Peshwa, little realising that he was building up a power destined
to supersede his house. But it is a mistake to suppose that he was a
mere puppet, like his successors. He exacted the homage due to his
person on every occasion. "He was not the mere titular head of the
Maratha government", says Ranade :
He directed all the operations, ordered and recalled commanders, and he
exercised a great controlling power on the chiefs, though he led no armies in the
field. . . Shahu was strong enough to enforce moderation even over the towering
ambition of Balaji, and forced him to leave the eastern provinces of India free
for the development of the Bhonsle's power. Baji Rao was only a general under
Shahu : and the Pratinidhis, Bhonsles, Nimbalkars, Dabhades, Gaikwars, Kadam
Bandes, Angres and Ghorpades all respected his power. 1
His chief defect was his intense conservatism. “Do not break the
old, or introduce the new”, was his motto, and he confirmed incap-
able assignees and other useless officers in their holdings, much to
the detriment of the state. To the day of his death, he was incapable
of shaking off the belief that he was still the vassal of the Mughul
empire, for which, and for the memory of the great emperor in whose
household he was reared, he cherished the profoundest reverence.
For this reason he never approved of the policy of the Peshwas in
northern India, though he was unable to check their soaring ambi.
tions. His last years were clouded by failing health ? and the quarrels
of his two Ranis, Sakwar Bai and Saguna Bai. The latter died in
1748, and Sakwar Bai, the survivor, was a turbulent and ambitious
woman. Lastly, he was deeply distressed at the lack of a legitimate
heir. The Peshwa wished him to nominate Shambhuji, and so unite
the crowns of Satara and Kolhapur, but Shahu could never over-
come his dislike of his cousin, who was, moreover, an elderly man
without heirs, and disinherited him. He contemplated adopting a boy
of the Bhonsle family, when Tara Bai dramatically announced the
existence of a posthumous son of Shivaji II named Ram Raja, who,
she asserted, had been smuggled by a gondhali, or wandering bard,
at Tuljapur.
Whether Tara Bai's story was true or not will never be known, but
Shahu, after due enquiry, accepted it. Sakwar Bai, on the other
hand, stigmatised it as a fresh plot' on the part of the old dowager
to regain her influence. Feeling his end to be near, Shahu sent for
the Peshwa, and in the presence of Govind Rao Chitnis handed
him two wills or rescripts. The first of these states
We order that you should command the forces. . . . The government of the
empire must be carried on. Appoint therefore a successor, but none from
1 Miscellaneous Writings, p. 348.
2 Shahu was eccentric, but not, as Grant Duff says, in a state of "mental im-
becility". His actions show that he was compos mentis.
3 Selections from Peshwa's Daftar, vol. vi, No. 147.
## p. 410 (#448) ############################################
410 RISE OF THE MARATHA EMPIRE (1707-1761)
Kolhapur. We have given full instructions to the Chitnis. Act accordingly.
Whoever succeeds, obey him and uphold the dignity of the throne. The Chitnis
has always been loyal to us. You are jointly to take measures to preserve the
Kingdom. Our successors will not interfere with your post.
The second document adds nothing material, except a solemn injunc-
tion to Shahu's successors to maintain the Peshwa in office.
Shahu died on 15 December, 1749, aged sixty-seven, after a reign
of over forty-one years. The Peshwa at once occupied Satara with
his troops, arrested the Pratinidhi and other rivals, and calling a
meeting of the council produced the papers. These, he asserted,
gave him the right to administer the kingdom on behalf of Ram
Raja and his heirs. Sakwar Bai was offered the alternative of coming
in on the Peshwa's side or becoming sati. She chose the latter, and
went to her doom with the traditional courage of a Maratha lady :
the place of her self-immolation is still regarded as holy ground.
The young king was brought in triumph to Satara, and solemnly
crowned by the Peshwa amid great public rejoicings (4 January,
1750). He was a feeble-minded youth, and an easy tool in the hands
of his astute minister. Tara Bai, who had hoped to control him as
she had done his father, retired to Sinhgarh, ostensibly to be near
her husband's ashes, but in reality in order to start intriguing with
the Pant Sachiv, who was the commandant of the fort. Balaji, who
was attending some wedding ceremonies in Poona, thereupon sum-
moned Tara Bai and the Pant Sachiv into his presence. Tara Bai
was treated with respect, but the Pant Sachiv was thrown into prison.
Ram Raja was then invited to leave Satara, where he was in charge
of Raghuji Bhonsle, and come to Poona. This marks the culminating
point in the Peshwa's coup d'état. Never before had the Chhatrapati
been brought from his capital by his minister. "From this point",
says Grant Duff, "Poona may be considered the capital of the
Peshwas. " Under Balaji's directions, Ram Raja drew up a document
known as the "Sangola agreement”, by which all the chief offices
in the state were handed over to the Peshwa's adherents. ?
When the monsoon of 1750 was drawing to a close, and the Dasahra
festival ushered in the campaigning season, the Peshwa thought him-
self sufficiently secure to set out for Hyderabad. The old Nizam had
died on 1 June, 1748, at Burhanpur, aged seventy-nine, and a war of
succession had broken out among his sons. The Peshwa, in return
for important concessions, had agreed to support the elder Ghazi-ud-
din against Salabat Jang. His real aim, however, was no less than
the annexation of Hyderabad to the Maratha empire. But he had
reckoned without Tara Bai. Scarcely had he turned his back, than
that indefatigable old queen, upon whom years seemed only to confer
1 These momentous documents are in the Parasnis Museum, Satara. A photo-
static copy is in Itihasa Sangraha, Nov. -Dec. 1915, and an English translation in
Kincaid and Parasnis, p. 455.
2 Rajwade, u, p. ! 15.
3 See chap. XII, pp. 387-8.
## p. 411 (#449) ############################################
DEFEAT OF THE GAIKWAR
411
fresh energy, organised a far-reaching conspiracy to throw off for
ever the yoke of the hated Brahman. She found no lack of support
among the Maratha chiefs, who were smarting under the Sangola
agreement. Her first step, however, was to get into her power the
miserable puppet who sat on the throne of the great Shivaji. Having
seized the fort of Satara, she invited Ram Raja to a banquet and cast
him into prison (24 November, 1750). She then prevailed upon
another Maratha lady, Uma Bai, the widow of Khande Rao Dabhade,
to call in her late husband's old lieutenant, the Gaikwar, from
Gujarat. Damaji Gaikwar was nothing loath. He advanced upon
Satara with 15,000 men in order to link up with the forces of Tara
Bai.
But the Peshwa was too quick for him. Hearing of what had
happened while near Raichur, by forced marches in which he covered
400 miles in thirteen days he descended upon Damaji Gaikwar, who
was being hotly engaged by Nana Purandhare and others. The
Gaikwar fell back before his new opponent, and retreated into a
cul-de-sac in the Krishna valley. The Gujarat troops, unused to
jungle-fighting, became disorganised, and Damaji had no option but
to negotiate. The Peshwa pressed him to surrender half Gujarat and
pay an indemnity of two and half million rupees. Finding him
obdurate, he suddenly, in spite of the truce, attacked and captured
Damaji, together with his son and Uma Bai Dabhade, and sent
them as prisoners to Poona. So incensed was Damaji at this piece
of treachery, that ever after he refused to salute the Peshwa except
with his left hand. Balaji's terms of ransom-half of Gujarat, and
a yearly tribute of 500,000 rupees—were severe, and for a long time
Damaji resisted. After six months of rigorous confinement, however,
he capitulated, and in the cold weather of 1752-53 he returned
homewards, accompanied by Raghunath Rao and a considerable
force, with the object of reinstating himself as sole ruler of Gujarat
and expelling the Mughul viceroy. After a desperate struggle,
Ahmadabad was captured, and the last remains of Mughul rule in
Gujarat were obliterated. 1
Tara Bai still held out defiantly in Satara fort, and refused to come
to terms until the Peshwa guaranteed her liberty under the most
solemn oaths. The unfortunate Ram Raja remained in custody, and
Tara Bai now shamelessly declared that he was an impostor, and
the son of a gondhali. Imprisonment told on his reason, and he died
in obscurity in 1777. Shortly before his death, he adopted a son, wh
received the name of Shahu the Younger, and reigned till 1810.
But after the death of Shahu I in 1749, the kings were mere rois
fainéants, though the Peshwas, always strict constitutionalists, pro-
fessed to the last to act as their viceroys, and sent all documents for
1 In July, 1756, Mumin Khan, Nawab of Cambay, temporarily occupied the
town, but was expelled in the following year.
## p. 412 (#450) ############################################
412 RISE OF THE MARATHA EMPIRE (1707-1761)
their signature to their state prison in Satara fort. For this change
in the government, Tara Bai and the Maratha nobles, rather than
the Peshwa, were to blame. They had no fixed policy, and little
thought except for personal aggrandisement. Shahu had deliberately
allowed the executive power to lapse into the hands of his capable and
patriotic minister, and preferred to leave the young heir to the throne
under the tutelage of the Peshwa, rather than expose the country
to the risks of civil war. "The usurpation of the Peshwas”, Scott
Waring justly remarks, "neither attracted observation nor excited
surprise. Indeed, the transition was easy, natural and progressive. ” 1
Its greatest disadvantage was that it aggravated the centrifugal ten-
dencies of the Maratha state, and especially the enmity between
Brahman and Maratha, which were at least kept in check while a
member of the house of Bhonsle actually ruled; after the Peshwa's
prestige was shaken by the defeat of Panipat, the disintegration
became more and more evident.
Balaji, having crushed his rivals, was now once more at liberty
to turn his attention to foreign affairs. In the cold weather of 1751
the war with Hyderabad was renewed, but Bussy's trained infantry
outmanœuvred the Peshwa and inflicted more than one defeat upon
him. At one time he penetrated to within sixteen miles of Poona:
but the troops mutinied for want of pay and the campaign collapsed
with the poisoning, in 1752, of Ghazi-ud-din, the Peshwa's candidate.
In 1754, Balaji organised a mulukgiri expedition on a stupendous
scale to collect arrears of tribute from the Carnatic, exterminate
the last remnants of Mughul rule, plunder Mysore, and replenish
the Peshwa's exhausted coffers. From every village through which
the Marathas passed money was extorted and treasure chests rifled,
till the countryside looked as though it had been devastated by a
swarm of locusts. On their return, laden with booty, the Marathas
combined with the Nizam's forces in attacking the Nawab of Savanur,
who had put himself at the head of a confederacy of Afghan
Nawabs and southern Maratha chiefs who refused to acknowledge
the Peshwa : the tremendous effect of Muzaffar Khan's artillery
trained by Bussy at the bombardment of Savanur greatly impressed
his allies.
In 1758 Bussy was recalled by Lally from the Nizam's service,
and a quarrel broke out between Nizam 'Ali, the brother of Salabat
Jang, and the Peshwa. Balaji, knowing that without their famous
French commandant the Hyderabad troops would be easy to deal
with, determined to attack them. He first scored two bloodless
triumphs. Ahmadnagar, the Nizam's great fortress and place of
arms in the Deccan, was taken without a blow, the commandant,
Kavi Jang, having been bribed to open the gates to the Marathas.
This deprived the Hyderabad army of its advanced base. Secondly,
1 History of the Marathas, p. 169.
## p. 413 (#451) ############################################
BATTLE OF UDGIR
413
Ibrahim Khan Gardi, the commandant of the Nizam's artillery, a
soldier of fortune who had been trained by Bussy himself, was
induced to enter the Peshwa's service. The two brothers, Salabat
Jang and Nizam 'Ali, were in no condition to fight : their troops were
in arrears and mutinous : but they could not afford to neglect the
challenge, when they saw the ancient stronghold of the Nizam Shahi
kings, which had cost the Mughuls so much blood and treasure to
capture, filched away in this treacherous manner. The Peshwa put the
Maratha army, 40,000 strong, under the command of his cousin,
Sadashiv Rao, son of Chimaji Appa. With it marched Ibrahim Khan
Gardi, with 5000 regular sepoys and his famous French artillery.
Battle was joined on 3 February, 1760, at Udgir, 200 miles east of
Poona. The Mughuls fought bravely; but their crowded ranks were
decimated by the Gardi's artillery, and a smashing cavalry charge
decided the action. The Mughul army fell back in disorder upon
the fortress of Ausa, where, after a four days' siege, the two brothers
sued for peace. Seldom had the Marathas won a more spectacular
victory, and Sadashiv Rao insisted on terms which were calculated
to cripple the state of Hyderabad for ever. Territory round Bijapur,
Bidar and Aurangabad, to the extent of an annual income of six
million rupees, together with the key fortresses of Daulatabad,
Asirgarh, Bijapur, Ahmadnagar and Burhanpur, were to be sur-
rendered.
The Marathas were now a very different people from the sturdy
hillmen who had fought and conquered under the great Shivaji,
“like our old Britons", as Fryer describes them, "half naked and as
fierce". Contact with the Mughuls had introduced into the Deccan
a love of refinement and culture before unknown. The nobles and
their wives went about arrayed in silk and cloth of gold. Contem-
porary correspondence contains constant applications from writers
in the Deccan to their friends in Hindustan to procure for them old
Sanskrit manuscripts, pictures and carvings, other articles of luxury,
and dancing girls and musicians. The fine examples of Mughul and
Rajput painting to be found to-day in places like Satara probably
found their way to the south about this time. The Shanwar Wada
in Poona, the Peshwa's official residence, was six storeys high, and
contained a series of sumptuous halls decorated with mirrors and
carved ivory, and marble courtyards where innumerable fountains
played incessantly. In the Peshwa's court, the elaborate etiquette
of the Mughul nobility was strictly followed. But all this imported
luxury had a demoralising effect upon the hardy and simple character
of the nation.
Balaji, in the intervals of his campaigns, did a great deal to improve
the administration of the Maratha state. Regularly appointed officers
1 See chap. XIII, p. 390.
2 D. B. Parasnis, Poona in Bygone Days, chap. I
## p. 414 (#452) ############################################
414
RISE OF THE MARATHA EMPIRE (1707-1761)
were placed in charge of the several districts; and the territory round
Satara, being the best protected and most productive, was entrusted
to the Peshwa's favourites. They had absolute charge of the civil
administration, but they were expected to furnish proper accounts:
this, however, was very irregularly done, as the holders of these
offices, being usually absent on campaign or in attendance on the
Peshwa in Poona, left the work in the hands of dishonest and extor-
tionate deputies. Balaji, however, placed the civil administration in
the hands of his great minister Ramchandra Shenvi, and after his
death in those of his cousin Sadashiv Rao. The latter appointed as
chief of the revenue-collectors a very able man by name Balloba
Manduvaguni, who introduced sweeping reforms, and forced the
collectors to produce their accounts. At the same time, the admini-
stration of justice was reformed : a strong police force was organised
in Poona city : and a famous jurist, Bal Kishan Gadgil, was appointed
as chief justice. The panchayats or courts of arbitration were im-
proved, and altogether the administration was established upon a
sound basis; abuses in revenue collection were checked, and the
villages were encouraged to resist the exactions of every petty com-
mander of horse who tried to levy blackmail on them. Each village
was, of course, a tiny republic, administered by the headman,
assisted by the accountant and other village officers: over the head-
man was the sub-collector, and over him the collector, who had
armed irregulars to assist in keeping order.
Balaji Baji Rao (or Nana Sahib, as he was familiarly called) had
the handsome appearance and gracious manner, but not the lofty
character, of his father and grandfather. His conduct towards Sakwar
Bai and Damaji Gaikwar has been stigmatised as unpardonably
treacherous, and later in life. he became indolent and sensual. But
the Maratha peasantry, remembering the all-round improvement
which took place in local government under his regime, have ever
since blessed the days of "Nana Sahib Peshwa". ?
The chief objection to be urged against the Maratha system of
government is that, outside its own territory, it was almost purely
predatory. The Maratha was never a colonist. While away on his
expeditions, his thoughts were always with his little holding in the
Deccan hills, and he seldom intermarried with the people of the
country. 3 Other Hindu states took a pride in improving the con-
dition of the territory they conquered. They constructed temples,
wells, canals, roads and other public works. The Marathas did nothing
of this kind. Their mulukgiri raids, by destroying the industries and
wealth of the countries overrun, merely "killed the goose which
1 Grant Duff, 1, 29 sqq. and 579 sqq. with Edwardes' footnotes. Sen, op. cit.
Book u, passim.
2 Grant Duff, 1, 531-2.
3 Grant Duff dwells on the devotion of the Maratha to his watan or hereditary
holding, 1, 340, 370, passim.
## p. 415 (#453) ############################################
1
THE MARATHAS IN THE NORTH
416
laid the golden eggs”. The Maratha state was a Krieg Staat, pure
and simple : and it is the fate of the Krieg Staat, as Sarkar justly
observes, to defeat its own ends. The severity of the Maratha raids,
for the collection of chauth and other arrears, varied of course, in
intensity. In Gujarat, and in the Carnatic in 1754-56, the plundering
was as thorough as it was merciless : in Malwa, on the other hand,
war was waged against the government rather than the people, and
though the bulk of the revenue was appropriated at each incursion,
the sources from which it was drawn were crippled but not entirely
ruined. But the principle was the same. 2
Meanwhile, stirring events were happening in Hindustan, but only
a brief outline of the tangled skein of intrigue can be given here.
Nadir Shah died in 1747, and Ahmad Shah Abdali, the founder of
Afghanistan, continued his policy of raiding the declining empire,
which he invaded in 1748 and 1749. In the 1751 Safdar Jang, the Nawab
of Oudh, with the sanction of the young emperor, Ahmad Shah, and
heedless of the danger of drawing the Marathas into disputes in the
very heart of the empire, called in Malhar Rao Holkar from Malwa,
Jayappa Sindia from Narnaul, and Suraj Mal the Jat, to help him
against the Bangash Afghans, who had invaded Oudh and plundered
Allahabad and Lucknow. The Marathas drove the Afghans into the
hills with severe loss, and occupied Rohilkhand in 1751. They “sacked
the whole country, not allowing a single man to escape, and every
article they carried away as booty”. 4 For their help, they were given
half the Bangash territory in the Duab, which they held precariously
till the Panipat disaster (1761). This was the first territorial
acquisition of the Marathas beyond the Jumna. In 1752 Ahmad
Shah Abdali invaded the Punjab for a third time.
