No More Learning

]

[Footnote 226: Leslie's Answer to King; Avaux, May 26/June 5 1689; Life
of James, ii. 358. ]

[Footnote 227: Avaux May 28/June 7 1689, and June 20/July 1. The author
of Light to the Blind strongly condemns the indulgence shown to the
Protestant Bishops who adhered to James. ]

[Footnote 228: King, iii. 11. ; Brief Memoirs by Haynes, Assay Master
of the Mint, among the Lansdowne MSS. at the British Museum, No. 801. I
have seen several specimens of this coin. The execution is surprisingly
good, all circumstances considered. ]

[Footnote 229: King, iii. 12. ]

[Footnote 230: An Act for the Attainder of divers Rebels and for
preserving the Interest of loyal Subjects, London, 1690. ]

[Footnote 231: King, iii. 13. ]

[Footnote 232: His name is in the first column of page 30. in that
edition of the List which was licensed March 26, 1690. I should have
thought that the proscribed person must have been some other Henry
Dodwell. But Bishop Kennet's second letter to the Bishop of Carlisle,
1716, leaves no doubt about the matter. ]

[Footnote 233: A list of most of the Names of the Nobility, Gentry, and
Commonalty of England and Ireland (amongst whom are several Women and
Children) who are all, by an Act of a Pretended parliament assembled in
Dublin, attainted of High Treason, 1690; An Account of the Transactions
of the late King James in Ireland, 1690; King, iii. 13. ; Memoirs of
Ireland, 1716. ]

[Footnote 234: Avaux July 27/Aug 6. 1689. ]

[Footnote 235: King's State of the Protestants in Ireland, iii. 19. ]

[Footnote 236: Ibid. iii. 15. ]

[Footnote 237: Leslie's Answer to King. ]

[Footnote 238: "En comparazion de lo que se hace in Irlanda con los
Protestantes, es nada. " April 29/May 6 1689; "Para que vea Su Santitad
que aqui estan los Catolicos mas benignamente tratados que los
Protestantes in Irlanda. " June 19/29]

[Footnote 239: Commons' Journals, June 15. 1689. ]

[Footnote 240: Stat. 1 W. &M. sess. 1. c. 29. ]

[Footnote 241: Grey's Debates, June 19. 1689. ]

[Footnote 242: Ibid. June 22. 1689. ]

[Footnote 243: Hamilton's True Relation; Mac Cormick's Further Account.
Of the island generally, Avaux says, "On n'attend rien de cette recolte
cy, les paysans ayant presque tous pris les armes. "--Letters to Louvois,
March 19/29 1689. ]

[Footnote 244: Hamilton's True Relation. ]

[Footnote 245: Walker. ]

[Footnote 246: Walker; Mackenzie. ]

[Footnote 247: Avaux, June 16/26 1689. ]

[Footnote 248: Walker; Mackenzie; Light to the Blind; King, iii. 13;
Leslie's Answer to King; Life of James, ii, 364. I ought to say that on
this occasion King is unjust to James. ]

[Footnote 249: Leslie's Answer to King; Avaux, July 5/15. 1689. "Je
trouvay l'expression bien forte: mais je ne voulois rien repondre, car
le Roy s'estoit, desja fort emporte. "]

[Footnote 250: Mackenzie. ]

[Footnote 251: Walker's Account. "The fat man in Londonderry" became a
proverbial expression for a person whose prosperity excited the envy and
cupidity of his less fortunate neighbours. ]

[Footnote 252: This, according to Narcissus Luttrell was the report made
by Captain Withers, afterwards a highly distinguished officer, on whom
Pope wrote an epitaph. ]

[Footnote 253: The despatch which positively commanded Kirke to attack
the boom, was signed by Schomberg, who had already been appointed
commander in chief of all the English forces in Ireland. A copy of it
is among the Nairne MSS. in the Bodleian Library. Wodrow, on no better
authority than the gossip of a country parish in Dumbartonshire,
attributes the relief of Londonderry to the exhortations of a heroic
Scotch preacher named Gordon. I am inclined to think that Kirke was more
likely to be influenced by a peremptory order from Schomberg, than by
the united eloquence of a whole synod of presbyterian divines. ]

[Footnote 254: Walker; Mackenzie; Histoire de la Revolution d'Irlande,
Amsterdarn, 1691; London Gazette, Aug. 5/15; 1689; Letter of Buchan
among the Nairne MSS. ; Life of Sir John Leake; The Londeriad;
Observations on Mr. Walker's Account of the Siege of Londonderry,
licensed Oct, 4. 1689. ]

[Footnote 255: Avaux to Seignelay, July 18/28 to Lewis, Aug. 9/19]

[Footnote 256: "You will see here, as you have all along, that the
tradesmen of Londonderry had more skill in their defence than the great
officers of the Irish army in their attacks. " Light to the Blind. The
author of this work is furious against the Irish gunners. The boom he
thinks, would never have been broken if they had done their duty. Were
they drunk? Were they traitors? He does not determine the point. "Lord,"
he exclaims, "who seest the hearts of people, we leave the judgment of
this affair to thy mercy. In the interim those gunners lost Ireland. "]

[Footnote 257: In a collection entitled "Derriana," which was published
more than sixty years ago, is a curious letter on this subject. ]

[Footnote 258: Bernardi's Life of Himself, 1737. ]

[Footnote 259: Hamilton's True Relation; Mac Cormick's Further Account;
London Gazette, Aug. 22. 1689; Life of James, ii. 368, 369. ; Avaux
to Lewis, Aug. 30. , and to Louvois of the same date. Story mentions a
report that the panic among the Irish was caused by the mistake of
an officer who called out "Right about face" instead of "Right face. "
Neither Avaux nor James had heard any thing about this mistake. Indeed
the dragoons who set the example of flight were not in the habit of
waiting for orders to turn their backs on an enemy. They had run away
once before on that very day. Avaux gives a very simple account of the
defeat: "Ces mesmes dragons qui avoient fuy le matin lascherent le pied
avec tout le reste de la cavalerie, sans tirer un coup de pistolet;
et ils s'enfuidrent tous avec une telle epouvante qu'ils jetterent
mousquetons, pistolets, et espees; et la plupart d'eux, ayant creve
leurs chevaux, se deshabillerent pour aller plus viste a pied. "]

[Footnote 260: Hamilton's True Relation. ]

[Footnote 261: Act. Parl. Scot. , Aug. 31. 1681. ]

[Footnote 262: Balcarras's Memoirs; Short History of the Revolution in
Scotland in a letter from a Scotch gentleman in Amsterdam to his friend
in London, 1712. ]

[Footnote 263: Balcarras's Memoirs; Life of James ii. 341. ]

[Footnote 264: A Memorial for His Highness the Prince of Orange in
relation to the Affairs of Scotland, by two Persons of Quality, 1689. ]

[Footnote 265: See Calvin's letter to Haller, iv. Non. Jan. 1551:
"Priusquam urbem unquam ingrederer, nullae prorsus erant feriae praeter
diem Dominicum. Ex quo sum revocatus hoc temperamentum quaesivi, ut
Christi natalis celebraretur. "]

[Footnote 266: In the Act Declaration, and Testimony of the Seceders,
dated in December, 1736 it is said that "countenance is given by
authority of Parliament to the observation of holidays in Scotland, by
the vacation of our most considerable Courts of justice in the latter
end of December. " This is declared to be a national sin, and a ground of
the Lord's indignation. In March 1758, the Associate Synod addressed a
Solemn Warning to the Nation, in which the same complaint was repeated.
A poor crazy creature, whose nonsense has been thought worthy of being
reprinted even in our own time, says: "I leave my testimony against the
abominable Act of the pretended Queen Anne and her pretended British,
really Brutish Parliament, for enacting the observance of that which
is called the Yule Vacancy. "--The Dying Testimony of William Wilson
sometime Schoolmaster in Park, in the Parish of Douglas, aged 68, who
died in 1757. ]

[Footnote 267: An Account of the Present Persecution of the Church in
Scotland, in several Letters, 1690; The Case of the afflicted Clergy
in Scotland truly represented, 1690; Faithful Contendings Displayed;
Burnet, i. 805]

[Footnote 268: The form of notice will be found in the book entitled
Faithful Contendings Displayed. ]

[Footnote 269: Account of the Present Persecution, 1690; Case of the
afflicted Clergy, 1690; A true Account of that Interruption that was
made of the Service of God on Sunday last, being the 17th of February,
1689, signed by James Gibson, acting for the Lord Provost of Glasgow. ]

[Footnote 270: Balcarras's Memoirs; Mackay's Memoirs. ]

[Footnote 271: Burnet, ii. 21. ]

[Footnote 272: Scobell, 1654, cap. 9. , and Oliver's Ordinance in Council
of the 12th of April in the same year. ]

[Footnote 273: Burnet and Fletcher of Saltoun mention the prosperity of
Scotland under the Protector, but ascribe it to a cause quite inadequate
to the production of such an effect. "There was," says Burnet, "a
considerable force of about seven or eight thousand men kept in
Scotland. The pay of the army brought so much money into the kingdom
that it continued all that while in a very flourishing state. . . . . . We
always reckon those eight years of usurpation a time of great peace and
prosperity. " "During the time of the usurper Cromwell," says Fletcher,
"we imagined ourselves to be in a tolerable condition with respect to
the last particular (trade and money) by reason of that expense which
was made in the realm by those forces that kept us in subjection. "
The true explanation of the phenomenon about which Burnet and Fletcher
blundered so grossly will be found in a pamphlet entitled "Some
seasonable and modest Thoughts partly occasioned by and partly
concerning the Scotch East India Company," Edinburgh, 1696. See the
Proceedings of the Wednesday Club in Friday Street, upon the subject of
an Union with Scotland, December 1705. See also the Seventh Chapter of
Mr. Burton's valuable History of Scotland. ]

[Footnote 274: See the paper in which the demands of the Scotch
Commissioners are set forth. It will be found in the Appendix to De
Foe's History of the Union, No. 13. ]

[Footnote 275: Act. Parl. Scot. , July 30. 1670. ]

[Footnote 276: Burnet, ii. 23. ]

[Footnote 277: See, for example, a pamphlet entitled "Some questions
resolved concerning episcopal and presbyterian government in Scotland,
1690. " One of the questions is, whether Scottish presbytery be agreeable
to the general inclinations of that people. The author answers the
question in the negative, on the ground that the upper and middle
classes had generally conformed to the episcopal Church before the
Revolution. ]

[Footnote 278: The instructions are in the Leven and Melville Papers.
They bear date March 7, 1688/9. On the first occasion on which I quote
this most valuable collection, I cannot refrain from acknowledging the
obligations under which I, and all who take an interest in the history
of our island, lie to the gentleman who has performed so well the duty
of an editor. ]

[Footnote 279: As to the Dalrymples; see the Lord President's own
writings, and among them his Vindication of the Divine Perfections;
Wodrow's Analecta; Douglas's Peerage; Lockhart's Memoirs; the Satyre on
the Familie of Stairs; the Satyric Lines upon the long wished for and
timely Death of the Right Honourable Lady Stairs; Law's Memorials; and
the Hyndford Papers, written in 1704/5 and printed with the Letters
of Carstairs. Lockhart, though a mortal enemy of John Dalrymple, says,
"There was none in the parliament capable to take up the cudgels with
him. "]

[Footnote 280: As to Melville, see the Leven and Melville Papers,
passim, and the preface; the Act. Parl. Scot. June 16. 1685; and the
Appendix, June 13. ; Burnet, ii. 24; and the Burnet MS. Had. 6584. ]

[Footnote 281: Creichton's Memoirs. ]

[Footnote 282: Mackay's Memoirs. ]

[Footnote 283: Memoirs of the Lindsays. ]

[Footnote 284: About the early relation between William and Dundee, some
Jacobite, many years after they were both dead, invented a story which
by successive embellishments was at last improved into a romance which
it seems strange that even a child should believe to be true. The last
edition runs thus. William's horse was killed under him at Seneff, and
his life was in imminent danger. Dundee, then Captain Graham, mounted
His Highness again. William promised to reward this service with
promotion but broke his word and gave to another the commission which
Graham had been led to expect. The injured hero went to Loo. There
he met his successful competitor, and gave him a box on the ear. The
punishment for striking in the palace was the loss of the offending
right hand; but this punishment the Prince of Orange ungraciously
remitted. "You," he said, "saved my life; I spare your right hand: and
now we are quits. "]

Those who down to our own time, have repeated this nonsense seem to
have thought, first, that the Act of Henry the Eighth "for punishment
of murder and malicious bloodshed within the King's Court" (Stat 33 Hen.
VIII. c. 2. ) was law in Guelders; and, secondly, that, in 1674, William
was a King, and his house a King's Court. They were also not aware that
he did not purchase Loo till long after Dundee had left the Netherlands.
See Harris's Description of Loo, 1699. ]

This legend, of which I have not been able to discover the slightest
trace in the voluminous Jacobite literature of William's reign, seems to
have originated about a quarter of a century after Dundee's death, and
to have attained its full absurdity in another quarter of a century. ]

[Footnote 285: Memoirs of the Lindsays. ]

[Footnote 286: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 287: Burnet, ii. 22. ; Memoirs of the Lindsays. ]

[Footnote 288: Balcarras's Memoirs. ]

[Footnote 289: Act. Parl. Scot. , Mar. 14.
1689; History of the late
Revolution in Scotland, 1690; An Account of the Proceedings of the
Estates of Scotland, fol. Lond. 1689. ]

[Footnote 290: Balcarras's narrative exhibits both Hamilton and Athol in
a most unfavourable light. See also the Life of James, ii. 338, 339. ]

[Footnote 291: Act. Parl. Scot. , March 14. 1688/9; Balcarras's Memoirs;
History of the late Revolution in Scotland; Life of James, ii. 342. ]

[Footnote 292: Balcarras's Memoirs; History of the late Revolution in
Scotland, 1690. ]

[Footnote 293: Act. Parl. Scot. , March 14. and 15. 1689; Balcarras's
Memoirs; London Gazette, March 25. ; History of the late Revolution in
Scotland, 1690; Account of the Proceedings of the Estates of Scotland,
1689. ]

[Footnote 294: See Cleland's Poems, and the commendatory poems contained
in the same volume, Edinburgh, 1697. It has been repeatedly asserted
that this William Cleland was the father of William Cleland, the
Commissioner of Taxes, who was well known twenty year later in the
literary society of London, who rendered some not very reputable
services to Pope, and whose son John was the author of an infamous book
but too widely celebrated. This is an entire mistake. William Cleland,
who fought at Bothwell Bridge, was not twenty-eight when he was killed
in August, 1689; and William Cleland, the Commissioner of Taxes, died
at sixty-seven in September, 1741. The former therefore cannot have
been the father of the latter. See the Exact Narrative of the Battle of
Dunkeld; the Gentleman's Magazine for 1740; and Warburton's note on the
Letter to the Publisher of the Dunciad, a letter signed W. Cleland, but
really written by Pope. In a paper drawn up by Sir Robert Hamilton, the
oracle of the extreme Covenanters, and a bloodthirsty ruffian, Cleland
is mentioned as having been once leagued with those fanatics, but
afterwards a great opposer of their testimony. Cleland probably did not
agree with Hamilton in thinking it a sacred duty to cut the throats of
prisoners of war who had been received to quarter. See Hamilton's Letter
to the Societies, Dec 7. 1685. ]

[Footnote 295: Balcarras's Memoirs. ]

[Footnote 296: Balcarras's Memoirs. But the fullest account of these
proceedings is furnished by some manuscript notes which are in the
library of the Faculty of Advocates. Balcarras's dates are not quite
exact. He probably trusted to his memory for them. I have corrected them
from the Parliamentary Records. ]

[Footnote 297: Act. Parl. Scot. , Mar. 16. 1688/9; Balcarras's Memoirs;
History of the late Revolution in Scotland, 1690; Account of the
Proceedings of the Estates of Scotland, 1689; London Gaz. , Mar. 25.
1689; Life of James, ii. 342. Burnet blunders strangely about these
transactions. ]

[Footnote 298: Balcarras's Memoirs; MS. in the Library of the Faculty of
Advocates. ]

[Footnote 299: Act. Parl. Scot. , Mar. 19. 1688/9; History of the late
Revolution in Scotland, 1690. ]

[Footnote 300: Balcarras. ]

[Footnote 301: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 302: Act. Parl. Scot. ; History of the late Revolution, 1690;
Memoirs of North Britain, 1715. ]

[Footnote 303: Balcarras. ]

[Footnote 304: Every reader will remember the malediction which Sir
Walter Scott, in the Fifth Canto of Marmion, pronounced on the dunces
who removed this interesting monument. ]

[Footnote 305: "It will be neither secuir nor kynd to the King to expect
it be (by) Act of Parliament after the settlement, which will lay it
at his door. "--Dalrymple to Melville, 5 April, 1689; Leven and Melville
Papers. ]

[Footnote 306: There is a striking passage on this subject in
Fortescue. ]

[Footnote 307: Act. Parl. Scot. , April 1 1689; Orders of Committee of
Estates, May 16. 1689; London Gazette, April 11]

[Footnote 308: As it has lately been denied that the extreme
Presbyterians entertained an unfavourable opinion of the Lutherans, I
will give two decisive proof of the truth of what I have asserted in the
text. In the book entitled Faithful Contendings Displayed is a report
of what passed at the General Meeting of the United Societies of
Covenanters on the 24th of October 1688. The question was propounded
whether there should be an association with the Dutch. "It was concluded
unanimously," says the Clerk of the Societies, "that we could not have
an association with the Dutch in one body, nor come formally under
their conduct, being such a promiscuous conjunction of reformed Lutheran
malignants and sectaries, to loin with whom were repugnant to the
testimony of the Church of Scotland. " In the Protestation and Testimony
drawn up on the 2nd of October 1707, the United Societies complain that
the crown has been settled on "the Prince of Hanover, who has been bred
and brought up in the Lutheran religion which is not only different
from, but even in many things contrary unto that purity in doctrine,
reformation, and religion, we in these nations had attained unto, as is
very well known. " They add "The admitting such a person to reign over us
is not only contrary to our solemn League and Covenant, but to the very
word of God itself, Deut. xvii. "]

[Footnote 309: History of the late Revolution in Scotland; London
Gazette, May 16, 1689. The official account of what passed was evidently
drawn up with great care. See also the Royal Diary, 1702. The writer of
this work professes to have derived his information from a divine who
was present. ]

[Footnote 310: See Crawford's Letters and Speeches, passim. His style of
begging for a place was peculiar. After owning, not without reason, that
his heart was deceitful and desperately wicked, he proceeded thus: "The
same Omnipotent Being who hath said, when the poor and needy seek water
and there is none, and their tongue faileth for thirst, he will not
forsake them; notwithstanding of my present low condition, can build me
a house if He think fit. "--Letter to Melville, of May 28. 1689. As to
Crawford's poverty and his passion for Bishops' lands, see his letter to
Melville of the 4th of December 1690. As to his humanity, see his letter
to Melville, Dec 11 1690. All these letters are among the Leven and
Melville Papers, The author of An Account of the Late Establishment of
Presbyterian Government says of a person who had taken a bribe of ten or
twelve pounds, "Had he been as poor as my Lord Crawford, perhaps he
had been the more excusable. " See also the dedication of the celebrated
tract entitled Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence Displayed. ]

[Footnote 311: Burnet, ii. 23. 24. ; Fountainhall Papers, 73, Aug, 1684;
14. and 15. Oct. 1684; 3. May, 1685; Montgomery to Melville, June 22.
1689, in the Leven and Melville Papers; Pretences of the French Invasion
Examined; licensed May 25. 1692. ]

[Footnote 312: See the Life and Correspondence of Carstairs, and the
interesting memorials of him in the Caldwell Papers, printed 1854. See
also Mackay's character of him, and Swift's note. Swift's word is not
to be taken against a Scotchman and a Presbyterian. I believe, however,
that Carstairs, though an honest and pious man in essentials, had his
full share of the wisdom of the serpent. ]

[Footnote 313: Sir John Dalrymple to Lord Melville, June 18. 20 25.
1689; Leven and Melville Papers. ]

[Footnote 314: There is an amusing description of Sir Patrick in the
Hyndford MS. , written about 1704, and printed among the Carstairs
Papers. "He is a lover of set speeches, and can hardly give audience to
private friends without them. "]

[Footnote 315: "No man, though not a member, busier than
Saltoun. "--Lockhart to Melville, July 11 1689; Leven and Melville
Papers. See Fletcher's own works, and the descriptions of him in
Lockhart's and Mackay's Memoirs. ]

[Footnote 316: Dalrymple says, in a letter of the 5th of June, "All the
malignant, for fear, are come into the Club; and they all vote alike. "]

[Footnote 317: Balcarras. ]

[Footnote 318: Captain Burt's Letters from Scotland. ]

[Footnote 319: "Shall I tire you with a description of this unfruitful
country, where I must lead you over their hills all brown with heath, or
their valleys scarce able to feed a rabbit. . . , Every part of the country
presents the same dismal landscape. No grove or brook lend their music
to cheer the stranger,"--Goldsmith to Bryanton, Edinburgh, Sept. 26.
1753. In a letter written soon after from Leyden to the Reverend Thomas
Contarine, Goldsmith says, "I was wholly taken up in observing the face
of the country, Nothing can equal its beauty. Wherever I turned my
eye, fine houses, elegant gardens, statues, grottos, vistas presented
themselves, Scotland and this country bear the highest contrast: there,
hills and rocks intercept every prospect; here it is all a continued
plain. " See Appendix C, to the First Volume of Mr. Forster's Life of
Goldsmith,]

[Footnote 320: Northern Memoirs, by R. Franck Philanthropus, 1690. The
author had caught a few glimpses of Highland scenery, and speaks of it
much as Burt spoke in the following generation: "It is a part of the
creation left undressed; rubbish thrown aside when the magnificent
fabric of the world was created; as void of form as the natives are
indigent of morals and good manners. "]

[Footnote 321: Journey through Scotland, by the author of the Journey
through England, 1723. ]

[Footnote 322: Almost all these circumstances are taken from Burt's
Letters. For the tar, I am indebted to Cleland's poetry. In his verses
on the "Highland Host" he says

"The reason is, they're smeared with tar,
Which doth defend their head and neck,
Just as it doth their sheep protect. "]

[Footnote 323: A striking illustration of the opinion which was
entertained of the Highlander by his Lowland neighbours, and which
was by them communicated to the English, will be found in a volume of
Miscellanies published by Afra Behn in 1685. One of the most curious
pieces in the collection is a coarse and profane Scotch poem entitled,
"How the first Hielandman was made. " How and of what materials he was
made I shall not venture to relate. The dialogue which immediately
follows his creation may be quoted, I hope, without much offence.

"Says God to the Hielandman, 'Quhair wilt thou now? '
'I will down to the Lowlands, Lord, and there steal a cow. '
'Ffy,' quod St. Peter, 'thou wilt never do weel,
'An thou, but new made, so sane gaffs to steal. '
'Umff,' quod the Hielandman, and swore by yon kirk,
'So long as I may geir get to steal, will I nevir work. "'

Another Lowland Scot, the brave Colonel Cleland, about the same time,
describes the Highlander in the same manner

"For a misobliging word
She'll dirk her neighbour o'er the board.
If any ask her of her drift,
Forsooth, her nainself lives by theft. "

Much to the same effect are the very few words which Franck
Philanthropus (1694) spares to the Highlanders: "They live like lauds
and die like loons, hating to work and no credit to borrow: they make
depredations and rob their neighbours. " In the History of the Revolution
in Scotland, printed at Edinburgh in 1690, is the following passage:
"The Highlanders of Scotland are a sort of wretches that have no other
consideration of honour, friendship, obedience, or government, than as,
by any alteration of affairs or revolution in the government, they can
improve to themselves an opportunity of robbing or plundering their
bordering neighbours. "]

[Footnote 324: Since this passage was written I was much pleased by
finding that Lord Fountainhall used, in July 1676, exactly the same
illustration which had occurred to me. He says that "Argyle's ambitious
grasping at the mastery of the Highlands and Western Islands of Mull,
Ila, &c. stirred up other clans to enter into a combination for hearing
him dowse, like the confederat forces of Germanic, Spain, Holland, &c. ,
against the growth of the French. "]

[Footnote 325: In the introduction to the Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron
is a very sensible remark: "It may appear paradoxical: but the editor
cannot help hazarding the conjecture that the motives which prompted the
Highlanders to support King James were substantially the same as those
by which the promoters of the Revolution were actuated. " The whole
introduction, indeed, well deserves to be read. ]

[Footnote 326: Skene's Highlanders of Scotland; Douglas's Baronage of
Scotland. ]

[Footnote 327: See the Memoirs of the Life of Sir Ewan Cameron, and the
Historical and Genealogical Account of the Clan Maclean, by a Senachie.
Though this last work was published so late as 1838, the writer seems
to have been inflamed by animosity as fierce as that with which the
Macleans of the seventeenth century regarded the Campbells. In the
short compass of one page the Marquess of Argyle is designated as "the
diabolical Scotch Cromwell," "the vile vindictive persecutor," "the
base traitor," and "the Argyle impostor. " In another page he is "the
insidious Campbell, fertile in villany," "the avaricious slave," "the
coward of Argyle" and "the Scotch traitor. " In the next page he is "the
base and vindictive enemy of the House of Maclean" "the hypocritical
Covenanter," "the incorrigible traitor," "the cowardly and malignant
enemy. " It is a happy thing that passions so violent can now vent
themselves only in scolding. ]

[Footnote 328: Letter of Avaux to Louvois, April 6/16 1689, enclosing a
paper entitled Memoire du Chevalier Macklean. ]

[Footnote 329: See the singularly interesting Memoirs of Sir Ewan
Cameron of Lochiel, printed at Edinburgh for the Abbotsford Club in
1842. The MS. must have been at least a century older. See also in the
same volume the account of Sir Ewan's death, copied from the Balhadie
papers. I ought to say that the author of the Memoirs of Sir Ewan,
though evidently well informed about the affairs of the Highlands and
the characters of the most distinguished chiefs, was grossly ignorant of
English politics and history. I will quote what Van Litters wrote to the
States General about Lochiel, Nov 26/Dec 6 1689: "Sir Evan Cameron,
Lord Locheale, een man,--soo ik hoor van die hem lange gekent en dagelyk
hebben mede omgegaan,--van so groot verstant, courage, en beleyt, als
weyniges syns gelycke syn. "]

[Footnote 330: Act. Parl. , July 5. 1661. ]

[Footnote 331: See Burt's Third and Fourth Letters. In the early
editions is an engraving of the market cross of Inverness, and of that
part of the street where the merchants congregated. I ought here
to acknowledge my obligations to Mr. Robert Carruthers, who kindly
furnished me with much curious information about Inverness and with some
extracts from the municipal records. ]

[Footnote 332: I am indebted to Mr. Carruthers for a copy of the demands
of the Macdonalds and of the answer of the Town Council. ]

[Footnote 333: Colt's Deposition, Appendix to the Act. Parl of July 14.
1690. ]

[Footnote 334: See the Life of Sir Ewan Cameron. ]

[Footnote 335: Balcarras's Memoirs; History of the late Revolution in
Scotland. ]

[Footnote 336: There is among the Nairne Papers in the Bodleian Library
a curious MS. entitled "Journal de ce qui s'est passe en Irlande
depuis l'arrivee de sa Majeste. " In this journal there are notes and
corrections in English and French; the English in the handwriting of
James, the French in the handwriting of Melfort. The letters intercepted
by Hamilton are mentioned, and mentioned in a way which plainly
shows that they were genuine; nor is there the least sign that James
disapproved of them. ]

[Footnote 337: "Nor did ever," says Balcarras, addressing James, "the
Viscount of Dundee think of going to the Highlands without further
orders from you, till a party was sent to apprehend him. "]

[Footnote 338: See the narrative sent to James in Ireland and received
by him July 7, 1689. It is among the Nairne Papers. See also the Memoirs
of Dundee, 1714; Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron; Balcarras's Memoirs;
Mackay's Memoirs. These narratives do not perfectly agree with each
other or with the information which I obtained from Inverness. ]

[Footnote 339: Memoirs of Dundee; Tarbet to Melville, 1st June 7688, in
the Levers and Melville Papers. ]

[Footnote 340: Narrative in the Nairne Papers; Depositions of Colt,
Osburne, Malcolm, and Stewart of Ballachan in the Appendix to the Act.
Parl. of July 14. 1690; Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron. A few touches I
have taken from an English translation of some passages in a lost epic
poem written in Latin, and called the Grameis. The writer was a zealous
Jacobite named Phillipps. I have seldom made use of the Memoirs of
Dundee, printed in 1714, and never without some misgiving. The writer
was certainly not, as he pretends, one of Dundee's officers, but a
stupid and ignorant Grub Street garreteer. He is utterly wrong both as
to the place and as to the time of the battle of Killiecrankie.