In his progresses the roads are lined on both sides by police who
keep away all armed persons, ascetics, and cripples ; he never enters a
crowd?
keep away all armed persons, ascetics, and cripples ; he never enters a
crowd?
Cambridge History of India - v1
85 n.
## p. 441 (#479) ############################################
XIX)
THE MILITARY
441
subject to a sovereign or independent (δημοκρατουμένη, αυτόνομος
as according to Megasthens most of them had at one time been). We
may think of the difference between a royal borough and free town in our
own middle ages.
Coming now to the military, we find that the native Indian accounts
present a view of the case rather less simple than does Megasthenese.
According to these accounts the military might consist of troops
of different kinds, namely hereditary or feudatory troops, hired troops.
gild levies, and forest tribes. In the first named, which were regarded as
the most trustworthy, we may doubtless recognise the old Kshatriya
division of society, connected by caste, and ultimately by race, with
the king himself, such as in later times we find them in the quasi-feudal
states of Rajputāna. In the second class also the Kshatriya element
would probably predominate, though here there would be, no doubt,
a career for any bold adventure with a strong arm and a soldierly bent.
As concerns the gild troops, which are plainly regarded as having a
chiefly defensive character', there is some room for doubt: were they
merely the ordinary trade gilds, as an organisation for calling out the
people for service in time of invasion, a sort of militia or landwehr ?
Or were they quasi-military corporations, such as the modern Bțiñjāras,
whose business was to supply merchants and others with armed protection
of a quasi-professional character ? While refraining from a decisive
pronunciation, we cannot but incline in the circumstances to the former
alternative, for which the gilds of medieval Europe supply a fair analogy,
and which is supported by the defensive character of the force.
case the gild troops were regarded as in military value inferior to the
men-at-arms. The forest tribes, employed like the Red Indians in the
French and English wars of North America, or like other untrained
auxiliaries in the armies of Greece and Rome, were destined for the
service of distracting or detaining the enemy rather than for the actual
crises of campaigns.
The main divisions of the army were the elephant corps, the cavalry,
and the foot : to which should be added the foragers and camp-followers.
There was a scientific distinction of vanguard, centre, rear, wings, reserve,
and camp, with elaborate discussions of formations on the niarch and
in battle, attack and defence, and the value and employment of the
several arms'. Equipment was in considerable variety, including fixed and
1 I. 32 ; XXXII, 4 ; XXXIV, 7.
2 See Chapter XVI, p 368.
3 Arth. 137 ; Hopkins, op. cit. pp. 185 sqq.
4 They are for ‘short expeditions' and less quickly assembled (Arth. pp. 341 and
346); cf. Hopkins, op. cit. p. 94 ; Manu, VIII, 41.
5 On these see Arth. 160 (p. 376).
6 Arth. 12 (p. 31) ; Mbh. XII, 59, 48.
7 Arth. 107 sqq. ; Manu, VII, 187 sqq. ; Hopkins, op. cit. pp. 191 sqq. , 201 sqq.
>
In any
## p. 442 (#480) ############################################
442
(CH.
THE MAURYA EMPIRE
were
не
mobile engines, such as 'hundred-slayers''. Such instruments were, of
course, familiar even to the early nations of Mesopotamia, as
also the construction and siege of forts. The Indian forts were, as
have seen, systematically designed, with ditches, ramparts, battlements,
covered ways, portcullises, and water-gates ; and in the assault the
arts of mining, countermining, flooding mines were employed no less than
the devices of diplomacy. In short, the Indians possessed the art of
war. If all their science failed them against Alexander, and against
subsequent invaders, we may conjecture, in accordance with other aspects
of Indian thought, the reason that there was too much of it. In the
formation adopted by Porus, the elephants and chariots in front and the
infantry in the rear, we may perhaps detect an agreement with the precepts
of the books. As regards the ethics of fighting, the Greeks received
an impression of something not unchivalrous ; and here too we may
recall the written precepts as to fair fighting, not attacking the wounded
or those already engaged or the disarmed, and sparing those who
surrendered".
It is in foreign policy that we find the culmination of the Indian
genius for systematic exposition, the principles being those of Machiavellis.
Policy was not large aims ; the mainspring is the rivalry of kings and the
much applauded desire for glory and imperial rule. Already we find
worked out in pedantic detail the not unreasonable principle that the
neighbouring state is the enemy and the alternate one the ally. The varying
circumstances decide in which of the six guņas, or situations, the monarch
finds himself, whether aggressor, defender, or tertius gaudens, and to which
of the four expedients, war, conciliation, bribery, or dissension, he must
have recourse. Here the arts of treachery and overreaching attain a cli-
max ; even in war there is a whole science of sowing suspicion among allies,
treason in armies, disaffection or revolt in kingdoms (Manu, VII, 190
sqq, ; 11h. xii, 103).
of the polity which we have outlined, the only polity approved by
Indian science, the keystone was the sovereign. Even in the Vedic age the
prevailing system was monarchical. Nevertheless the Vedas afford evi-
dence of tribes in which the chief authority was exercised by a family, or
even, as in the case of the German nations described in the work of
Tacitus, by a whole body of nobles, who are actually designated kings? .
1 Arth. 36 ; Hopkins, op. cit. p. 178 n. , pp. 293-4 and nn.
2 Arth. 168.
3 Arth. 153-7 ; Mbh. XII, 99, 8.
4 Manu, VIT, 90 sqq. ; Mbh. XII, 95,6 sqq. ; Hopkins, op. cit. pp. 227 sqq.
5 Arth. 98 sqq. ; Manu, VII, 155 sqq. ; Formichi, Gl Indiani e la loro scienza
Politica, pp. 89 sqq.
6 Zimmer, Attindisches Leben, pp. 162 sqq.
7 Rhys Davids Buddhist India, pp. 1 sqq. : Jayaswal, An Introduction to Hindu
Polity. pp. 3 sqq.
a
## p. 443 (#481) ############################################
XIX]
POLITY
443
of such ruling oligarchies the age of Buddha furnishes, as is well known, a
number of examples ; such were the Mallas of Kusinārā and the Licchavis
of Vesāli. To these oligarchical communities the growth of the great
kingdoms proved destructive : at the time of Alexander's invasion they had
largely disappeared from eastern Hindustān, and in the Punjab also Porus
was working for their subjugation! The Arthaçāstra (Chaps. 160-1) has
even a policy of compassing their overthrow by internal dissension. Never
theless, a number of them survived through and after the Maurya empire”,
and one of them, that of the Mālavas, handed down to later India its first
persistent era, the so-called Vikrama era, which is still the common era of
northern India.
In the monarchies the king controls the whole administration, and
by his spies3 keeps watch upon every part of it. He is recommended to
check his officials by division and frequent change of functions. Never-
theless, the Indian king is no sultan with the sole obligation of satisfying
his personal caprice. The origin of royalty is the growth of wickedness
and the necessity of chastisement, the virtue of which the Indian writers
celebrate with a real enthusiasm. It is as guardian of the social (includ-
ing domestic and religious) order and defence against anarchical oppression
that the king is entitled to his revenue ; failing to perform this duty, he
takes upon himself a corresponding share of the national sin. Educated
in these precepts among a moralising people, he would have been more
than human had he escaped the obsession of this conception of his duties.
Hence we not seldom hear on royal, as well as on priestly, lips the expres-
sion that the king should be the father of his people. ?
His education is in philosophy, Vedic lore, business, and the science
of polity* : he is also to receive the ordinary instruction in mathematics
and literature! . He must attain to complete control of his passions by
consideration of the errors of famous men in the past. He must never be
off his guard or lacking in force. 10
His occupations are mapped out with a minuteness which in the litera-
ture is a subject of humorous comment11 The day and the night are divided
Jayaswal, op. cit. pp. 1-7
2 See Chapter XXI.
3 Class . fied in Arth. 8-9
4 Ibid. 22 (p. 57), 27 (p. 70),
5 Mbh. XII, 59 and 121-2 ; Manu, VII, 14 sqq. ; Hopkins, op. cit. pp. 135 sqq.
6 Cf. Hopkins, op. cit. p. 87.
? Ibid. pp. 113 sqq. ; Manu, VII, 80.
8 Arth. 1; Manu, VII, 43.
9 The king Khāravela of Kaliàga is educated in writing, arithmetic, law, and all
sciences, Cf. Arth. 2 and Hopkins, op. cit. pp. 108 sqq.
10 Energy uttana, 'alertness' (Hopkins, op. cit. p. 125), is the favourite word.
11 See also chapter XVI, p 373 Arth. 16 ; Manu, VII, 145 sqq. , 217 sqq.
Hopkins, op. cit. pp. 129 sqq. ; Formichi, op. cit. pp. 65 sqq. For the humorous;
comment see Daçakumāracharita, VII, sub. init.
1
## p. 444 (#482) ############################################
444
[CH.
THE MAURYA EMPIRE
by sundial or water-clock each into eight portions. Aroused by music at
the end of the sixth nocturnal hour, he receives the salutations of his
Purohita and others, and interviews the doctors and kitchen officials : then
he reflects upon the principles of polity and forms his plans, after which
he sends out his secret emissaries, and hears reports of his military and
financial advisers. Next comes the hour for appearing in the Audience
Hall or in the Law Courts', and considering the affairs of the public, which
has free admission. After this the king retires for his bath and repast ;
and this is also the time for religious devotions. The interval passed, he
receives those who bring gifts, interviews his inspectors, corresponds by
letters with his ministers, and makes plans of espionage. The sixth hour
having now arrived, he takes his ease and reconsiders bis policy. In the
seventh and eighth hours, the cool of the day, he inspects his horses,
elephants, and arsenal, and consults with the Commander-in-Chief: at
sunset he performs the usual religious ceremony. The first hour of night
brings in the reports of spies. Then come the second bath and meal, followed
by religious meditation. To the sound of music His Majesty retires for rest.
The palaceis a walled building, with the women's apartments gardens
and tanks in the rear. In front of these is the innermost court, where the
king on awakening is saluted by the various domestic officials, and, accord-
ing to Aelian (xli, 22) also by an elephant. The next is the station of a
sham body-guard of dwarfs, hunchbacks, wild men, etc ; while the outer-
most of all, communicating with the exterior, is occupied by an armed
retinue, and by ministers and connexions.
Everything bespeaks precaution. The structure of the palce itself
includes mazes, secret and underground passages, hollow pillars, hidden
staircases, collapsible floors. Against fire, poisonous animals, and other
poisons there is diverse provision, including trees which snakes avoid,
parrots and çaţikā birds which cry out on seeing a serpent, other birds
which are variously affected by the sight of poison. Everyone has his own
apartments, and none of the interior officials are allowed to communicate
with the outside. The women are carefully watched by attendants, male
and female ; not even their relatives are admitted to them, except in time
of childbirth or illness. All employees coming from without, such as
nautch women, undergo bath and massage and change their dress before
admission. Material objects, as they pass in and out, are placed on record
and under seal. According to Megasthenes (xxvII,15), the king changes
his apartment every night.
The kitchen is in a secret place, and there is a multitude of tasters.
The signs of poison in the viands and in the demeanour of the persons are
carefully noted. Medicaments must pass similar tests. The instruments
1 Megasth. XXVII, 16
2 Arth, 17-18.
>
## p. 445 (#483) ############################################
XIX]
THE PALACE
445
of the shampooer and others must be handled by the body-guard,
and the persons themselves bathed, etc. : articles of ornament and apparel
are inspected by female slaves; cosmetics, etc. , are first tried on those who
apply them. If actors are admitted, the orchestra and others appurten-
ances separate them from the spectator. The King rides or drives in the
company of high officials. When he embarks upon a ship, the same is
the case ; no other vessel must be near, and troops are stationed on the
shore. Similar precautions attend the hunt Foreign emissaries received in
durbar, and the king inspects his troops armed and mounted on elephant or
horse.
In his progresses the roads are lined on both sides by police who
keep away all armed persons, ascetics, and cripples ; he never enters a
crowd? Should he take part in a procession, banquet, festival, or wed-
ding, is in full retinue.
The question of grown-up princes - that problem of polygamous
sovereignties-receives careful consideration: for princes, like crabs, devour
their parents’. Shall they be kept at hand, or aloof? if the latter, shall it
be in a specified locality, in a frontier fort, in a foreign country, in rustic
seclusion ? or finally, shall they be put out of the way ? In any case, they
are to be under surveillance, and at need betrayed by agents-provocateurs.
The good son is to be made Commander-in-Chief or Heir Apparent, and
in general the eldest is to be preferred. But a single son, if misbehaving,
must by some expedient be replaced. The Arthaçāstra even contemplates
a joint-family sovereignty, as exempt from the difficulties attending
succession?
It would seem that the states contemplated by the Indian science of
Polity are of moderate extent. With the great empires, and in particular
with that of the Mauryas, comes in the institution of Viceroys, or uparājas“,
for example at Ujjain and Taxila. It has been suggested that it was the
Alexandrian invasion that gave the impetus to the foundation of a single
sovereignty embracing the greater part of India. This is sufficiently refuted
by the facts : and indeed the conception of a Universal Emperor is quite
familiar in the Vedic period: we may even believe that the conception was
brought into India by the Aryans, who must have known of the great
Mesopotamian powers. If we must seek for any foreign influence in
.
Maurya times, we should think rather of the Achaemenids, whose domi-
nions extended to the Indus. As is well known (v. sup. p. 432), the architecture
of the period, and also the style of Açoka's edicts show definite traces of
Persian influence ; and the expressions the king's eye' and the king's
ear', occurring in the Arthaçāstra (pp. 175 and 328), seem to furnish
literary indications pointing in the same direction.
1 Arth. 18 (p. 45).
2 Ibid. 13-4.
3 Ibid. 14; cf. Hopkins, op. cit. p. 139 n.
4 Cf. Fick, op. cit. p. 86.
:
## p. 446 (#484) ############################################
CHAPTER XX
AÇOKA, THE IMPERIAL PATRON OF BUDDHISM
The son and successor of Chandragupta is in Buddhist literature
known as Bindusāra, whereas the Purāņas give the name Nandasāra or
Bhadra sāra: in such a matter the Buddhist testimony would have superior
authority. The Greek; use instead of the name a title, Amitrochates=
Sanskrit Amitraghāta, 'slayer of the foe', a form which is quoted, perhaps
with reference to this king, in the grammatical work of Patañjali'.
From Greek sources we learn concerning Bindusāra only that he
was in communication with Seleucus Nicator, from whom he received an
envoy named Daïmachus and solicited the purchase of sweetwine, figs, and
a philosopher, the last named being refused on the ground that the sale of
a sophist was not in accordance with Greeka. The second Ptolemy,
Philadelphus, also dispatched a representative, Dionysius, whose memoirs
are unfortunately not preserved.
The Purāņas attribue to Bindusāra a reign of twenty-five years, the
Pāli books one of twenty-seven or twenty-eight. Whether he earned, or
merely assumed, his soubriquet, we do not learn; but it is clear that he
maintained intact the dominions inherited from Chandragupta. He had
to deal with disaffection in Taxila, a city which was also to give trouble
to his successor. It was allayed by the despatch of that destined successor,
his son Açoka.
The events and occurrences of the life of Açoka, as we know them
from the sole trustworthy source, namely his own inscriptions, are as
follows. In the ninth year after his coronation he effected the conquest of
the Kalinga country, i. e. Orissa with the Ganjām District of Madras. The
slaughter and suffering which attended the conquest produced upon his mind
such an impression that it proved the turning-point in his career. He joined
the Buddhist order as a lay disciple, and thus subjected himself to the influence
Mahābhāshya, III, 2,88. For 'Aultpor. dons (Athenaeis XIV, 67) Strabo has
Αλλιτορκάδως.
2 See Chapter XVII, p. 389.
3 Açokāvadāna (= Divyavadāna, XXVI) pp. 371 f.
446
## p. 447 (#485) ############################################
LIFE OF AÇOK A
447
3
of ideas of which he was destined to be one of the greatest propa-
gators. His active devotion to that faith began, however, two and a
half years later, about the end of the eleventh year from his coronation,
when he became a member of the Sangha, or order of monks, and in that
capacity travelled from place to place, like the wandering Buddhist and Jain
brothers displaying energy, as he phrases it? This energy took the
form of visits and gifts to Brāhmans, ascetics, and old people, instructions
and discussions relating to the Buddhist Dharma, or religious rules
and principles. At the end of this tour, which he claims to have had
important results, not however very clearly indicated, he issued the first of
his religious proclamations, an exhortation to his officials to adopt the
like principle of energetic action; and he also orders that his missive should
cverywhere be engraved upon rocks and on stone pillars, where such
existed. The practice of carviny Buddhist sentiments in this manner
on conspicuous objects was afterwards to receive a very wide extension, as
is still visible in Tibet, in Central Asia, in China, and throughout the
Buddhist world. During the following two years, the thirteenth and
fourteenth, Açoka's activity must have been at its height. He issued
no fewer than sixteen missives, of which fourteen are found engraved,
is one corpus, in places as far distant as the extremities of his empire, at
Girnār in Kāthiāwār, at Mansehra and Shābhāzgarhi in the Punjab,
and twelve of the same with two others at Dhauli and Jaugada in Orissa. ?
In these records, which seem to have been engraved in his fourteenth year,
Açoka gives an account of the administrative and other measures which he
had adopted. He had been active in causing wells to be dug by the
roads, in providing medical aid for men and animals (perhaps a reference to
animal hospitals, now known as Panjroles), and in propagating medical or
useful plants ; and this not only in his own dominions, but in those
of the neighbouring, independent and quasi-independent states of South
India and the north-west frontier, nay, even as far as the Greek kingdom of
Antiochus and beyond. Then he had made regulations restricting
the slaughter of animals for food and especially on occasions of festivals
and public shows. He had issued eloquent appeals for kindness and con-
sideration in family relationships, in dealings with Brāhmanas and teachers,
in the mutual attitudes of different sects ; further, he had denounced
what he regarded as excess of profitless (i. e. Brāhman) ceremony in public
and private life and had inculcated economy, earnestness, and mutual
exhortation. For the gay progresses of his predecessor on their hunting
and holiday excursions (see Chapter xvi, pp. 373-75) he had substituted
1 Edict of Sahasram, etc.
2 The Orissa versions omit nos. XI-XIII of the other groups and append two
special ones.
## p. 448 (#486) ############################################
448
[CH
AÇOK A
edifying spectacles and pious conferences; and he had arranged that he
should himself always, even in his most private hours, be accessible to
urgent calls—serious inroad upon the strict apportionment of the royal
time which we have detailed above (p. 443). Finally, in his thirteenth year
he had instituted quinquennial circuits of the leading officials for the
purpose of proclaiming the moral law as well as for the discharge of their
normal functions. In the fourteenth year he appointed high officials,
entitled dharma mahāmātras, with the duty of inculcating piety, redressing
misfortune or wrong, organising charitable endowments and gifts. Some
of these officers stood in special relation to the establishments, and
benevolences, of his various relatives, and the operations of other extended
even to the foreign countries to which allusion has been made above.
The next objects of Açoka's solicitude were the unsubdued frontier
peoples, and persons in the provinces who had incurred penalties, concern-
ing whom we have the two edicts addressed to his officers at Dhauli and
Jaugada in the Kalinga country. Towards both classes he expresses a
paternal regard :- he is anxious to win the confidence of the borderers ; and,
as regards imprisoned persons he solemnly exhorts his officials to make
justice, patience, and forbearance the principles of their action. At the
same time he gives instruction for the periodical public recitation of these
admonitions, and repeats, for the benefit of the Kalinga officials, bis inten-
tion of instituting quinquennial circuits. His sons, the Viceroys in Taxila
and Ujjain, would follow a similar practice at intervals of three years.
The ensuing period of about twelve years has left little record in
documents emanating from the emperor himself. But we may plausibly
conjecture that Açoka now entered upon that course of religious foundations
which has given him his unique reputation as a builder of Buddhist shrines.
Eighty-four thousand religious edifices - a conventional high number in
India - are ascribed to him, the chief sites being the places famed as having
been visited by Buddha ; and he is said to have redistributed among them
the relics of Buddha, which were originally portioned between eight
favoured cities. The actual records are not at variance with such a
supposition. We know that in his thirteenth, and again in his twentieth,
year he dedicated cave-dwellings in the Barābar hills for the use of monks
of the Ājivika sect. In his fifteenth year he enlarged the stupa of the
Buddha Kanakaumani, not far from Kapilavastu; and during the twenty-
first year he personally visited this site and that of Buddha's own birth-
place, the garden of Lumbini, setting up commemorative pillars and in the
latter case granting a remission of taxation. In this period would also fall
the inscriptions which attest his growing attachment to the Buddbist order
## p. 449 (#487) ############################################
xx]
BENEVOLENT INSTITUTIONS
449
and doctrine, that which ordains ecclesiastical penalties for schism', and
the address to the community of monks, which among the sayings of
Buddha, containing nothing that has not been well said, selects certain
passages as pre-eminently suited for instruction and meditation”.
At this point we should doubtless interpolate a series of events which
were of high importance for the spread of Buddhism, and which, though
not mentioned by the emperor himself, are among all the legendary matter
that has gathered round his name the portion best entitled to credence.
It is in the nineteenth year from Açoka's coronation, the twenty-first
according to a proposed chronological emendation, that the Mahāvamsa, the
Pāli history of Buddhism in India and Ceylon, places the Third Council, held
under the emperor's patronage in the Açokārāma at Pāțaliputra. The Council,
occasioned by sectarian differences among the Buddhist confession, of which
as many as eighteen divisions are named, was held under the presidency of
a famous monk, named Moggaliputta Tissa, to be distinguished from
another Tissa mentioned in the same accounts as brother and viceroy of
Açoka : in the northern texts he is called Upagupta. It deliberated during
a period of nine months ; and its ultimate decision is stated to have been
;
in favour of the school of the Sthaviras, which afterwards prevailed in
Ceylon. This remarkable gathering, though ignored by the northern
Buddhists, can hardly be a fiction : it represents the culmination of the
earlier form of Buddhism, which with the ensuing expansion was destined
to undergo a profound modification of spirit. The canon of authoritative
scriptures is stated to have been on this occasion definitely closed ; and in
the Kathāvatthu, composed at the time by Upagupta, we have a full record
of the divergencies of opinion which led to its convention. Its dismissal
was the signal for an organisation of the missionary activity which was
already as we have seen included in the policy of Açoka. The names of
the chief evangelisers of the different provinces are carefully preserved to
us. To Kashmir and Gandhāra was sent Madhyantika, and to the Yavana
or Greek country (Bactria ? ), Mahārakshita ; southern India, in its several
provinces, claimed the apostles Mahādeva (Mahishamandala), Rakshita
(Vanavāsa), Dharmarakshita a Yavana (Aparāntaka), and Mahādhar-
marakshita (Mahārāshtra) ; Majjhima proceeded to the Himālaya regions,
and the fraternal pair Soņa and Uttara, linked by the common vicissitudes
of more than a single existence, to Suvarnabhūmi, or a part of further India.
That these are no mere legendary names we are permitted to know from
some of the earliest surviving monuments of Buddhism the stūpas of
Sānchï, dating from the second, or first, century B. C. , where relies of some
of them have actually come to light3. But their fame has been eclipsed by
1 Edict of Sārnāth, Kaucāmbi and Sānchi. 2 Edict of Bhābrā.
3 See Cunningham, Bhilsa Topes, pp. 285 sqq. ; Maisey, Sānchi, pp. 108-115 ; Fleet
J. R. A. S. , 1910, pp. 425 f. For the stūpas of Sānchi see Chapter XXVI.
a
>
## p. 450 (#488) ############################################
450
[CH.
AÇOKA
that of the saints entrusted with the conversion of Ceylon, who are
said to have been no other than Açoka's own children, his son the monk
Mahendra and his daughter the nun Sanghamitrād. Accompanied by the stha-
viras Rishtriya, Utriya, Çambala, and Bhadrasāra, they received a becoming
welcome from the king of Ceylon, Devānāmpiya Tissa, who with his people
was ultimately converted, and founded in honour of the evangelists the
Great Vihāra, thenceforward the headquarters of Singhalese Buddhism.
The special history of the island falls outside the scope of this chapter :
the mission of the princely pair was treasured in the memory of Indian
Buddhism ; and its dispatch has been supposed to be depicted in a fresco
on a wall in one of the caves of Ajanta.
We now return to Açoka's own rescripts, the concluding group of
seven edicts, which are found inscribed upon pillars, the whole number at
Delhi and six of them also at other spots in the central regions of
Hindustān. They belong to the twenty-seventh and following year from
the coronation. In tenor they open out no new courses of action, but
repeat and continue the earlier principles. One of them, however, which
will be textually introduced below (pp. 459-60), has an especial interest, as
a recapitulation of the aims and measures of the reign.
The whole duration of Açoka's rule was, according to the concurrent
testimony of the Brāhman and Buddhist historians, 36-37 years, reckoned,
no doubt, from his accession. He himself makes mention of his brothers
and sistersø, a sufficient refutation of the legend that at his accession he
began his reign by putting to death all the hundred other sons of Bindusāra,
His elder brother, known in northern literature as Susïma, and in Pāli
books as Sumana, doubtless did incur the fate of a vanquished rival : and
it is to the son of Susima, by name Nigrodha, that the king's conversion
to Buddhism is ascribed. A full brother, Tissa, plays a considerable part
in the Pāli story. He is said to have been for a time viceroy, and to have
joined the Buddhist order, along with Agni-Brahmā, husband of
-
Sanghamitrā, in the fourth year after Açoka's coronation. A Chief Queen
and her sons, no doubt the princes referred to as viceroys in Taxila and
Ujjain, are mentioned in the edicts, as also are the second queen Kāruvāki
and her son Tivara. The Chief Queen, in the Ceylon records named
Asandhimitrā, may possibly have been the heroine of Açoka's youthful
romance as Viceroy of Ujjain, the lovely maiden named Devi, of
Vedisā (Vidiça, the modern Bhilsa), mother of Mahendra and Sangha-
1 On these relationships v. inf. p. 451.
2 Griffiths, Pll. 94, 95. For the history of Ceylon see Chapter XXV.
3 Rock Edict v.
4 According to the story Nigrodha was at the time about seven years o! d ! The
date is, of course, irreconcilable with the edicts.
5 Pillar Edict VII.
a
## p. 451 (#489) ############################################
xx
FOUNDATION OF SHRINES AND CITIES
451
>
mitrāl. Another romanee is connected with the name of Tishyara-
kshitā, represented as an attendant upon Asandhimitrā and Chief Queen
of Açoka's later years, who, enacting the part of Potiphar's wife, is
stated to have occasioned the blinding of the emperor's eldest son and
heir, Kuņāla, Viceroy of Taxila, and in a still later legend founder of the
Buddhist dynasty of Khotan in Chinese Turkestān. The jealousy of
Tishyarakshitā is said to have been aroused also by Açoka's devotion to
the sacred Banyan tree at Gayā, under which the son of Çuddhodana
had attained to Perfect Enlightenment. And thus on the Sanchi stūpa,
where we find carved the propitiatory procession to the tree, by which the
threatened mischief was appeased”, we have an actual first or second
century represenation in art, though by no means a portrait, of the great
propagator of the Buddhist faith and morals and the imperially lavish
founder of its shrines.
Açoka's activity in this latter respect is not proportionally evidenced
by existing monuments. When the Chinese pilgrims refer, as they con-
stantly do, to a 'stūpa of Açoka,' we cannot in strictness understand
anything more than one of archaic style, such as are those still more or less
intact at Sanchi, or Bhārhut or figured on their sculptures and elsewhere,
nor are we allowed to ascribe en bloc to the emperor himself the pillars at
Delhi, Allahābād, Sārnāth, Rāmpūrvā and other places, on which his edicts
are found inscribed ; he himself forbids this, when he orders his edicts to be
engraven on pillars, where such should be found3.
The only works of this
nature particularised by him in the edicts relating to the places in question
are the double enlargement of the stūpa of Koṇāgamana at Nigliva, the
pillar erected at the same place and that at the Lumbuni garden : the cave-
dwellings assigned to the Ājivika monks in the Barābar hills are not
expressly stated to have been constructed by Açoka's orders.
have added the stone railing round the Bodhi-tree, whieh
to be figured on the stūpa of Sānch, we have completed the list
1 Mahendra is said to have been twenty years of age, and Sanghamitrā eighteen,
at the time of their ordination. As the former was born fourteen years before the
coronation, this brings us to the year after that event, which is again hardly to be
reconciled with the edicts. It was for Mahendra, who was ordained by Moggaliputta
Tissa and who afterwards succeeded the later as head of his followers, that Açoka built
the Açokārāma at Pāțaliputa. As well as known, Mahendra is in the northern stories
made the brother, and not the son, of Açoka, probably through confusion with Tissa
A son of Sanghamitrā, Sumana, by name, also became a monk. Of a daughter of Açoka,'
by name Chārumati, a Nepal legend will be mentioned below.
2 Foucher, The Beginn'ngs of Buddhist Art. pp. 108-9. See also Chapter XXVI,
Pl. XXII, 60.
3 Edict of Sahasrām etc. (the earlist edict). Pillars set up by Açoka's own orders
are mentioned in Pillar Edict VII (quoted in full inf. p. 459). In other cases style and
archaeological considerations must decide.
When we
seems
## p. 452 (#490) ############################################
452
(ch.
AÇOKA
of what can certainly be ascribed to him. But, no doubt, the remains of
that palace, the Açokārāma, the Kukkutārāma, and other erections at
Pātaliputra may de plausibly claime 1 for him! ; and we may also mention
the completion on his behalf, by the Yavana king Tushāspha, of the
Sudarçana tank in Junāgrah, which had been begun by his grandfather
Chandragupta”. For the rest we must be content to believe that the great
reputation which he enjoyed in this respect had a solid foundation.
Two famous cities in frontier countries have a traditional claim to
Açoka as founder, The former is Çrinagar, the capital of Kashmir,
embracing the site of the old Crinagari, which is connected with his name?
In Nepāl the ancient city of Deo. Pātan (Deva-pattana) and the adjacent
village of Chabāhil are associated with a visit of Açoka accompanied by a
daughter Chārumati and her Kshatriya husband Devapāla'. The two latter
are said to have remained in the country and to bave built respectively a
nunnery and a monastery, the latter left unfinished by its founder. The legend
- for such it is-derives some support from the archaic style of the
four neighbouring stupas ascribed to Açoka.
The name Açoka occurs in only one of the known inscriptions".
Elsewhere the emperor employes (in conjunction with rājā‘king') the official
titles derānam priya 'dear to the gods, and priyadarçana, ‘of friendly
mien. ' The founder style - which in later ages the popular grumbling, so
humorously common in India, as in other countries, diverted to the sense of
'fool'- is known to have been employed by contemporary kings in Ceylon,
and by Açoka's grandson (or still more remote descendant) Daçaratha, so
that it was probably normal; indeed Açoka himself once uses the plural in
the sense particularly of kings. ' Priyadarçin also, which has been well ren-
dered 'gracious,' may represent a customary view that the king should wear
‘a mild' pleasant, and composed aspect 6. But it is certainly quite possible, as
M. Senart suggests? , that it was adopted by Açoka at his ordination name.
The chronology of the reign is fixed within wide limits by the mention
in the thirteenth Rock Edict of the Yona King Antiochus and beyond that
Antiochus to where dwell the four kings severally named Ptolemy
(Philadelphus of Egypt 285-247 B. C. ) Antigonus (Gonatas of Macedon,
278-239), Magas (of Cyrene, died 258), and Alexander (of Epirus, 272-258? )"
1 Waddell, Report on the Excavations at Pāļaliputra (Patna), Calcutta. 1903.
2 Ep. Ind. VIII, pp. 46-7.
3 Rājatarangiņi, translation of Sir M. A. Stein, I, II.
## p. 441 (#479) ############################################
XIX)
THE MILITARY
441
subject to a sovereign or independent (δημοκρατουμένη, αυτόνομος
as according to Megasthens most of them had at one time been). We
may think of the difference between a royal borough and free town in our
own middle ages.
Coming now to the military, we find that the native Indian accounts
present a view of the case rather less simple than does Megasthenese.
According to these accounts the military might consist of troops
of different kinds, namely hereditary or feudatory troops, hired troops.
gild levies, and forest tribes. In the first named, which were regarded as
the most trustworthy, we may doubtless recognise the old Kshatriya
division of society, connected by caste, and ultimately by race, with
the king himself, such as in later times we find them in the quasi-feudal
states of Rajputāna. In the second class also the Kshatriya element
would probably predominate, though here there would be, no doubt,
a career for any bold adventure with a strong arm and a soldierly bent.
As concerns the gild troops, which are plainly regarded as having a
chiefly defensive character', there is some room for doubt: were they
merely the ordinary trade gilds, as an organisation for calling out the
people for service in time of invasion, a sort of militia or landwehr ?
Or were they quasi-military corporations, such as the modern Bțiñjāras,
whose business was to supply merchants and others with armed protection
of a quasi-professional character ? While refraining from a decisive
pronunciation, we cannot but incline in the circumstances to the former
alternative, for which the gilds of medieval Europe supply a fair analogy,
and which is supported by the defensive character of the force.
case the gild troops were regarded as in military value inferior to the
men-at-arms. The forest tribes, employed like the Red Indians in the
French and English wars of North America, or like other untrained
auxiliaries in the armies of Greece and Rome, were destined for the
service of distracting or detaining the enemy rather than for the actual
crises of campaigns.
The main divisions of the army were the elephant corps, the cavalry,
and the foot : to which should be added the foragers and camp-followers.
There was a scientific distinction of vanguard, centre, rear, wings, reserve,
and camp, with elaborate discussions of formations on the niarch and
in battle, attack and defence, and the value and employment of the
several arms'. Equipment was in considerable variety, including fixed and
1 I. 32 ; XXXII, 4 ; XXXIV, 7.
2 See Chapter XVI, p 368.
3 Arth. 137 ; Hopkins, op. cit. pp. 185 sqq.
4 They are for ‘short expeditions' and less quickly assembled (Arth. pp. 341 and
346); cf. Hopkins, op. cit. p. 94 ; Manu, VIII, 41.
5 On these see Arth. 160 (p. 376).
6 Arth. 12 (p. 31) ; Mbh. XII, 59, 48.
7 Arth. 107 sqq. ; Manu, VII, 187 sqq. ; Hopkins, op. cit. pp. 191 sqq. , 201 sqq.
>
In any
## p. 442 (#480) ############################################
442
(CH.
THE MAURYA EMPIRE
were
не
mobile engines, such as 'hundred-slayers''. Such instruments were, of
course, familiar even to the early nations of Mesopotamia, as
also the construction and siege of forts. The Indian forts were, as
have seen, systematically designed, with ditches, ramparts, battlements,
covered ways, portcullises, and water-gates ; and in the assault the
arts of mining, countermining, flooding mines were employed no less than
the devices of diplomacy. In short, the Indians possessed the art of
war. If all their science failed them against Alexander, and against
subsequent invaders, we may conjecture, in accordance with other aspects
of Indian thought, the reason that there was too much of it. In the
formation adopted by Porus, the elephants and chariots in front and the
infantry in the rear, we may perhaps detect an agreement with the precepts
of the books. As regards the ethics of fighting, the Greeks received
an impression of something not unchivalrous ; and here too we may
recall the written precepts as to fair fighting, not attacking the wounded
or those already engaged or the disarmed, and sparing those who
surrendered".
It is in foreign policy that we find the culmination of the Indian
genius for systematic exposition, the principles being those of Machiavellis.
Policy was not large aims ; the mainspring is the rivalry of kings and the
much applauded desire for glory and imperial rule. Already we find
worked out in pedantic detail the not unreasonable principle that the
neighbouring state is the enemy and the alternate one the ally. The varying
circumstances decide in which of the six guņas, or situations, the monarch
finds himself, whether aggressor, defender, or tertius gaudens, and to which
of the four expedients, war, conciliation, bribery, or dissension, he must
have recourse. Here the arts of treachery and overreaching attain a cli-
max ; even in war there is a whole science of sowing suspicion among allies,
treason in armies, disaffection or revolt in kingdoms (Manu, VII, 190
sqq, ; 11h. xii, 103).
of the polity which we have outlined, the only polity approved by
Indian science, the keystone was the sovereign. Even in the Vedic age the
prevailing system was monarchical. Nevertheless the Vedas afford evi-
dence of tribes in which the chief authority was exercised by a family, or
even, as in the case of the German nations described in the work of
Tacitus, by a whole body of nobles, who are actually designated kings? .
1 Arth. 36 ; Hopkins, op. cit. p. 178 n. , pp. 293-4 and nn.
2 Arth. 168.
3 Arth. 153-7 ; Mbh. XII, 99, 8.
4 Manu, VIT, 90 sqq. ; Mbh. XII, 95,6 sqq. ; Hopkins, op. cit. pp. 227 sqq.
5 Arth. 98 sqq. ; Manu, VII, 155 sqq. ; Formichi, Gl Indiani e la loro scienza
Politica, pp. 89 sqq.
6 Zimmer, Attindisches Leben, pp. 162 sqq.
7 Rhys Davids Buddhist India, pp. 1 sqq. : Jayaswal, An Introduction to Hindu
Polity. pp. 3 sqq.
a
## p. 443 (#481) ############################################
XIX]
POLITY
443
of such ruling oligarchies the age of Buddha furnishes, as is well known, a
number of examples ; such were the Mallas of Kusinārā and the Licchavis
of Vesāli. To these oligarchical communities the growth of the great
kingdoms proved destructive : at the time of Alexander's invasion they had
largely disappeared from eastern Hindustān, and in the Punjab also Porus
was working for their subjugation! The Arthaçāstra (Chaps. 160-1) has
even a policy of compassing their overthrow by internal dissension. Never
theless, a number of them survived through and after the Maurya empire”,
and one of them, that of the Mālavas, handed down to later India its first
persistent era, the so-called Vikrama era, which is still the common era of
northern India.
In the monarchies the king controls the whole administration, and
by his spies3 keeps watch upon every part of it. He is recommended to
check his officials by division and frequent change of functions. Never-
theless, the Indian king is no sultan with the sole obligation of satisfying
his personal caprice. The origin of royalty is the growth of wickedness
and the necessity of chastisement, the virtue of which the Indian writers
celebrate with a real enthusiasm. It is as guardian of the social (includ-
ing domestic and religious) order and defence against anarchical oppression
that the king is entitled to his revenue ; failing to perform this duty, he
takes upon himself a corresponding share of the national sin. Educated
in these precepts among a moralising people, he would have been more
than human had he escaped the obsession of this conception of his duties.
Hence we not seldom hear on royal, as well as on priestly, lips the expres-
sion that the king should be the father of his people. ?
His education is in philosophy, Vedic lore, business, and the science
of polity* : he is also to receive the ordinary instruction in mathematics
and literature! . He must attain to complete control of his passions by
consideration of the errors of famous men in the past. He must never be
off his guard or lacking in force. 10
His occupations are mapped out with a minuteness which in the litera-
ture is a subject of humorous comment11 The day and the night are divided
Jayaswal, op. cit. pp. 1-7
2 See Chapter XXI.
3 Class . fied in Arth. 8-9
4 Ibid. 22 (p. 57), 27 (p. 70),
5 Mbh. XII, 59 and 121-2 ; Manu, VII, 14 sqq. ; Hopkins, op. cit. pp. 135 sqq.
6 Cf. Hopkins, op. cit. p. 87.
? Ibid. pp. 113 sqq. ; Manu, VII, 80.
8 Arth. 1; Manu, VII, 43.
9 The king Khāravela of Kaliàga is educated in writing, arithmetic, law, and all
sciences, Cf. Arth. 2 and Hopkins, op. cit. pp. 108 sqq.
10 Energy uttana, 'alertness' (Hopkins, op. cit. p. 125), is the favourite word.
11 See also chapter XVI, p 373 Arth. 16 ; Manu, VII, 145 sqq. , 217 sqq.
Hopkins, op. cit. pp. 129 sqq. ; Formichi, op. cit. pp. 65 sqq. For the humorous;
comment see Daçakumāracharita, VII, sub. init.
1
## p. 444 (#482) ############################################
444
[CH.
THE MAURYA EMPIRE
by sundial or water-clock each into eight portions. Aroused by music at
the end of the sixth nocturnal hour, he receives the salutations of his
Purohita and others, and interviews the doctors and kitchen officials : then
he reflects upon the principles of polity and forms his plans, after which
he sends out his secret emissaries, and hears reports of his military and
financial advisers. Next comes the hour for appearing in the Audience
Hall or in the Law Courts', and considering the affairs of the public, which
has free admission. After this the king retires for his bath and repast ;
and this is also the time for religious devotions. The interval passed, he
receives those who bring gifts, interviews his inspectors, corresponds by
letters with his ministers, and makes plans of espionage. The sixth hour
having now arrived, he takes his ease and reconsiders bis policy. In the
seventh and eighth hours, the cool of the day, he inspects his horses,
elephants, and arsenal, and consults with the Commander-in-Chief: at
sunset he performs the usual religious ceremony. The first hour of night
brings in the reports of spies. Then come the second bath and meal, followed
by religious meditation. To the sound of music His Majesty retires for rest.
The palaceis a walled building, with the women's apartments gardens
and tanks in the rear. In front of these is the innermost court, where the
king on awakening is saluted by the various domestic officials, and, accord-
ing to Aelian (xli, 22) also by an elephant. The next is the station of a
sham body-guard of dwarfs, hunchbacks, wild men, etc ; while the outer-
most of all, communicating with the exterior, is occupied by an armed
retinue, and by ministers and connexions.
Everything bespeaks precaution. The structure of the palce itself
includes mazes, secret and underground passages, hollow pillars, hidden
staircases, collapsible floors. Against fire, poisonous animals, and other
poisons there is diverse provision, including trees which snakes avoid,
parrots and çaţikā birds which cry out on seeing a serpent, other birds
which are variously affected by the sight of poison. Everyone has his own
apartments, and none of the interior officials are allowed to communicate
with the outside. The women are carefully watched by attendants, male
and female ; not even their relatives are admitted to them, except in time
of childbirth or illness. All employees coming from without, such as
nautch women, undergo bath and massage and change their dress before
admission. Material objects, as they pass in and out, are placed on record
and under seal. According to Megasthenes (xxvII,15), the king changes
his apartment every night.
The kitchen is in a secret place, and there is a multitude of tasters.
The signs of poison in the viands and in the demeanour of the persons are
carefully noted. Medicaments must pass similar tests. The instruments
1 Megasth. XXVII, 16
2 Arth, 17-18.
>
## p. 445 (#483) ############################################
XIX]
THE PALACE
445
of the shampooer and others must be handled by the body-guard,
and the persons themselves bathed, etc. : articles of ornament and apparel
are inspected by female slaves; cosmetics, etc. , are first tried on those who
apply them. If actors are admitted, the orchestra and others appurten-
ances separate them from the spectator. The King rides or drives in the
company of high officials. When he embarks upon a ship, the same is
the case ; no other vessel must be near, and troops are stationed on the
shore. Similar precautions attend the hunt Foreign emissaries received in
durbar, and the king inspects his troops armed and mounted on elephant or
horse.
In his progresses the roads are lined on both sides by police who
keep away all armed persons, ascetics, and cripples ; he never enters a
crowd? Should he take part in a procession, banquet, festival, or wed-
ding, is in full retinue.
The question of grown-up princes - that problem of polygamous
sovereignties-receives careful consideration: for princes, like crabs, devour
their parents’. Shall they be kept at hand, or aloof? if the latter, shall it
be in a specified locality, in a frontier fort, in a foreign country, in rustic
seclusion ? or finally, shall they be put out of the way ? In any case, they
are to be under surveillance, and at need betrayed by agents-provocateurs.
The good son is to be made Commander-in-Chief or Heir Apparent, and
in general the eldest is to be preferred. But a single son, if misbehaving,
must by some expedient be replaced. The Arthaçāstra even contemplates
a joint-family sovereignty, as exempt from the difficulties attending
succession?
It would seem that the states contemplated by the Indian science of
Polity are of moderate extent. With the great empires, and in particular
with that of the Mauryas, comes in the institution of Viceroys, or uparājas“,
for example at Ujjain and Taxila. It has been suggested that it was the
Alexandrian invasion that gave the impetus to the foundation of a single
sovereignty embracing the greater part of India. This is sufficiently refuted
by the facts : and indeed the conception of a Universal Emperor is quite
familiar in the Vedic period: we may even believe that the conception was
brought into India by the Aryans, who must have known of the great
Mesopotamian powers. If we must seek for any foreign influence in
.
Maurya times, we should think rather of the Achaemenids, whose domi-
nions extended to the Indus. As is well known (v. sup. p. 432), the architecture
of the period, and also the style of Açoka's edicts show definite traces of
Persian influence ; and the expressions the king's eye' and the king's
ear', occurring in the Arthaçāstra (pp. 175 and 328), seem to furnish
literary indications pointing in the same direction.
1 Arth. 18 (p. 45).
2 Ibid. 13-4.
3 Ibid. 14; cf. Hopkins, op. cit. p. 139 n.
4 Cf. Fick, op. cit. p. 86.
:
## p. 446 (#484) ############################################
CHAPTER XX
AÇOKA, THE IMPERIAL PATRON OF BUDDHISM
The son and successor of Chandragupta is in Buddhist literature
known as Bindusāra, whereas the Purāņas give the name Nandasāra or
Bhadra sāra: in such a matter the Buddhist testimony would have superior
authority. The Greek; use instead of the name a title, Amitrochates=
Sanskrit Amitraghāta, 'slayer of the foe', a form which is quoted, perhaps
with reference to this king, in the grammatical work of Patañjali'.
From Greek sources we learn concerning Bindusāra only that he
was in communication with Seleucus Nicator, from whom he received an
envoy named Daïmachus and solicited the purchase of sweetwine, figs, and
a philosopher, the last named being refused on the ground that the sale of
a sophist was not in accordance with Greeka. The second Ptolemy,
Philadelphus, also dispatched a representative, Dionysius, whose memoirs
are unfortunately not preserved.
The Purāņas attribue to Bindusāra a reign of twenty-five years, the
Pāli books one of twenty-seven or twenty-eight. Whether he earned, or
merely assumed, his soubriquet, we do not learn; but it is clear that he
maintained intact the dominions inherited from Chandragupta. He had
to deal with disaffection in Taxila, a city which was also to give trouble
to his successor. It was allayed by the despatch of that destined successor,
his son Açoka.
The events and occurrences of the life of Açoka, as we know them
from the sole trustworthy source, namely his own inscriptions, are as
follows. In the ninth year after his coronation he effected the conquest of
the Kalinga country, i. e. Orissa with the Ganjām District of Madras. The
slaughter and suffering which attended the conquest produced upon his mind
such an impression that it proved the turning-point in his career. He joined
the Buddhist order as a lay disciple, and thus subjected himself to the influence
Mahābhāshya, III, 2,88. For 'Aultpor. dons (Athenaeis XIV, 67) Strabo has
Αλλιτορκάδως.
2 See Chapter XVII, p. 389.
3 Açokāvadāna (= Divyavadāna, XXVI) pp. 371 f.
446
## p. 447 (#485) ############################################
LIFE OF AÇOK A
447
3
of ideas of which he was destined to be one of the greatest propa-
gators. His active devotion to that faith began, however, two and a
half years later, about the end of the eleventh year from his coronation,
when he became a member of the Sangha, or order of monks, and in that
capacity travelled from place to place, like the wandering Buddhist and Jain
brothers displaying energy, as he phrases it? This energy took the
form of visits and gifts to Brāhmans, ascetics, and old people, instructions
and discussions relating to the Buddhist Dharma, or religious rules
and principles. At the end of this tour, which he claims to have had
important results, not however very clearly indicated, he issued the first of
his religious proclamations, an exhortation to his officials to adopt the
like principle of energetic action; and he also orders that his missive should
cverywhere be engraved upon rocks and on stone pillars, where such
existed. The practice of carviny Buddhist sentiments in this manner
on conspicuous objects was afterwards to receive a very wide extension, as
is still visible in Tibet, in Central Asia, in China, and throughout the
Buddhist world. During the following two years, the thirteenth and
fourteenth, Açoka's activity must have been at its height. He issued
no fewer than sixteen missives, of which fourteen are found engraved,
is one corpus, in places as far distant as the extremities of his empire, at
Girnār in Kāthiāwār, at Mansehra and Shābhāzgarhi in the Punjab,
and twelve of the same with two others at Dhauli and Jaugada in Orissa. ?
In these records, which seem to have been engraved in his fourteenth year,
Açoka gives an account of the administrative and other measures which he
had adopted. He had been active in causing wells to be dug by the
roads, in providing medical aid for men and animals (perhaps a reference to
animal hospitals, now known as Panjroles), and in propagating medical or
useful plants ; and this not only in his own dominions, but in those
of the neighbouring, independent and quasi-independent states of South
India and the north-west frontier, nay, even as far as the Greek kingdom of
Antiochus and beyond. Then he had made regulations restricting
the slaughter of animals for food and especially on occasions of festivals
and public shows. He had issued eloquent appeals for kindness and con-
sideration in family relationships, in dealings with Brāhmanas and teachers,
in the mutual attitudes of different sects ; further, he had denounced
what he regarded as excess of profitless (i. e. Brāhman) ceremony in public
and private life and had inculcated economy, earnestness, and mutual
exhortation. For the gay progresses of his predecessor on their hunting
and holiday excursions (see Chapter xvi, pp. 373-75) he had substituted
1 Edict of Sahasram, etc.
2 The Orissa versions omit nos. XI-XIII of the other groups and append two
special ones.
## p. 448 (#486) ############################################
448
[CH
AÇOK A
edifying spectacles and pious conferences; and he had arranged that he
should himself always, even in his most private hours, be accessible to
urgent calls—serious inroad upon the strict apportionment of the royal
time which we have detailed above (p. 443). Finally, in his thirteenth year
he had instituted quinquennial circuits of the leading officials for the
purpose of proclaiming the moral law as well as for the discharge of their
normal functions. In the fourteenth year he appointed high officials,
entitled dharma mahāmātras, with the duty of inculcating piety, redressing
misfortune or wrong, organising charitable endowments and gifts. Some
of these officers stood in special relation to the establishments, and
benevolences, of his various relatives, and the operations of other extended
even to the foreign countries to which allusion has been made above.
The next objects of Açoka's solicitude were the unsubdued frontier
peoples, and persons in the provinces who had incurred penalties, concern-
ing whom we have the two edicts addressed to his officers at Dhauli and
Jaugada in the Kalinga country. Towards both classes he expresses a
paternal regard :- he is anxious to win the confidence of the borderers ; and,
as regards imprisoned persons he solemnly exhorts his officials to make
justice, patience, and forbearance the principles of their action. At the
same time he gives instruction for the periodical public recitation of these
admonitions, and repeats, for the benefit of the Kalinga officials, bis inten-
tion of instituting quinquennial circuits. His sons, the Viceroys in Taxila
and Ujjain, would follow a similar practice at intervals of three years.
The ensuing period of about twelve years has left little record in
documents emanating from the emperor himself. But we may plausibly
conjecture that Açoka now entered upon that course of religious foundations
which has given him his unique reputation as a builder of Buddhist shrines.
Eighty-four thousand religious edifices - a conventional high number in
India - are ascribed to him, the chief sites being the places famed as having
been visited by Buddha ; and he is said to have redistributed among them
the relics of Buddha, which were originally portioned between eight
favoured cities. The actual records are not at variance with such a
supposition. We know that in his thirteenth, and again in his twentieth,
year he dedicated cave-dwellings in the Barābar hills for the use of monks
of the Ājivika sect. In his fifteenth year he enlarged the stupa of the
Buddha Kanakaumani, not far from Kapilavastu; and during the twenty-
first year he personally visited this site and that of Buddha's own birth-
place, the garden of Lumbini, setting up commemorative pillars and in the
latter case granting a remission of taxation. In this period would also fall
the inscriptions which attest his growing attachment to the Buddbist order
## p. 449 (#487) ############################################
xx]
BENEVOLENT INSTITUTIONS
449
and doctrine, that which ordains ecclesiastical penalties for schism', and
the address to the community of monks, which among the sayings of
Buddha, containing nothing that has not been well said, selects certain
passages as pre-eminently suited for instruction and meditation”.
At this point we should doubtless interpolate a series of events which
were of high importance for the spread of Buddhism, and which, though
not mentioned by the emperor himself, are among all the legendary matter
that has gathered round his name the portion best entitled to credence.
It is in the nineteenth year from Açoka's coronation, the twenty-first
according to a proposed chronological emendation, that the Mahāvamsa, the
Pāli history of Buddhism in India and Ceylon, places the Third Council, held
under the emperor's patronage in the Açokārāma at Pāțaliputra. The Council,
occasioned by sectarian differences among the Buddhist confession, of which
as many as eighteen divisions are named, was held under the presidency of
a famous monk, named Moggaliputta Tissa, to be distinguished from
another Tissa mentioned in the same accounts as brother and viceroy of
Açoka : in the northern texts he is called Upagupta. It deliberated during
a period of nine months ; and its ultimate decision is stated to have been
;
in favour of the school of the Sthaviras, which afterwards prevailed in
Ceylon. This remarkable gathering, though ignored by the northern
Buddhists, can hardly be a fiction : it represents the culmination of the
earlier form of Buddhism, which with the ensuing expansion was destined
to undergo a profound modification of spirit. The canon of authoritative
scriptures is stated to have been on this occasion definitely closed ; and in
the Kathāvatthu, composed at the time by Upagupta, we have a full record
of the divergencies of opinion which led to its convention. Its dismissal
was the signal for an organisation of the missionary activity which was
already as we have seen included in the policy of Açoka. The names of
the chief evangelisers of the different provinces are carefully preserved to
us. To Kashmir and Gandhāra was sent Madhyantika, and to the Yavana
or Greek country (Bactria ? ), Mahārakshita ; southern India, in its several
provinces, claimed the apostles Mahādeva (Mahishamandala), Rakshita
(Vanavāsa), Dharmarakshita a Yavana (Aparāntaka), and Mahādhar-
marakshita (Mahārāshtra) ; Majjhima proceeded to the Himālaya regions,
and the fraternal pair Soņa and Uttara, linked by the common vicissitudes
of more than a single existence, to Suvarnabhūmi, or a part of further India.
That these are no mere legendary names we are permitted to know from
some of the earliest surviving monuments of Buddhism the stūpas of
Sānchï, dating from the second, or first, century B. C. , where relies of some
of them have actually come to light3. But their fame has been eclipsed by
1 Edict of Sārnāth, Kaucāmbi and Sānchi. 2 Edict of Bhābrā.
3 See Cunningham, Bhilsa Topes, pp. 285 sqq. ; Maisey, Sānchi, pp. 108-115 ; Fleet
J. R. A. S. , 1910, pp. 425 f. For the stūpas of Sānchi see Chapter XXVI.
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[CH.
AÇOKA
that of the saints entrusted with the conversion of Ceylon, who are
said to have been no other than Açoka's own children, his son the monk
Mahendra and his daughter the nun Sanghamitrād. Accompanied by the stha-
viras Rishtriya, Utriya, Çambala, and Bhadrasāra, they received a becoming
welcome from the king of Ceylon, Devānāmpiya Tissa, who with his people
was ultimately converted, and founded in honour of the evangelists the
Great Vihāra, thenceforward the headquarters of Singhalese Buddhism.
The special history of the island falls outside the scope of this chapter :
the mission of the princely pair was treasured in the memory of Indian
Buddhism ; and its dispatch has been supposed to be depicted in a fresco
on a wall in one of the caves of Ajanta.
We now return to Açoka's own rescripts, the concluding group of
seven edicts, which are found inscribed upon pillars, the whole number at
Delhi and six of them also at other spots in the central regions of
Hindustān. They belong to the twenty-seventh and following year from
the coronation. In tenor they open out no new courses of action, but
repeat and continue the earlier principles. One of them, however, which
will be textually introduced below (pp. 459-60), has an especial interest, as
a recapitulation of the aims and measures of the reign.
The whole duration of Açoka's rule was, according to the concurrent
testimony of the Brāhman and Buddhist historians, 36-37 years, reckoned,
no doubt, from his accession. He himself makes mention of his brothers
and sistersø, a sufficient refutation of the legend that at his accession he
began his reign by putting to death all the hundred other sons of Bindusāra,
His elder brother, known in northern literature as Susïma, and in Pāli
books as Sumana, doubtless did incur the fate of a vanquished rival : and
it is to the son of Susima, by name Nigrodha, that the king's conversion
to Buddhism is ascribed. A full brother, Tissa, plays a considerable part
in the Pāli story. He is said to have been for a time viceroy, and to have
joined the Buddhist order, along with Agni-Brahmā, husband of
-
Sanghamitrā, in the fourth year after Açoka's coronation. A Chief Queen
and her sons, no doubt the princes referred to as viceroys in Taxila and
Ujjain, are mentioned in the edicts, as also are the second queen Kāruvāki
and her son Tivara. The Chief Queen, in the Ceylon records named
Asandhimitrā, may possibly have been the heroine of Açoka's youthful
romance as Viceroy of Ujjain, the lovely maiden named Devi, of
Vedisā (Vidiça, the modern Bhilsa), mother of Mahendra and Sangha-
1 On these relationships v. inf. p. 451.
2 Griffiths, Pll. 94, 95. For the history of Ceylon see Chapter XXV.
3 Rock Edict v.
4 According to the story Nigrodha was at the time about seven years o! d ! The
date is, of course, irreconcilable with the edicts.
5 Pillar Edict VII.
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FOUNDATION OF SHRINES AND CITIES
451
>
mitrāl. Another romanee is connected with the name of Tishyara-
kshitā, represented as an attendant upon Asandhimitrā and Chief Queen
of Açoka's later years, who, enacting the part of Potiphar's wife, is
stated to have occasioned the blinding of the emperor's eldest son and
heir, Kuņāla, Viceroy of Taxila, and in a still later legend founder of the
Buddhist dynasty of Khotan in Chinese Turkestān. The jealousy of
Tishyarakshitā is said to have been aroused also by Açoka's devotion to
the sacred Banyan tree at Gayā, under which the son of Çuddhodana
had attained to Perfect Enlightenment. And thus on the Sanchi stūpa,
where we find carved the propitiatory procession to the tree, by which the
threatened mischief was appeased”, we have an actual first or second
century represenation in art, though by no means a portrait, of the great
propagator of the Buddhist faith and morals and the imperially lavish
founder of its shrines.
Açoka's activity in this latter respect is not proportionally evidenced
by existing monuments. When the Chinese pilgrims refer, as they con-
stantly do, to a 'stūpa of Açoka,' we cannot in strictness understand
anything more than one of archaic style, such as are those still more or less
intact at Sanchi, or Bhārhut or figured on their sculptures and elsewhere,
nor are we allowed to ascribe en bloc to the emperor himself the pillars at
Delhi, Allahābād, Sārnāth, Rāmpūrvā and other places, on which his edicts
are found inscribed ; he himself forbids this, when he orders his edicts to be
engraven on pillars, where such should be found3.
The only works of this
nature particularised by him in the edicts relating to the places in question
are the double enlargement of the stūpa of Koṇāgamana at Nigliva, the
pillar erected at the same place and that at the Lumbuni garden : the cave-
dwellings assigned to the Ājivika monks in the Barābar hills are not
expressly stated to have been constructed by Açoka's orders.
have added the stone railing round the Bodhi-tree, whieh
to be figured on the stūpa of Sānch, we have completed the list
1 Mahendra is said to have been twenty years of age, and Sanghamitrā eighteen,
at the time of their ordination. As the former was born fourteen years before the
coronation, this brings us to the year after that event, which is again hardly to be
reconciled with the edicts. It was for Mahendra, who was ordained by Moggaliputta
Tissa and who afterwards succeeded the later as head of his followers, that Açoka built
the Açokārāma at Pāțaliputa. As well as known, Mahendra is in the northern stories
made the brother, and not the son, of Açoka, probably through confusion with Tissa
A son of Sanghamitrā, Sumana, by name, also became a monk. Of a daughter of Açoka,'
by name Chārumati, a Nepal legend will be mentioned below.
2 Foucher, The Beginn'ngs of Buddhist Art. pp. 108-9. See also Chapter XXVI,
Pl. XXII, 60.
3 Edict of Sahasrām etc. (the earlist edict). Pillars set up by Açoka's own orders
are mentioned in Pillar Edict VII (quoted in full inf. p. 459). In other cases style and
archaeological considerations must decide.
When we
seems
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452
(ch.
AÇOKA
of what can certainly be ascribed to him. But, no doubt, the remains of
that palace, the Açokārāma, the Kukkutārāma, and other erections at
Pātaliputra may de plausibly claime 1 for him! ; and we may also mention
the completion on his behalf, by the Yavana king Tushāspha, of the
Sudarçana tank in Junāgrah, which had been begun by his grandfather
Chandragupta”. For the rest we must be content to believe that the great
reputation which he enjoyed in this respect had a solid foundation.
Two famous cities in frontier countries have a traditional claim to
Açoka as founder, The former is Çrinagar, the capital of Kashmir,
embracing the site of the old Crinagari, which is connected with his name?
In Nepāl the ancient city of Deo. Pātan (Deva-pattana) and the adjacent
village of Chabāhil are associated with a visit of Açoka accompanied by a
daughter Chārumati and her Kshatriya husband Devapāla'. The two latter
are said to have remained in the country and to bave built respectively a
nunnery and a monastery, the latter left unfinished by its founder. The legend
- for such it is-derives some support from the archaic style of the
four neighbouring stupas ascribed to Açoka.
The name Açoka occurs in only one of the known inscriptions".
Elsewhere the emperor employes (in conjunction with rājā‘king') the official
titles derānam priya 'dear to the gods, and priyadarçana, ‘of friendly
mien. ' The founder style - which in later ages the popular grumbling, so
humorously common in India, as in other countries, diverted to the sense of
'fool'- is known to have been employed by contemporary kings in Ceylon,
and by Açoka's grandson (or still more remote descendant) Daçaratha, so
that it was probably normal; indeed Açoka himself once uses the plural in
the sense particularly of kings. ' Priyadarçin also, which has been well ren-
dered 'gracious,' may represent a customary view that the king should wear
‘a mild' pleasant, and composed aspect 6. But it is certainly quite possible, as
M. Senart suggests? , that it was adopted by Açoka at his ordination name.
The chronology of the reign is fixed within wide limits by the mention
in the thirteenth Rock Edict of the Yona King Antiochus and beyond that
Antiochus to where dwell the four kings severally named Ptolemy
(Philadelphus of Egypt 285-247 B. C. ) Antigonus (Gonatas of Macedon,
278-239), Magas (of Cyrene, died 258), and Alexander (of Epirus, 272-258? )"
1 Waddell, Report on the Excavations at Pāļaliputra (Patna), Calcutta. 1903.
2 Ep. Ind. VIII, pp. 46-7.
3 Rājatarangiņi, translation of Sir M. A. Stein, I, II.
