No More Learning

'Adil
Shah attempted to recover the territory which Sikandar had gained
from Ibrahim but failed, and three kings now reigned in northern
India. The authority of 'Adil Shah extended over Agra and Malwa
and as far east as Jaunpur; that of Sikandar Shah from Delhi to
Rohtas in the Punjab; and that of Ibrahim Shah from the foot of
the Himalayas to Gujrat in the Punjab.
Humayun had been preparing, since the death of Islam Shah, to
invade India and recover his throne, and now, hearing of the con-
fusion which prevailed in the land, where three kings claimed
supremacy, and of the dissensions between the Afghan princes and
nobles, resolved to carry his project into effect. One day, while taking
the air, he took an omen from the names of the first three men whom
he met. The first was Daulat ("Empire"), the second Murad


## p. 67 (#99) ##############################################

HUMAYUN INVADES INDIA
67
(“Desired"), and the third Sa'adat ("Good Fortune"). A second
omen, taken from the poems of Hafiz, fell on the ode containing
the couplet :
دولت از مرغ همایون طلب و سایه او
زانکه با زاغ و زغن شہپر دولت نبود
Seek fortune from the auspicious phoenix, and the shadow cast by him,
For the pinion of fortune is possessed neither by crow nor by kite.
The word rendered "auspicious” was Humayun's own name, and
it is not surprising that the omen confirmed his decision. Leaving
Kabul he reached Peshawar on 25 December, 1554, and, after crossing
the Indus, was joined nine days later by Bairam Khan and many
other officers from Qandahar. Sultan Adam, the Gakkhar, who had
promised him support, failed to join him, but explained his absence
by a treaty with Sikandar Shah, who had compelled him to enter
into it and to surrender his son as a hostage.
Humayun marched to Lahore and the Afghan in that city fled
on his approach. Tatar Khan Kashi, who had held Rohtas for Sikan-
dar, had already abandoned it, and Humayun was able to despatch
from Lahore a force which occupied the districts of Jullundur,
Sirhind and Hissar without striking a blow, while another force
defeated at Dipalpur, in March, 1555, an Afghan army and captured
its camp and baggage and the wives and families of the officers.
The news of this defeat aroused Sikandar Shah, who was in Delhi,
to action, and he assembled an army of 30,000 horse and despatched
it towards Sirhind, which city Humayun's advance guard had reached.
Humayun's officers, assembled at Jullundur, decided, despite their
numerical inferiority to the Afghan army, to give battle and crossed
the Sutlej. The Afghans pressed forward to oppose their passage
of the river but did not reach the neighbourhood of the bank until
the invaders had already crossed it. The armies met at sunset,
and as the darkness fell the village before which the Afghan army
was drawn up caught fire, so that the Mughul archers clearly saw
their enemy by the blaze of the thatched roofs, and rained showers
of arrows on them until they broke and fled, leaving their camp and
baggage in the hands of the victors. Bairam Khan, who commanded
the Mughul forces, then advanced to Sirhind and occupied and forti-
fied the town, and the news of his victory was received with much
joy in Humayun's court at Lahore.
Sikandar Shah, on learning of the defeat of his troops, himself took
the field, marched with 80,000 horse, and elephants and artillery,
from Delhi to Sirhind. He entrenched himself before the city, and
the Mughul officers strengthened its fortifications and sent a message
to Humayun begging him to join his army without delay. He was
indisposed, but sent his young son, Akbar, to represent him and left
Lahore as soon as his health permitted, arriving at Sirhind on 27 May,


## p. 68 (#100) #############################################

68
SHER SHAH AND THE SUR DYNASTY
1555. Here he spent nearly a month in perfecting its defences, while
occasional combats took place between his troops and those of
Sikandar Shah. On 22 June Khvaja Mu'azzam, Atga Khan and some
other officers attacked the Afghans with a considerable force, and
though Humayun, as usual, was not prepared for a general action,
other troops were drawn in, to support those already engaged, until
the action became general. Sikandar Shah had received reinforce-
ments, but his army, now numbering nearly 100,000 horse, was
defeated after a well-contested fight and fled, losing heavily in the
retreat. Sikandar took refuge in the skirts of the Himalayas, and the
leaders of the victorious army were received on their return with
much honour, until the generals disturbed their master's ease by
disputing one another's title to the credit of the victory. Humayun
summarily settled their dispute by naming his son Akbar, in the
despatch announcing the victory, as the commander of his army.
It was now discovered that Khvaja Mu'azzam had been in treason-
able correspondence with Sikandar Shah, and he was imprisoned,
but it seems difficult to believe that he can have had any object in
aiding Sikandar's cause, and it is not improbable that his corre-
spondence was designed to involve his dilatory master in a general
action, and that his message to Sikandar had the same object as that
of Themistocles to the Persians before Salamis.
After the battle Humayun marched to Samana, whence he sent
officers into the Punjab to check any attempt of Sikandar to emerge
from the hills, and to establish order in that province; and another
to occupy Delhi. He himself, finding the climate of Samana pleasant,
seemed to be inclined to loiter there indefinitely, until a message from
Delhi, which had been occupied without opposition, urged him to
take possession of his capital. He left Samana, halted on 20 July at
Salimgarh on the Jumna, and on 23 July once more entered Delhi.
Here he settled down to rest after his labours, appointing officers to
various commands. In consequence of the misbehaviour of the
governor of the Punjab Humayun sent the young prince Akbar in
his place as titular governor of the Punjab, the duties of the office
falling upon his tutor, Bairam Khan. Misgovernment in the Punjab
had been Sikandar Shah's opportunity. His forces increased, he
emerged from his retreat, and he was menacing the Punjab, necessi-
tating the movement of the imperial troops under Bairam Khan and
Akbar against him.
At the same time a rebellion in the eastern provinces broke out.
One Qambar Beg rose in rebellion, and so many adventurers from
the Sambhal district and the Gangetic Duab joined him that the
movement had the appearance of becoming serious. 'Ali Quli Khan
Shaibani was deputed to suppress the rebellion, and besieged Qambar
in Budaun. The siege did not last long; the city was taken and
Qambar was put to death, his head being sent to Delhi.


## p. 69 (#101) #############################################

>
DEATH OF HUMAYUN
69
This was the last of Humayun's earthly troubles, for on 24 January,
1556, he “stumbled out of life as he had stumbled through it”. He
was sitting on the roof of the palace library at Delhi at the time
of evening prayer, conversing with astrologers and others, and rose
to descend the steep stairs in order to attend the service of prayer.
On hearing the mu'azzin's cry, he knelt in reverence, but his staff
slipped and he tripped on the skirt of his robe, falling down the stairs
and fracturing the base of his skull. He was carried within the
palace and, on recovering consciousness, learned from the court
physicians that his condition was serious and despatched a message
to his son Akbar, now with Bairam Khan at Kalanaur, informing
him that he was likely to die and finally designating him as his heir.
On 26 January he breathed his last, and the true report of his death
was sent to Akbar and Bairam Khan. Owing to the condition of the
country it was concealed from the general public, a man being dressed
up to represent him on the occasions on which he had been in the
habit of appearing in public, and the Turkish admiral Sidi 'Ali Ra'is,
who was leaving the court for Lahore, being instructed to bear the
news that the emperor yet lived. The news of his death reached
Akbar on or before 14 February, and on 14 February 3 Humayun's
death was made known and Akbar was proclaimed in Delhi.
According to the official account Humayun's fatal fall was attributed
to an act of reverence, but it has also been attributed, by less courtly
chroniclers, to the effects of drugs or drink, to both of which he was
addicted.
The empire which Humayun bequeathed to his young son con-
sisted, in fact, of little more than the ground occupied by Bairam
Khan's small army. Delhi and Agra had indeed been occupied but
events were soon to show how precarious was the tenure of these
provinces. Certain districts in the Punjab and in the trans-Gangetic
province of Katehr were held, but the army's loyalty was not wholly
above suspicion, and three members of the Sur clan still claimed the
sovereignty of the whole of north-western India. One had been
defeated, but not crushed, another was ready to take his place should
he be defeated by Akbar's troops, and the third, with his capital at
Chunar, had not yet been attacked. The economic condition of the
land was even worse than the political. Its most fertile and populous
provinces were devastated by a famine caused by failure of the rains
combined with two years' destructive internecine warfare. "The
capital was devastated and nothing remained but a few houses. An
epidemic plague ensued and spread through most of the cities of
Hindustan. Multitudes died, and men were driven to feed on human
flesh, parties being formed to seize and eat solitary victims. "
132° 0' N. , 75° 10' E.
2 C. E. A. W. Oldham, Indian
Antiquary (1930), pp. 219, and (1931), pp. 5 and 26.
3 For a discussion of the dates of Humayun's fall and death, and of the
accession of Akbar, see Hodivala, Mughal Numismatics, pp. 264-6. (Ed. )


## p. 70 (#102) #############################################

CHAPTER
IV
AKBAR, 1556–1 573
THE
HE young emperor, who was only a few months more than
thirteen years of age, was confronted with a situation scarcely less
difficult than that in which his grandfather had found himself when
his nobles were clamouring to be led back to Kabul, and in considering
the difficulties which faced him it must be remembered that he was
a precocious and masterful youth whom the jealousies of his courtiers
compelled his guardian, Bairam Khan, to consult on all
of importance. His father had returned to India and had possessed
himself of Delhi and Agra, but the recovery of these cities, imme-
diately after his death, by his enemies reduced Akbar's inheritance
to the Punjab.
The first difficulty with which Akbar and his guardian were called
upon to deal was caused by the misconduct of Shah Abu-'l-Ma'ali,
a noble of his father's court and a dangerous fanatic, whose preten-
sions, based on favours shown to him by Humayun, were obnoxious
not only to the dignity of the courtiers but to the majesty of the
throne. Resenting a fancied slight he at first refused to attend the
young emperor's court and when he deigned to appear thrust himself
forward into a place to which he had no claim and behaved with
such gross disregard of propriety that it was necessary to arrest him.
Bairam Khan believed him to be actively disloyal and advocated
his immediate execution, but Akbar was loth to sully his hands, on
the threshold of his reign, with the blood of one of his father's old
servants, and the offender was sent to Lahore, where he was
imprisoned.
Three princes of the Sur clan still pretended to the throne of Delhi.
These were Muhammad 'Adil Shah, who had occupied the throne
for about a year, his cousin and brother-in-law Ibrahim, who had
dethroned 'Adil in 1553, and Ibrahim's cousin and brother-in-law
Sikandar, who expelled Ibrahim in 1554 and was defeated by
Humayun at Sirhind in 1555 and driven from Delhi and Agra. 'Adil
had established himself at Chunar and was killed in 1557 in a battle
with Bahadur Shah of Bengal, and Ibrahim had withdrawn into
Bengal. Bairam Khan, correctly estimating the character of the
two surviving princes, considered Sikandar, who was still in arms
in the Punjab, a more imminent menace than either of the others,
and remained for some time after Akbar's enthronement at Kalanaur
with the object of crushing Sikandar's resistance. He failed, how-
ever, owing to lack of information, to make sufficient provision to
meet the attack of a foe more dangerous than any of the three princes.


## p. 71 (#103) #############################################

.
HIMU TAKES DELHI
71
This was Himu, "the Corn-chandler", a Hindu of Rewari whom 'Adil
had made his minister, an able, energetic and ambitious soldier who
was preparing to expel the Mughuls from India, nominally in the
interests of 'Adil, but actually in his own. Himu secretly cherished
designs of seizing for himself the imperial throne and restoring the
dominion to the Hindus. Himu was still in the field on behalf of
'Adil and in his name could command the obedience of a large force
of Afghans.
It was believed that Iskandar Khan the Uzbeg at Agra, Tardi
Beg Khan at Delhi, and 'Ali Quli Khan Shaibani at Sambhal were
strong enough to repel any attacks from the south-east and to defend
Hindustan against both 'Adil and his minister, but Himu's energy
and determination were underrated. Bairam Khan, believing the
situation to be secure, sent a force to Kabul to escort thence to India
the ladies of Humayun's harem. Sulaiman Mirza of Badakhshan,
who was then besieging that city, was forced by it to retire to his own
dominions, and the ladies were safely conducted to India.
Himu now advanced from Gwalior on Agra, and Iskandar Khan,
instead of awaiting him, retired towards Delhi, losing between two
and three thousand men in the course of his retreat. Himu followed
him and encamped near Tughluqabad where Iskandar was joined
by Tardi Beg Khan, the governor of Delhi. The temporary success
of the Mughul right wing hardly delayed Himu's complete victory
over their centre and Tardi Beg Khan, who, without making even
an effort to hold Delhi, continued his rapid retreat towards Sirhind.
Iskandar Khan perforce accompanied him and the retreating army
was joined on its way by 'Ali Quli Khan Shaibani, who could no
longer maintain himself at Sambhal after Himu's occupation of
Delhi.
The news of the fall of Delhi reached Akbar and Bairam Khan
at Jullundur and most of the courtiers and officers counselled an
immediate retreat on Kabul, urging that it was folly to attempt to
withstand Himu, now at the head of 100,000 men, with the 20,000
which were all that Akbar could muster. Bairam Khan decided,
however, to risk all in the attempt to recover Delhi and had no
difficulty in persuading the high-spirited and precocious Akbar to
adopt his view. Khizr Khvaja Khan was left at Lahore to deal with
Sikandar Sur and on 13 October, 1556, the imperial army marched
to Sirhind. Here it was met by the fugitives from Delhi, whose voices
were added to those which clamoured for a retreat. This outburst
was speedily silenced by Bairam Khan, who, having obtained from
his youthful master "a sort of permission”, caused Tardi Beg Khan
to be put to death.
The execution was a bold measure. Tardi Beg Khan and Bairam
Khan were outwardly on friendly terms, but were known to be rivals,
and their rivalry was embittered by religious differences. Bairam
>


## p. 72 (#104) #############################################

72
AKBAR, 1556-1573
cannot but have known that his action would be severely criticised,
and his enemies, in fact, made it one of the articles in his impeach-
ment when, a few years later, he fell from favour; but the murder
was not the crime which they maintained it to be. Tardi Beg Khan's
disgraceful conduct at Delhi merited death according to the military
codes of all ages and his advocacy of an immediate retreat from
Sirhind rendered his death necessary. In fact credit is due to Bairam
Khan for taking so promptly, at considerable risk to himself and his
reputation, a step which alone could have restored and maintained
the spirit and discipline of the army.
Himu was so elated by his victories and by the capture of Delhi
as to believe that he had already reached the goal of his ambition.
He made no pretence of restoring his master, but assumed the title
of Raja Vikramaditya and is said to have struck coin bearing his
titles, though no specimen is known to exist. His Afghan officers
were temporarily reconciled, by a liberal distribution of plunder, to
the ascendancy of an infidel, and Himu sent forward his advance
guard, with the greater part of his artillery, to meet that of Akbar,
which, under the command of 'Ali Quli Khan Shaibani, had marched
on Panipat. 'Ali Quli Khan inflicted a severe defeat on Himu's
advance guard, and captured his artillery.
Meanwhile the main bodies of the two armies were in motion and
met, on 5 November, 1556, on the historic plain of Panipat. Bairam
Khan detained Akbar at a safe distance from the field and entrusted
the command of the centre to 'Ali Quli Khan. Himu's army so
greatly outnumbered that of Akbar that it was able almost to envelop
it and threw both wings into confusion. Himu then attempted to
decide the fate of the day by leading against the centre his 1500
elephants, on which he chiefly relied. 'Ali Quli Khan and his officers,
taking every advantage of the inequalities of the ground, fought with
the utmost valour but would certainly have been overpowered had
not Himu's eye been pierced by an arrow so well directed that its
point projected from the back of his head. His troops at once
dispersed.
Shah Quli Khan Mahram, a Baharlu Turk in Bairam Khan's service,
who afterwards attained to the command of 3500 horse, came up
with Himu's elephant, Hawai, as the driver was endeavouring to
carry his master beyond the reach of danger. He begged Shah Quli
not to slay him and told him who the elephant's wounded rider was.
Shah Quli at once caused Himu to be led to Akbar, who had by
now appeared on the field. When the wounded Himu was placed
before the young emperor Bairam Khan prayed him to earn the title
of Ghazi by slaying an infidel with his own sword, and the boy severed
Himu's head from his body,' or according to another version merely
touched the infidel, who was slain by those in attendance.
1 J. R. A. S. 1916, p. 527.


## p. 73 (#105) #############################################

SIKANDAR SHAH SUR SURRENDERS
73
Immediately after the victory Iskandar Khan the Uzbeg was sent
in pursuit of the flying enemy, and followed them, with great
slaughter, to the gates of the capital, which he entered and secured
for the emperor. Two days later Akbar entered Delhi and 'Ali Quli
Khan and Iskandar Khan were rewarded for their services with the
titles of Khan Zaman and Khan 'Alam respectively.
The victory was complete. All of Himu's 1500 elephants had been
captured and the broken remnant of his army was dispersed, but his
wife had escaped from Delhi into Mewat, taking with her all his
treasure, and Pir Muhammad Khan was sent in pursuit. He slew
many fugitives and took much plunder, but Himu's wife made good
her escape and much of the treasure was lost. His aged father was
captured and, on refusing to accept Islam, was put to death.
Events had progressed less favourably in the Punjab. Sikandar
Sur had attacked Khizr Khvaja Khan at Chamiari, about 35 miles
north-east of Lahore, and had driven him into that city, and Khan
'Alam was sent to his relief, followed, on 7 December, by the emperor
and Bairam Khan, who could now safely leave imperial interests in
Hindustan in the hands of the nobles.
During their absence in the Punjab Khan Zaman reoccupied
Sambhal and established his authority throughout the country
between that town and Lucknow, and Qiya Khan Gung, after
occupying Agra, drove away Raja Ram Sah, who was attempting
to recover from Bahbal Khan, an officer in the service of 'Adil, the
fortress of Gwalior, which had belonged to his ancestors, and himself
besieged the fortress.
On learning that Akbar had reached Jullundur, Sikandar Sur
retired from before Lahore and fled to Mankot, a hill fortress which
Islam Shah had built to restrain the aggression of the Gakkhars, and
here he was besieged by Akbar.
During the siege the ladies of Humayun's harem arrived at the
camp from Kabul, and Akbar, who was not yet fifteen years of age,
married his first wife, the daughter of his uncle Hindal.
Sikandar Sur had great confidence in the strength of Mankot but
relied chiefly on such diversion as could be created by his cousin
'Adil, who still held Chunar, but who was now attacked by his cousin
Khizr Khan Sur, styling himself Jalal-ud-din Bahadur Shah of
Bengal, and was slain. The news of his death so discouraged Sikandar
that he surrendered in May, 1557, after enduring a siege of some
months' duration, and by the interest of Atga Khan, the emperor's
foster-father, received Bihar as an assignment. He died two years
later.
Akbar marched in July to Lahore and in December to Delhi,
halting on the way at Jullundur, where Bairam Khan married his
cousin Salima Begam, daughter of Humayun's sister.
On reaching the Sutlej Akbar learnt that Haji Khan of Mewat,


## p. 74 (#106) #############################################

74
AKBAR, 1556-1573
who had fled to Narnaul after the defeat of Himu, was marching on
Hissar, and halted at Sirhind while Bairam Khan led the army
against the rebel. Haji Khan would not risk a conflict but fled and
took refuge in Gujarat, and three officers, one of whom was Sayyid
Mahmud Khan Barha, were sent to establish order in Ajmer and
Rajputana. Akbar reached Delhi on 14 April, 1558.
It is necessary, in order to convey a clear understanding of the
intrigues which beset Akbar in the early years of his reign, to explain
the state of parties at his court. There was, first, the protector's party
consisting primarily of the greater number of the most loyal and able
nobles.
Bairam Khan was a loyal and devoted servant but his disposition
was arbitrary, haughty and jealous and he could not easily tolerate
the presence of possible rivals near his young master. He was a
staunch Shiah and his religion rendered him unpopular at a court
composed chiefly of orthodox Sunnis. He resented the decline of his
influence as Akbar grew towards manhood, and his foibles were
distorted by his enemies into evidence of a desire to subvert the
emperor's authority.
The second great faction was the harem party, whose influence,
as is so often the case in the East, was almost wholly evil. The interests
of this party were served, beyond the walls of the harem, by Akbar's
foster-relatives. The relationship existing between a child and the
foster-mother who has suckled him is regarded by Turks, and by
Muslims generally, as one of peculiar tenderness. It endures through
life and extends to all the near relations of the foster-mother. The
names of ten of Akbar's nurses are preserved, and it is recorded that
there were others. The most influential of these was Jiji Anaga
(“foster-mother”), whose husband, Shams-ud-din Khan, had saved
Humayun from drowning and was honoured, after his wife's advance-
ment, with the title of Atga (“foster-father") Khan. Of his two sons,
the one who survived beyond the early years of Akbar's reign was
known originally as Mirza 'Aziz Kuka ("foster-brother”) but received
the title of Khan A'zam and rose to the highest rank. Akbar excused
the leniency with which he treated Khan A'zam's acts of disobedience
and contumacy by saying, “Between me and 'Aziz is a river of milk
which I cannot cross. ” The relationship extended to Atga Khan's
1“ 'Sayyid Mahmud was the first of the Barha Sayyids that held office under
the Timurides. He was with Sikandar Sur in Mankot but, seeing that the cause
of the Afghans was hopeless he left Sikandar and went over to Akbar"
(Ain-i-Akbari, 1, 389).
The Sayyids of Barha, as distinguished for personal bravery as their kins-
men of Bilgram are for their learning, derived their cognomen from twelve
(bara) villages which they held in the Muzaffarnagar District in the Upper
Duab. Like the Sayyids of Bilgram in Oudh they trace their origin to Sayyid
Abu-'l-Farah of Wasit, who visited India in A. D. 1217. They reached the acme
of their influence in the eighteenth century. See chaps. XIII and Xiy of this
volume, and W. Irvine, J. A. S. B. 1896, p. 175.


## p. 75 (#107) #############################################

THE "FOSTER-FATHER COHORT"
75
elder brother, Mir Muhammad Khan, entitled Khan Kalan ("Great",
or elder Khan), to his younger brothers, Sharif Khan and Qutb-ud-
din Khan, and to their sons. Maham Anaga had been Akbar's chief
nurse and though she never seems to have suckled him her son
Adham Khan ranked as his foster-brother. These foster-relations are
usually referred to by Muslim historians as Atga Khail, “the foster
father cohort. "
The execution of Tardi Beg Khan had excited much hostility
against Bairam Khan, and an open breach occurred between him
and “the foster-father cohort” on the march from Mankot, when he
suspected that the accidental finish of an elephant-fight near his tent
was due to the machinations of Atga Khan and protested to Maham
Anaga. The quarrel was patched up, but Pir Muhammad Khan,
formerly a servant of Bairam Khan, had gone over to the harem
party, and his influence was ever directed towards the breeding of
strife. The execution of Musahib Beg, who had presumed on his
father's services to Humayun to treat the protector with discourtesy
and a similar exercise of arbitrary authority at Kabul by Mun'im
Khan, which was approved by Bairam Khan, provided the enemies
of the latter with further material for charges against him.
During Akbar's stay at Delhi the court was scandalised by a
disgraceful affair between Khan Zaman and Shaham Beg, one of
Humayun's pages, whom he enticed from Delhi. The details of this
affair are of importance only as shedding some light on the morals
of the great at the courts of the Mughul emperors, of which the less
said the better. Khan Zaman was ordered to send Shaham Beg back
to Delhi but instead of obeying sent an emissary to allay the wrath
of "the foster-father cohort", which took the leading part in the
proceedings against him. The emissary was slain by the brutal Pir
Muhammad Khan and Khan Zaman hurriedly dismissed Shaham
Beg who, after leaving him, lodged with a man whose relations put
him to death for attempting to seduce his host's wife.
After a stay of some months at Delhi the court left for Agra, then
a city of small importance, travelling by boat down the Jumna.
At Agra Bairam Khan's chief anxiety was the education of his
ward, who was devoted to manly exercises and field sports but, in
spite of having been endowed with a vigorous intellect, could not be
brought to pay any attention to what the ablest of his biographers
calls “the usual apparatus of learning". In short, he was an idle
boy who would not learn to read and write and he never acquired
either of these arts. His father had urged him to mend his ways
but it is doubtful whether Bairam Khan received any support from
the harem party or "the foster-father cohort", whose interest lay in
retarding the boy's progress as much as possible. After reaching man's
estate Akbar atoned, as far as he could, for his boyish idleness by
listening diligently to the reading of works on history, theology and


## p. 76 (#108) #############################################

76
AKBAR, 1556-1573
philosophy, but it is unfortunate that in this respect he never rendered
himself independent of the services of others, for the memory, how-
ever it may be cultivated, and Akbar's powers of memory, naturally
immense, were developed by his illiteracy, can never supply the
power of reference, and had he been able to use his eyes he might
perhaps have been saved from the religious absurdities of his later
years, which had their origin in his delight in listening to religious
and philosophical discussions and found their expression in his con-
fused recollections of these disputes.
Abu-'l-Fazl, on whose speculations Akbar in later years firmly
relied, was, perhaps, the most subtle and the most fulsome adviser
and flatterer that ever monarch had. Adulation is the business of
the counsellor and of the historian of an eastern ruler, but Abu-'l-
Fazl surpassed other historians and encomiasts as the light of the sun
surpasses that of the moon. Most Eastern countries are content with
assuring their masters that they are the best, the wisest and the
greatest of mankind, but Abu-'l-Fazl's panegyrics contain the sug-
gestion, if not the assertion, that his master is something more than
His boyish idleness is attributed to a divinely inspired desire
to remain behind a veil, concealing his powers from all, until the
time came for him to reveal to a wondering world his divine com-
mission. Similarly the emperor's devotion, in his maturer years, to
the childish and futile diversion of pigeon-flying is represented as a
form of worship. This fulsome adulation, which disgusts even those
accustomed by long study to the flights of oriental encomiasts, had
its motive. It was not self-advancement, but it may be suspected that
it was revenge. This question will be discussed later.
The tutor whom Bairam Khan selected was Mir 'Abdul-Latif,
the Persian, who failed, like his predecessors, to induce Akbar to
learn to read, but was the first to teach him the principle of sulh-i-
kull, or universal toleration, on which Abu-'l-Fazl so frequently
descants. He came of a Sayyid family of Qazvin, persecuted in
Persia as Sunnis, but was so moderate in his religious views as to be
suspected, in India, of Shiah proclivities.
Party spirit was now inflamed by a serious quarrel between Pir
Muhammad Khan and his former master. Pir Muhammad fell sick,
and Bairam, who courteously visited him, was refused admission.
Pir Muhammad's excuse, that his servants had not recognised him,
aggravated his offence and a few days later he was compelled to
surrender his standards, kettledrums and other insignia of honour,
was deprived of his title of Nasir-ul-Mulk, and was imprisoned at
Bayana, whence he was sent, after a short interval, to Gujarat with
a view to his performing the pilgrimage to Mecca, which was
regarded as banishment.
Bairam Khan's treatment of Pir Muhammad was not his only
crime in the eyes of the harem party.
Almost immediately after this


## p. 77 (#109) #############################################

BAIRAM KHAN DISMISSED
77
event he appointed Shaikh Gadai, a Shaikh with no special qualifica-
tions, to the important post of Sadr-us-Sudur, fourth in importance
in the empire. The Sadr was the chief law officer and ecclesiastic and
controlled all grants, endowments and allowances. The appointment
raised a storm of protest from the orthodox, among the most pro-
minent of whom was "the foster-father cohort", and contributed
more than any other measure of Bairam Khan to his downfall.
It was probably with the object of diverting Akbar's attention
from the discontent caused by these and other measures that Bairam
Khan drew his attention to Gwalior, which Qiya Khan Gung was
still besieging but could not take for lack of support. He was rein-
forced and the fortress surrendered early in 1559. Qiya Khan Gung
was then sent into the eastern districts of Akbar's dominions, where
Khan Zaman was still sulking, but made his peace and regained his
master's favour by expelling Ibrahim Sur from Jaunpur and sur-
rendering Lucknow to Qiya Khan.
Expeditions to Ranthambhor, held by Rai Surjan on behalf of
the Rana of Chitor, and to Chunar, held by Jamal Khan the Afghan,
were less successful, and in each case the imperial troops were obliged
to retreat without having effected their purpose. A third expedition,
under Bahadur Khan Shaibani, sent by Bairam Khan to annex
Malwa, was recalled early in 1560 from Sipri, owing to the strained
relations between Akbar and his guardian.
Akbar was now in his eighteenth year and the restraint to which
he was subjected by Bairam Khan galled him. The harem party did
its utmost to widen the breach and on 28 March Akbar left Agra
on a hunting expedition. When he had reached Sikandra Rao, about
45 miles north-east of the city, Maham Anaga urged him to visit
his mother, who was lying sick at Delhi and longed to see him.
Akbar rode at once to Delhi, thereby openly severing himself from
his guardian, who remained at Agra, and was ceremoniously received
by Shihab-ud-din Ahmad Khan, governor of the capital, who was
in the plot and came out to some distance from the city to receive
him. Having thus succeeded in separating him from the protector
the conspirators confessed that they had incurred the resentment of
Bairam Khan and appealed to his pride by throwing themselves on
his protection, while Shihab-ud-din Ahmad Khan began to put the
defences of the city into a state of repair. Atga Khan marched from
the Punjab to join him and Pir Muhammad Khan returned from
Gujarat. Some correspondence passed between the protector and
the emperor and when Akbar imprisoned Bairam Khan's emissaries
the breach was irreparable.
The few adherents left to Bairam Khan urged him to attempt to
recover the emperor's person by force, but he refused to turn his arms
against his master, and left Agra announcing that he proposed making
a pilgrimage to Mecca. The harem party had gained its object and


## p. 78 (#110) #############################################

78
AKBAR, 1556-1573
might well have been content with its victory, but it was certain that
Bairam Khan intended to visit the Punjab to recover the private
hoards which he had left at Lahore and Sirhind and his enemies
assured Akbar that he intended to raise the standard of rebellion
in that province. Akbar sent his tutor, Mir 'Abdul Latif, to Bairam
with a decree announcing that he had decided to take the manage-
ment of affairs into his own hands and that he desired Bairam Khan
to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca, and promising to make ample
provision for his expenses. Bairam Khan promised obedience, but
his movements were leisurely, and the harem party induced Akbar
to send Pir Muhammad Khan with a large force to hasten them.
The selection of Pir Muhammad for such a duty was deliberately
provocative and Bairam Khan, after lodging his family at Bhatinda,
turned towards Jullundur. Pir Muhammad returned to court and
reported his movements and a large force under Atga Khan which
was sent against Bairam Khan defeated him at Jullundur and drove
him towards the hills.
Akbar marched in person to Sirhind, where he was joined by
Mun'im Khan and other nobles from Kabul. The grant of the pro-
tector's title of Khan Khanan to Mun‘im Khan was a further
indication, if any were needed, that Bairam Khan's day was over.
He was pursued and was besieged at Tilwara, a hill-fortress on the
banks of the Beas, whence he sent a message to Akbar expressing
contrition for his rebellion and offering to submit. He was assured,
in return, that he would be well received and in October he appeared
before Akbar in his camp at Hajipur. His meeting with his master
and former ward was affecting, but Akbar made the situation quite
clear to him. He offered him one of the three alternatives, the districts
of Kalpi and Chanderi, the place of companion and confidential
adviser to himself, or permission to depart for Mecca. Bairam Khan
chose the last and left for Mecca by way of Gujarat, where he was
spitably received by Musa Khan Fuladi, governor of Patan, but
was assassinated by a gang of Afghans led by one Mubarak Khan,
whose father had been killed in 1555 at the battle of Machiwara,
where Bairam Khan had commanded the Mughul army. The
Afghans plundered his camp, and his family reached Ahmadabad
almost destitute. Akbar sent for them and afterwards married as his
second wife Salima Begam, Bairam's widow, and charged himself
with the education of his infant son, Mirza 'Abdur-Rahim, known
as Mirza Khan, who rose to the highest rank and in 1584 received
his father's title of Khan Khanan,
It was chiefly to Bairam Khan, ably supported by Khan Zaman,
that Akbar owed his throne. It was inevitable that a young man of
Akbar's force of character should emerge from a state of tutelage, but
he would have done well to wait, for he was not yet fit to assume
sole charge of his empire and remained for four years more under the


## p. 79 (#111) #############################################

INVASION OF MALWA
79
pernicious influence of the harem party. The means by which he
escaped from Bairam's influence was probably the best which he
could have adopted, but the insults and ungenerous treatment which
drove the protector into rebellion would be a blot upon his memory
were it not certain that they originated with Bairam's bitterest
enemies in the harem party.
There could be no better testimony to Bairam Khan's worth than
that recorded by the bigot Badauni, who could seldom see any good
in a Shiah. “In wisdom, generosity, sincerity, goodness of disposition,
submissiveness, and humility he surpassed all. . . . The second con-
quest of Hindustan and the building up of the empire were due to
his strenuous efforts, his valour, and his wide policy. . . . At last vile
hypocrites poisoned the mind of His Majesty against him, until his
affairs fell at length into the condition of which a brief description
has been given. ” 1
Malwa still retained its independence under Baz Bahadur, son of
Shuja'at Khan, and early in 1561 Akbar sent an army to annex the
province. Harem influence is traceable in the extremely injudicious
selection of the commander of the force, Adham Khan, and of the
second in command, Pir Muhammad Khan.
Baz Bahadur, a voluptuary devoted to music and to the society of
dancers and singers, above all to that of his beloved mistress Rup
Mati, famed for her beauty and her devotion to her lover, now held
his court at Sarangpur. The imperial army invaded Malwa, ad-
vancing by regular daily marches until it was within 20 miles of
Sarangpur, and it was not until it had reached this point that Baz
Bahadur awoke from his dreams of love and music and bestirred
himself to defend his kingdom. Marching from the city, he entrenched
himself at a distance of three miles from it and awaited the attack
of the imperial troops, but on 29 March he was induced, by feigned
attacks from various directions, to leave his entrenched position and
take the field. The battle was of short duration. His troops were out-
numbered and his Afghan cfficers were disaffected and left the field
early in the day. Baz Bahadur saved his life by flight, but his women,
his treasures and his elephants fell into the hands of the victors, and
the devoted Rup Mati took poison in order to escape the embraces
of Adham Khan.
Pir Muhammad Khan and Adham Khan sullied their victory by
the most revolting cruelty. The historian Badauni, who was an eye-
witness of their atrocities, describes them as follows : 3
“On the day of the victory the two commanders were in their
camp, and the prisoners were brought before them and were put to
death by troops, so that their blood flowed in rivers. "
Pir Muhammad Khan cracked brutal jests on the wretched victims,
1 Bad. I (trans. Haig), 265, 266.
2 23° 34' N. , 76° 29' E.
3 Bad. (text), I, 47.
"


## p. 80 (#112) #############################################

80
AKBAR, 1556-1573
and when Mihr 'Ali Beg Silduz, at Badauni's instance, represented
that whatever might be done with rebels taken in arms it was not
lawful to put their wives and children to death Pir Muhammad
replied, "If we keep them for the night what will happen to them? ”
“In that night the plundering marauders stowed away their
Muslim captives, the wives of holy and learned men, Sayyids, and
nobles, in boxes and saddlebags, and carried them off to Ujjain and
in other directions. Sayyids and holy men came forth, bearing copies
of the Koran, to welcome the conquerors, and Pir Muhammad Khan
slew and burnt them all. "
Adham Khan sent to court, with the despatches announcing his
victory, only a few elephants, and kept most of the spoils and all the
women for himself. Maham Anaga's influence was powerless to
restrain Akbar's resentment of such an insult to his authority, but
she wrote to her son to warn him to look to himself and Akbar left
Agra on 27 April. After receiving, on his way, tribute from Surjan
Rai of Ranthambhor and the surrender of Gagraun he reached
Sarangpur on 13 May, to the consternation of Adham Khan, whose
mother's letter had not yet reached him. The delinquent humbled
himself before his sovereign, but his prayers and excuses were un-
availing until his mother appeared to intercede for him. She arranged
a reconciliation and attempted to conceal her son's crime by causing
to be put to death two of Baz Bahadur's most beautiful concubines,
whom he had ravished. The crime was discovered but as it was
traced to Maham Anaga it went unpunished.
Adham Khan was permitted to remain in Malwa as governor,
with Pir Muhammad Khan as his principal assistant, and Akbar
returned to Agra, slaying on the way, near Narwar, with one stroke
of his sword, a tigress which had five cubs. He delighted in such
feats of daring and took special pride in his mastery over elephants.
One day he mounted, rode and controlled the vicious elephant
Hawai, probably the beast of that name which had been ridden by
Himu at Panipat. Not content with this feat he commanded the
servants of the elephant stables to bring forth another fierce brute,
Ran Bagha, “the Tiger in Battle", and continued to ride Hawai while
the two fought. Hawai overcame Ran Bagha who fled, pursued by
the victor, across the bridge spanning the Jumna. The pontoons were
submerged by the ponderous beasts, but both reached the further bank
in safety, and there Akbar succeeded in bringing Hawai to a stand.
"In later years Akbar explained more than once to Abu-'l-Fazl
that his motive in undertaking such adventures was that God might
end his life if he should knowingly have taken a step displeasing to
the Most High, or cherished an aspiration contrary to his will, for, he
said, 'We cannot support the burden of life under God's displeasure. '
Such sentiments do little credit either to his heart or to his head.
If, as is certain, he did not hold such views when he was nineteen


## p. 81 (#113) #############################################

REBELLION IN EASTERN PROVINCES
81
he was lying, and the suggestion that God required his aid for the
purpose of destroying him shows that in the maze of his religious
speculations he had not found even the clue to the truth.
Before Akbar started for Malwa a very serious rebellion had broken
out in the eastern provinces of the empire. Sher Khan, the son of
Muhammad 'Adil, had assembled at Chunar an army of nearly
20,000 horse, 50,000 foot, and 500 elephants, and had marched on
Jaunpur. Ibrahim Khan the Uzbeg, Majnun Khan Qaqshal, and
Shaham Khan Jalair had been ordered to support Khan Zaman,
who, with his brother Bahadur and their troops, stood alone in the
path of the invaders. The forces met in the neighbourhood of Jaun-
pur and the Mughuls, though outnumbered, inflicted a crushing
defeat on the Afghans and dispersed their imposing array.
Khan Zaman, by repeating Adham Khan's offence, incurred the
wrath of Akbar, who marched from Agra by way of Kalpi and Kara
towards Jaunpur. Khan Zaman and his brother Bahadur, on learning
of his departure from Agra, repented their contumacy and marched
to Kara, where they offered to him all the elephants which they had
taken from the Afghans. Their timely submission disarmed his wrath
and he permitted them to return to Jaunpur, and, having despatched
Asaf Khan to Chunar, which was still in the hands of the Afghans,
returned to Agra, arriving there on 29 August. Chunar was sur-
rendered to Asaf Khan and became an outpost of the empire.
In November Atga Khan was summoned from Kabul and ap-
pointed minister of the empire, though the formality of dismissing
Mun‘im Khan, who had acted in that capacity ever since the fall
of Bairam Khan, was not observed. The appointment was extremely
cistasteful, not only to Mun'im Khan but also to Maham Anaga,
"who regarded herself as the virtual lieutenant of the empire”, and
she was still further annoyed by the recall of her son, Adham Khan,
from Malwa, where his sensuality and tyranny had rendered him
obnoxious to all. His recall was welcome to none more than to the
still less scrupulous ruffian Pir Muhammad Khan, who desired
freedom even from supervision so lax as Adham Khan's.
On 14 January, 1562, Akbar made his first pilgrimage to the shrine
of the famous saint Mu'in-ud-din Chishti of Ajmer, of whose merits
he had heard. This pilgrimage became an annual institution and
was regularly performed by him while he remained a Muslim. On
his way to Ajmer Raja Bihari Mal of Amber, who had been the first
Rajput chief to be presented at his court, obeyed a summons to wait
on him, attended the camp with his whole family, and begged Akbar's
acceptance of his daughter in marriage. His offers were accepted
and at Sambhar, on his return march, Akbar married the princess,
who eventually became the mother cf Jahangir, and rereived into
his service Man Singh, the nephew and adopted son of Bhagwan
Das, Bihari Mal's heir.
6


## p. 82 (#114) #############################################

82
AKBAR, 1556-1573
2
This was the first fruits of Mir 'Abdul-Latif's teachings and the
earliest indication of Akbar's noble resolve to be a father to all his
people, Hindus as well as Muslims, to be emperor of India, in short,
rather than the commander of a small garrison, alien in religion, and
to a great extent in blood, to the mass of the people. Shaikh Abu-'l-
Fazl is sometimes wrongly credited with having directed Akbar into
the path of religious toleration, on which he descants much in his
own pompous and artificial style, but Akbar deliberately adopted
the policy and pursued it for years before he had even seen his famous
secretary.
Mirza Sharaf-ud-din Husain, whose assignment was in the neigh-
bourhood of Ajmer, was sent to capture the fortress of Merta, then
held by Jaimal for the Rana, Uday Singh of Chitor. The fortress
was surrendered and quarter was given on the condition that it should
be handed over intact, with its contents, to the imperial troops, but
one Deo Das violated this condition by setting fire to its stores and
by offering a determined opposition to the troops as they entered
with the result that "he exalted several of the emperor's soldiers to
the dignity of martyrdom and himself entered eternal fire, being
accompanied to hell by 200 of his famous Rajputs”,” and the fortress
was occupied by Sharaf-ud-din Husain.
Akbar arrived at Agra on 13 February, 1562, having married at
Sambhar, as already related, the princess of Amber.
Pir Muhammad Khan, who had remained in Malwa as governor
on the removal of Adham Khan, displayed great activity in clearing
the country of the adherents of Baz Bahadur. He besieged and
captured Bijagarh 3 and put the whole garrison to the sword, and
as Baz Bahadur had taken refuge in Khandesh and was causing some
trouble on the southern frontier of Malwa he invaded that country
and penetrated as far as Burhanpur, massacring the inhabitants with-
out distinction as he advanced, and sparing neither Sayyids nor
learned and holy men. Mubarak II of Khandesh and Baz Bahadur
appealed for aid to Tufal Khan, the actual ruler of Berar, and on
his joining them fell upon Pir Muhammad Khan, dispersed his troops
and forced him to flee towards Mandu. As he was crossing the
Narbada his horse was overturned in the river by a camel and he
was drowned, and thus, as a historian says, "he went to fire by way
of water, and the sighs of the orphans, of the weak, and of the
captives did their work with him”. 4
The pursuit was pressed and the imperial officers could make no
stand in Malwa but were forced to flee to Agra, and Baz Bahadur
thus regained, for a short time, possession of his kingdom, but Akbar
at once sent 'Abdullah Khan the Uzbeg of Kalpi and Ahmad Khan
Farankhudi to recover the country, and Baz Bahadur fled and took
1 26° 39' N. , 74° 2' E.
2 Bad. (text) II, 50.
821° 41' N. , 75° 20' E.
4 Bad. (text) I, 51.


## p. 83 (#115) #############################################

MURDER OF ATGA KHAN
83
refuge with Uday Singh of Chitor while 'Abdullah Khan occupied
Mandu and re-established Mughul rule throughout the country.
In the hot weather of this year Akbar, while hunting near Sakit,
now in the Etah district of the United Provinces, heard complaints
of a gang of Hindu brigands who infested that neighbourhocd. He
at once marched against them and they fled and took refugee in the
village of Paraunkh, 15 miles south-east of Sakit. At the head of his
escort of 200 horse he attacked the brigands, who are said to have
numbered 4000. He was not well supported, but pressed on, receiving
twelve arrows in his shield and narrowly escaping death by his
elephant stumbling into a grain pit. He succeeded, however, in
forcing the animal through a wall of the buildings in which the
brigands had taken refuge and they were set on fire, about a
thousand of the wretches perishing in the flames. Akbar was even
ready for such perilous enterprises and we shall see that at a much
later period of his life he displayed similar reckless courage in
Gujarat. These exploits, performed in the interests of his empire,
stand on an entirely different footing from his foolish pranks with
tigers and elephants.
A tragedy now enabled him to free himself for ever of the baleful
influence of Maham Anaga and her ruffianly son. The discontent
caused by the appointment of Atga Khan as minister has already
been described. It was shared by Shihab-ud-din Ahmad Khan as
well as by those mentioned before, and the malcontents instigated
the unscrupulous Adham Khan to remove the obstacle from their
path. Authorities differ as to the details of the murder, but on
16 May, 1562, Adham Khan, attended by his followers, swaggered
into the hall where Atga Khan was engaged either in public business
or in reading the Koran and advanced towards him in a threatening
manner, with his hand on his dagger. Whether he stabbed him him-
self is not certain, but two of his followers, at a signal from him,
cut the minister down and he staggered out and fell dead in the
courtyard. Adham Khan then attempted to force his way into the
inner apartments where Akbar, who had been sleeping, was awakened
by the tumult. His object does not appear to have been, as Dr Vincent
Smith believed, “the last extremity of treason”,1 but to make his
peace. The eunuch on duty, however, barred his way, and Akbar
armed with his sword, came out by another door. As his glance fell
on the dead body of Atga Khan he cried to Adham Khan, “You
son of a why have you killed my foster-father? " Adham Khan
seized his hands and begged him to hear him, but Akbar, maddened
by the restraint, wrenched himself free and felled him with a blow
of his fist. He then ordered his attendants to throw him down from
the terrace, and the order was obeyed, but as Adham Khan was
1 Akbar, the Great Moghul, p. 60.
2 For doubt as to his use of
an epithet see Mrs Beveridge. Humayun-nama, p. 62, n, 1 (Ed. ).
9


## p. 84 (#116) #############################################

84
AKBAR, 1556-1573
1
1
seen to be breathing he was taken up and thrown down a second
time, so that his neck was broken and his brains spattered the pave-
ment. Akbar then returned to the inner apartments and broke the
news, as quietly as he could, to the murderer's mother, who was ill.
The sick woman said simply, "Your Majesty did well", and forty
days later died of grief for her worthless son.
Mun‘im Khan and Muhammad Qasim Khan, another conspirator,
fied across the Jumna and made for Rupar and Machiwara, intending
to escape to Kabul, where they hoped that Ghani Khan, the former's
son, would be able to protect them, but they were captured near
Sarwat in the Duab and handed over to Sayyid Mahmud Barha, who
sent them back to Agra, whence an emissary had already been des-
patched to convey to them an assurance that they would not be
molested. On their arrival at Agra they were not only pardoned,
but Mun'im Khan was permitted to retain his title of Khan Khanan
and reinstated as chief minister of the empire.
It has been plausibly conjectured 1 that there was an element of
contempt in this reinstatement, for the post to which Mun‘im Khan
was restored was shorn of nearly all its former importance. Akbar
had learnt his lesson and was resolved in future to be emperor in fact
as well as in name. During Mun'im Khan's short absence he had
discovered gross abuses in the adminstration of the crown lands and
had appointed to the charge of those lands, under his own immediate
control, the eunuch Buhlul Malik, who had faithfully served Islam
Shah Sur and was now entitled I'timad Khan. The selection was a
wise one and the eunuch served his new master faithfully and well.
So it was to be in all other departments of state. The powers of
the Sadr-us-Sadur had already been greatly curtailed on the appoint-
ment of Muhammad Salih of Herat to that post earlier in the year,
and the chief minister of the empire was henceforward to register
and execute his master's decrees rather than to govern the empire.
The completion of Akbar's twentieth year was the turning point
of his life. He had freed himself from all malign influences and was
able to pursue his own high ideals. With all his faults and all his
foibles, and they were many, he was a truly great ruler and was the
first of the Muslim sovereigns of India to conceive the idea of dealing
impartially with all his subjects, whether Hindus or Muslims. It may
also be said that he was the last. Henceforward the chronicle of his
reign is the story of the man, not of the influence of this or that
minister or faction.
The province of Kabul was governed nominally by Akbar's younger
brother, prince Muhammad Hakim, but the management of its
affairs was in the hands of his guardian, who at the beginning
of the reign had been Mun'im Khan. When he came to court on
the occasion of Bairam Khan's fall he left his son, Ghani Khan, to
1 Akbar, the Great Mogul, p. 63.
!


## p. 85 (#117) #############################################

CONFUSION AT KABUL
85
act for him, but the young man was unequal to the task. He could
manage neither the turbulent populace of Kabul nor the prince's
mother, who was a power in the state, and during a temporary
absence from the town the gates were shut against him by the
princess, Mah Chuchak Begam, and by his own uncle, Fazil (or
Fazail) Beg. Ghani Khan retired to Akbar's court and Fazil Beg
took his place, but left all business in the hands of his son, Abu-'l-Fath.
Abu-'l-Fath's behaviour estranged him both from the old nobles of
Kabul and from Mah Chuchak Begam, and he was assassinated.
Fazil Beg attempted to escape but was captured and shared the fate
of his son.
Mun‘im Khan was now reappointed to Kabul and, over-estimating
his popularity, hastened thither with an inadequate force. He was
attacked and defeated near Jalalabad by Mah Chuchak Begam and
fled to the Gakkhar country, whence he wrote to Akbar begging that
he might be permitted either to make the pilgrimage to Mecca or
to hide his shame in the Punjab, but Akbar consoled him, recalled
him to court, and made him governor of Agra.
Affairs at Kabul were now thrown into greater confusion than ever
by the arrival of the stormy petrel, Shah Abu-'l-Ma'ali, who, having
escaped from his prison at Lahore, had performed the pilgrimage to
Mecca, whence he returned ready to seize any opportunity of foment-
ing strife and stirring up sedition. At Jalor he had found Saraf-ud-din
Husain, one of the conspirators who had fled from court after the
murder of Atga Khan, and at his instigation had taken possession
of Narnaul and had defeated and slain Isma'il Quli and Ahmad Beg,
who had been sent against him by Husain Quli Khan, then engaged
in an attempt to capture Sharaf-ud-din Husain. Isma'il Quli and
Ahmad Beg had, however, before their final defeat and death, driven
Abu-'l-Ma'ali from Narnaul and captured his brother, Khanzada
Muhammad, and as one imperial officer after another closed the
gate of their fortresses against him and he heard that Akbar was
marching from Agra to Delhi he resolved to take refuge at Kabul,
where he hoped to be able to obtain possession of the person of
Muhammad Hakim Mirza, whom he might set up as a pretender to
the imperial throne in opposition to Akbar.
He fled through the Punjab, fruitlessly pursued by the imperial
troops, and was kindly received_at Kabul by Mah Chuchak Begam,
who gave him her daughter, Fakhr-un-Nisa Begam, in marriage.
She soon had reason to repent her courtesy to the turbulent and
ambitious Sayyid, who formed a party of the malcontents in the state,
put to death his benefactress and her agent, Haidar Qasim Kuhbur,
and took the management of affairs into his own hands. The young
prince Muhammad Hakim now secretly appealed for aid to Mirza
Sulaiman of Badakhshan, who marched on Kabul. Shah Abu-'l-
Ma'ali, carrying with him the prince, went forth to meet him, but


## p. 86 (#118) #############################################

86
AKBAR, 1556-1573
during the battle which ensued the prince found an opportunity of
escaping to the enemy and the Kabulis, seeing that he had taken
refuge with Mirza Sulaiman, dispersed. Shah Abu-'l-Maʻali fled, but
was pursued, taken and hanged on 13 May, 1564.
Mirza Sulaiman then married his daughter to Muhammad Hakim,
distributed the province among his own adherents, appointed Ummid
'Ali guardian of the prince and returned to Badakhshan.
The "foster-father cohort" was importunate for vengeance on
those who had been concerned in the murder of Atga Khan, but
Akbar, who had pardoned and reinstated two and could not lay his
hand on the third of the conspirators, did not meet their demand and
found it necessary to divert their attention by active employment.
A plausible pretext for interfering in the affairs of the Gakkhars
offered him an opportunity. Sultan Sarang, who had been confirmed
by Babur as chief of the Gakkhars, had been put to death by Islam
Khan Sur and his son Kamal Khan was in Akbar's service. The
leadership of the tribe had been seized by Kamal Khan's uncle,
Sultan Adam, and Kamal, who had rendered distinguished services
against the Afghans at Jaunpur, begged Akbar to restore him to at
least half of his inheritance. Akbar accordingly called upon Sultan
Adam to surrender to his nephew half of the tribal territory and, on
his refusing to comply, fitted out an expedition the command of which
he gave to Khan Kalan and Qutb-ud-din Khan, two of Atga Khan's
three brothers. The expedition was successful. Sultan Adam and his
son Lashkari were captured and Kamal Khan was placed in pos-
session of the Gakkhar country, which lay between the Indus and the
frontier of Kashmir. He put his uncle to death and threw his cousin
into prison, where he shortly afterwards died.
Akbar was hunting at Muttra when he heard of the death of Isma‘il
Quli and Ahmad Beg, near Nagaur, at the hands of Shah Abu-'l-Maʻali,
and on receiving the news marched to Delhi with a view to cutting off
the rebel, but the report of his movement so accelerated Abu-'l-Ma'ali's
flight that by the time the emperor reached Delhi arrest was impossible.
While at Muttra Akbar abolished the tax levied on Hindu pilgrims
visiting the town, another instance of his clemency to his Hindu
subjects.
At Delhi one of the most discreditable episodes of his life occurred.
He chanced to see and to fall in love with an extremely beautiful
woman, the wife of one Shaikh 'Abdul-Wasi, and sent a message
to the Shaikh reminding him of the article in the code of Chingiz
Khan to the effect that the husband of any woman whom the sovereign
may desire is bound to divorce his wife and surrender her to his lord.
The Shaikh was complaisant, divorced his wife and retired to Bidar
in the Deccan. The woman through whom Akbar had become
acquainted with the Shaikh's wife now suggested that he should in
like manner connect himself with the leading families of Delhi and
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87
MUZAFFAR 'ALI APPOINTED DIWAN
Agra, and pandars and eunuchs were employed to inspect secretly
the harems of the leading men of the city and report the discovery
of any woman of special beauty. This invasion of the sanctity of the
home caused much murmuring and discontent, and on 12 January,
1564, as Akbar was returning from a visit to the tomb of Shaikh
Nizam-ud-din Auliya, a slave named Fulad shot an arrow at him which
inflicted no more than a slight flesh wound. There appears to be no
doubt, though another motive has been assigned for the act, that the
attempt was connected with Akbar's designs on the honour and hap-
piness of his subjects. He, at any rate, so regarded it and caused the
assassin to be put to death on the spot, without inquiring, as his advi-
sers urged, what had been his motive and who were his instigators. He
abandoned his disgraceful search, and no more is heard throughout
his reign of his molesting the wives and daughters of his subjects.
In this year he made another appointment which indicated his
intention of bringing the whole of the administration of the empire
under his personal control. Muzaffar 'Ali of Turbat, who had been
in Bairam Khan's service and whose life had been spared in spite
of the efforts of the harem party to procure his condemnation, had
since done good service as collector of a sub-district and superintend-
ent of the imperial stores. He was now entitled Muzaffar Khan and
appointed Diwan, or revenue minister, of the empire.