No More Learning

In the Metamorphoses Ovid retold the whole story. Beginning with
the harvest festival of Oeneus, he used freely both the Iliad and the
Manual. Ovid implied that Oeneus did not err through mere forgetful-
ness ; and, by indicating the care with which other deities were honored,
he emphasized the neglect of Diana. In describing the monster, Ovid
may have followed suggestions of Euripides, but he added striking
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? MELEAGER AND ATALANTA
details of his own. The boar, he said, was as large as the biggest bull of
Epirus, a region mentioned first by Aristotle for the remarkable size
of its cattle. The monster had red, fiery eyes and a high, unbending
neck. Its bristles stood out like spear shafts. The tusks were as long as
those of an Indian elephant. Foam drifted back from the jaws and
flecked its broad shoulders, and its hot breath shrivelled the leaves. *
In describing the devastation, Ovid recalled both the Iliad and the
Manual but chose details of his own. The boar wrought havoc from
early spring until the end of summer. It trampled both sprouting and
ripe grain, overthrew the loaded grape vines, and ruined the fruitful
olive trees. Neither dogs nor shepherd could protect the sheep, and fierce
bulls could not protect the cattle. The terrified people left their homes
and took refuge in the city.
Following the Manual, Ovid gave a list of hunters, sometimes re-
cording them by name and at other times designating them only by
their country or family connection. He did not repeat the whole list
given in the Manual but selected enough names to indicate a large, illus-
trious company. Ovid prudently spoke of only two uncles, Toxeus and
Plexippus, as engaging in the hunt. The name Toxeus had been given
sometimes to a brother of Meleager, but Ovid seems to have been alone
in giving it to an uncle. Twenty-four other heroes Ovid took from the
Manual. t Prominent among them were Jason, Ancaeus, and the twin
sons of Leda, Castor and Pollux. These two Ovid spoke of later as
riding white horses. The idea was suggested by a familiar representa-
tion of them on Roman coins, but it was made unlikely by the circum-
stances of the hunt. Probably Ovid took also from the Manual the names
of nine other hunters, including the youthful Nestor, but we find them
only in Ovid's account.
Ovid's predecessors merely included the name and parentage of
Atalanta at some convenient point in their catalogue of hunters. Ovid
saw a chance to do better. Vergil, enumerating the Italian leaders op-
posed to Aeneas, had reserved for his emphatic final position the war-
*Ovid seems to have imagined the creature as breathing fire. The idea of fire-
breathing animals occurred often in Greek lore. It appeared regularly in the tale of
Jason taming the Colchian bulls (cf. Bk. 7), and some authors included it in three
labors of Hercules: the conquests of Diomed's horses, the Cerynitian hind, and the
Cretan Bull (cf. Bk. 9). Lucretius attributed fiery breath to the horses, Quintus
Smyrnaeus attributed it to the hind and the bull.
t Fifteen names agree with those listed both by Apollodorus and by Hyginus.
Three others, including the seer Amphiaratis, agree only with the list of Apollodorus.
Seven names, including Iolaiis and the uncle Plexippus, agree only with the list of
Hyginus.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK EIGHT
rior maiden Camilla and had added a brilliant description of her beauty
and her effect on the spectators. Vergil set her apart and gave her
special distinction. Ovid followed Vergil's example. But, since he was
going to speak later of Atalanta as unpopular with many of the hunt-
ers, he told only of her effect on Meleager.
He spoke of Atalanta as native to Tegea in southern Arcadia,
although afterwards he inconsistently mentioned her as coming from
the north Arcadian village of Nonacris. In describing her appearance
he seems to have remembered the huntress Diana of Alexandrian sculp-
ture. He noted that Atalanta's face was maidenly for a boy and boyish
for a maiden. Ovid indicated that she was a daughter of the Arcadian
Iasus. Evidently he desired his readers to think of her as different from
Atalanta, daughter of the Boeotian Schoeneus, whom he was to speak
of later as marrying Hippomenes (Bk. 10).
Wishing the reader to sympathize with Meleager, Ovid avoided
until late in the tale any mention of his wife. The hero, he said, loved
Atalanta at once but modestly concealed his passion from her. By
observing that some god was unfavorable, Ovid suggested a tragic out-
come. He did not make it clear what was to be the cause. Euripides
had supposed that Meleager's relatives were opposed to Atalanta as the
hero's prospective wife. Ovid seemed at first to reject this opinion. He
implied that Meleager concealed his love for Atalanta from his mother
and his uncles, indicating -- to make the idea plausible -- a briefer in-
terval of preparation than the nine days recorded by the Manual. But
later, during the quarrel, he recalled Euripides and showed the uncles
alluding in a derogatory manner to the hero's love affair. The Manual
had supposed that some of the other hunters objected to Atalanta as a
woman assuming prerogatives of men. Ovid seemed to reject this idea
also, for at the beginning of the hunt, he omitted the remonstrance of
Cepheus and Ancaeus. But afterwards, in accord with the idea of the
Manual, he showed Ancaeus talking disdainfully about ineffectual weap-
ons of a girl. Although Ovid failed to make a clear decision, he seems
to have imagined opposition to Atalanta both as a favorite of Meleager
and as a huntress presuming to associate on equal terms with men.
The Odyssey, recording a boar hunt undertaken by Ulysses and the
sons of Autolycus, told of the hunters ascending a wooded mountain-
side; passing over the ridges; and entering a deep, secluded valley.
There in a thicket they encountered a huge boar. Ovid appears to have
combined these circumstances with details from the account of Euripi-
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? MELEAGER AND ATALANTA
des. Leaving cultivated ground, he said, the heroes proceeded up an
open hillside to virgin forest, which crowned the summit and extended
over mountainous country behind. At the edge of the trees they set up
nets and unleashed the dogs. Then eager for danger they followed a
trail into the woods. It led them into a deep valley -- to a swampy
area, thick with reeds and small willows. In this marshy thicket the
boar assailed their dogs, breaking down the willow trees with the fury
of his advance. The heroes, deploying in a semi-circle through the
woods, boldly awaited the monster.
For the combat Ovid invented much vivid detail, and he marked the
stages carefully. The boar, he said, killed at least two heroes whose
death was not recorded in any previous account, and it compelled
Nestor to escape by vaulting into a tree. Following Apollonius, Ovid
pictured Ancaeus as wielding a two-edged axe. Ovid spoke of him as
not only arrogant, but as impious to Diana, and with the Manual he
agreed that Ancaeus perished by the tusks of the boar. Following both
Euripides and the Manual, he noted that Atalanta was the first to wound
the monster. He added that Meleager commended her and promised to
honor her --r an attractive demonstration of his feelings but also pro-
vocation to the jealous hunters.
Ovid imagined an unusual number of incidents in Meleager's combat
with the boar. First, he said, the hero wounded the beast. Then, recall-
ing the boar hunt in the Odyssey, he declared that Meleager attacked
the monster at close quarters and drove a spear through its shoulder.
The other heroes congratulated Meleager and gazed at the huge beast,
still hardly daring to touch it. Then each hunter dipped his spear in
the blood. Probably Ovid remembered a savage idea that virtues of a
fallen enemy could be absorbed by eating part of his flesh or by contact
with his blood.
In telling of the quarrel Ovid seems to have elaborated the story
given by the Manual. He implied that both the skin and the head of the
boar were removed from the carcass and were awarded to Meleager.
The hero immediately presented them to Atalanta, and she rejoiced not
only at the gift but also at the giver. The other hunters were displeased
and uttered a general murmur of disapproval. If they felt both jealousy
of Atalanta and resentment at Meleager's fondness for her, this would
have been probable. But Ovid's narrative had not prepared the reader
for such general dissent. The uncles, asserting their claim as next in
order, threatened Atalanta and even suggested that Meleager would
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK EIGHT
lack the courage to defend her. Ovid noted appropriately that Meleager
was called a son of Mars. Perhaps to increase the sense of unheeding
rage, he did not say that Atalanta appealed for redress. He told clearly
Meleager's unsparing vengeance.
For the conduct of Althaea, Ovid probably recalled Euripides. He
first indicated the following events. As soon as Meleager killed the boar,
a messenger ran with this good news to the palace. Althaea, proceeding
at once to the temple, offered thanks to the gods for her son's victory.
Before she had ended the ceremony, a bier arrived with the dead bodies
of Toxeus and Plexippus. Althaea did not wait to learn more but re-
turned, loudly lamenting, to the palace and put on mourning. Then
she heard the circumstances of her brothers' death and longed for ven-
geance. Ovid retold briefly the traditional story of the prophecy given
at Meleager's birth, adding that the Fates themselves laid the piece of
wood on the fire. This brand the mother now took from its place of
concealment. She ordered servants to fetch and light a heap of kindling
and then prepared to throw the brand into the flames.
Euripides had imagined Althaea's hesitating between desire to
avenge her brothers and natural love for her son. Ovid saw a chance to
dwell on the extraordinary conflict of passions. First he described
Althaea's appearance and behavior -- how again and again her face
reddened with anger and her eyes flashed as she moved to throw the
wood on the fire, how again and again she turned pale and shed tears of
pity as she suddenly drew back. He likened her, effectively, to a ship
borne back and forth with the contrary forces of wind and tide.
Then Ovid showed Althaea debating the question in a soliloquy.
Recalling the idea of Greek artists, he noted that she invoked the three
Furies to witness an act of vengeance which was to cost the life of her
son. But again she oscillated between contrary desires. She spoke of
Meleager as the only hope of his father and the state. Here Ovid seems
to have followed the idea of the Iliad that Meleager was the only son,
although later he mentioned the hero's brothers. At last Althaea re-
flected that twice she had given Meleager life -- once at his birth and
again with the quenching of the brand, and that he had repaid the gift
by murdering her brothers. This idea proved decisive. She resolved on
vengeance -- although she felt that it meant her own death.
Ovid had been describing not only a conflict of passions but also a
conflict of duties. Althaea felt at the same time an obligation to avenge
her brothers and a contrary obligation to protect her son. She believed
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? MELEAGER AND ATALANTA
that she must choose between them and heed one at the cost of disregard-
ing the other. Ovid might well have been content with letting the reader
see clearly this tragic situation. But he could not resist a temptation
to go further and to dazzle him with examples of verbal paradox. In-
stead of keeping attention on the anguish of a mother obliged to trample
under foot her dearest feelings, he diverted it to conceits, such as "to
soothe the ghosts of her blood relations with blood, she was pious by
impiety. "
While describing the fatal result, Ovid introduced a new idea. Skil-
fully he suggested an identity of the wood and the hero. As the brand
fell among the flames, it seemed to utter a groan, and it burned with
difficulty -- as if it were a human body. In describing the parallel expe-
rience of Meleager, Ovid recalled Vergil's account of Dido in love, whom
an unseen fire consumed from within.
Although Meleager still was far away and unaware of his mother's
act, his flesh seemed to burn and his vitals to be scorching with unseen
fire. This agony he bore with fortitude. But he lamented that he was to
die passively without glory, and he envied the fate of Ancaeus. As his
strength waned, he called the names of his father, brothers, and sisters,
his wife, and perhaps also his mother. It had been usual to imagine the
family as present during his last moments. Ovid wisely implied the con-
trary and allowed him to remain unaware that he suffered by his mother's
hand. The pain decreased with the fire, and the spirit departed, as ashes
overspread the glowing coals. This was one of the few occasions when
Ovid reached the level of heroic poetry.
Tradition had implied that during these tragic events Oeneus re-
mained strangely passive. Ovid increased the impression by implying
that he was absent even at the time of Meleager's death. He gave the
idea plausibility by suggesting more than once that Oeneus was very old.
In the Epistle of Deianira, Ovid had mentioned an otherwise unknown
idea that Althaea killed herself with a sword. This he repeated in his
Metamorphoses.
The Manual had recorded also the deaths of Meleager's brothers
and of Cleopatra. Ovid may have expected his readers to recall the
fact and to think of this further loss as increasing the national calamity.
But he spoke as if the grief of Calydon were entirely on account of
Meleager, and his description made it appear excessive. The poet of the
Iliad had observed that he could not enumerate the soldiers of the Greeks,
even if he had ten tongues, ten mouths, and a tireless voice. Vergil in the
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK EIGHT
Georgics had declared that he could not name all varieties of trees, even
if he had a hundred tongues, a hundred mouths, and a voice of iron; and
in the Aeneid, he repeated the idea, referring to the punishments of Tar-
tarus. Ovid declared that, if he had a hundred mouths each with a
tongue, a master's genius, and all the gifts of Helicon, he could not tell
the grief of Meleager's sisters. And, although he improved the epic
formula, his context gave a painful sense of anticlimax.
Although Meleager had suffered the tortures of fire, Ovid thought
of his body as unconsumed. The Calydonians were able to cremate it in
the usual manner and to lay his ashes under a monumental stone. At
every stage of the ceremony Meleager's sisters renewed their grief.
Following the account of Nicander, Ovid noted that Diana spared
Gorge and Deianira but metamorphosed the other two into birds.
For men of later times Ovid's narrative of Atalanta and Meleager
became the version which was at once the most accessible and the most
brilliant. It attracted a number of leading authors. Chaucer in his
Troilus and Cressida showed Cassandra telling Troilus the whole story.
Dryden translated Ovid's work, censuring in a preface its loose connec-
tion with the preceding tales of the book. Swinburne's Atalanta in
Calydon followed chiefly the Meleager of Euripides but continually took
ideas from the Metamorphoses. Anxious, like Ovid, to have the reader
sympathize with Meleager, Swinburne went still further and implied
that his hero was unmarried.
Erasmus appears to have been impressed by the offerings which
Oeneus made to the gods and by their failure because of the ill nature of
Diana. He described Folly as being complacent -- in contrast with
other deities, who are so scrupulous and exacting that it often is less
dangerous manfully to defy them than sneakingly to attempt the diffi-
cult task of pleasing them.
The formidable boar attracted several interesting references.
Shakespeare in Antony and Cleopatra showed the queen of Egypt in-
accurately likening Antony's anger to that of the boar of Thessaly.
And in Venus and Adonis Shakespeare took from Ovid many details for
the goddess's long description of the boar. Boethius, describing the
Erymanthean boar, remembered Ovid's idea that foam drifted back and
flecked the animal's shoulders. In the Knight's Tale Chaucer spoke of
the Calydonian hunt as pictured on the walls of Diana's temple. And
Tasso seems to have remembered both Vergil's enumeration of warriors
and Ovid's list of Calydonian hunters, when he closed his account of
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? MELEAGER AND ATALANTA
Mohammedan leaders with a gorgeous description of the sorceress Ar-
mida.
The fatal brand was remembered more than once. When Dante
asked how it was possible for spirits of the gluttons to become lean with
hunger, Virgil noted that it was fully as remarkable for Meleager to
perish with the brand. Shakespeare in the Second Part of Henry Fourth
showed the page making a confused reference to Althaea's dream that
she was to bear a firebrand. * In the Second Part of Henry Sixth the
Duke of York, lamenting the loss of two provinces in France, observed,
The realms of England, France, and Ireland
Bear that proportion to my flesh and blood
As did that fatal brand Althaea burned
Unto the Prince's heart of Calydon.
Dante in the Paradiso appears to have remembered Ovid's comment on
the decision of Althaea, for he declared that Alcmaeon was pious by
impiety. Burke referred to the hidden fire that burned in the vitals of
Meleager and destroyed his life. In his Conciliation with America he
declared that Lord North's policy would cause an intestine fire in the
bowels of the Colonies that sooner or later would consume the whole em-
pire. Martial in an epigram recalled the transformation of Meleager's
sisters into guinea fowl.
Ovid's tale interested several modern artists. Rubens painted three
pictures of Meleager, one of them a masterpiece. Jordaens, Wildens,
and Poussin treated the same theme in painting, and Le Gros and
Lajeune treated it in sculpture. Reubens also made a painting of the
Boar Hunt.
'Such a dream was ascribed to Hecuba before the birth of Paris.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK EIGHT
The Echinades and Peeimele
Wishing at this point to include a number of isolated tales, Ovid
invented the idea that Theseus heard them while delayed in his return to
Athens. He imagined as cause for the delay a river, swollen by rains
until it was dangerous to cross. Some of the tales were associated with
the Acheloiis, largest river of Greece, which formed the boundary be-
tween Aetolia and Acarnania. Since this river lay near Calydon, Ovid
imagined that it was the Acheloiis which delayed the hero's return. In
doing so he forgot that Theseus would have gone eastwards from Caly-
don and the river Acheloiis lay at some distance to the west.
Vergil in the Georgics had told how the river nymph Cyrene invited
Aristaeus to enter her residence under the river Peneus. Ovid imagined
that Acheloiis gave a similar invitation to Theseus and included also his
traveling companions. Acheloiis, he said, mentioned the wisdom of allow-
ing the waters to subside, and Ovid gladly profited by the chance to
describe the fury of the flood. Vergil had told how Cyrene received
Aristaeus in a cavern the roof of which was pumice, entertained him at
a table to which the nymphs brought food and wine, and then gave him
some interesting information. Ovid followed Vergil, except that he spoke
of the walls as being of pumice. He gave a more elaborate description of
the cavern, noting its floor of moss and roof of shells.
The early Greeks and Romans had been accustomed to eat their
meals sitting at a table. Afterwards they changed their ways and
learned to recline on couches, which were placed near the table. They
usually supported part of their weight on the left elbow, leaving the
right hand free. Vergil in his Aeneid ignored the older custom. Repeat-
edly he spoke of Aeneas and other heroes of ancient times as reclining at
their feasts. Although Ovid had shown Tereus sitting at his tragic ban-
quet (Bk. 6), he ordinarily followed Vergil's example. He pictured
Theseus and his friends as lying on couches while they enjoyed the feast
given by Acheloiis, and a little later he gave a similar idea prominence
in his tale of Philemon and Baucis.
Ovid imagined the cavern of Acheloiis as being open to the air and
as commanding a view downstream to the confluence of the river and
the sea. Far off among the waves, land was visible but so indistinct that
Theseus could not tell whether it was a single island or an archipelago.
Ovid showed him inquiring about this land.
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? THE ECHINADES AND PERIMELE
The river god answered that it consisted of five islands called
Echinades, and he told their origin. At one time five nymphs who lived
near the Achelous held a festival in honor of the rural gods but forgot
to include the god of the river. Enraged at the slight, he rose in flood
and carried off the nymphs and the ground on which they were dancing.
At the edge of the sea they were transformed into land, which at first
was a single island but in time was divided into five parts by the action
of the river and the sea. This tale we know only from Ovid.
The god pointed out another island still farther away and told the
story of its origin. The Manual had noted that a certain Perimede bore
Achelous two sons, one of whom was named Hippodamas. Ovid probably
remembered the incident but followed the different version of some Alex-
andrian poet. He called the girl Perimele and said that Hippodamas
was her father. The river god seduced her, he continued, and so her
father threw her from a cliff into the sea. As she swam, the god sustained
her and prayed that Neptune might preserve her from drowning either
by providing some land for her or by turning her into an island. Nep-
tune transformed her into the island which bears her name.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK EIGHT
Philemon and Baucis
Among the companions of Theseus, Ovid had named Pirithoiis.
His father was the impious Ixion, who tried to seduce Juno. He himself
was later to attempt the abduction of Proserpina. Ovid imagined that
he was habitually a scoffer at the gods and that on the present occasion
he went so far as to pronounce the story of Acheloiis incredible, because
gods could not transform human beings. The rest of the company dis-
approved of his objection, and an older man named Lelex offered to tell
a story illustrating the power of the gods.
Ovid introduced the tale with a preliminary passage similar to the
one in his account of the Lycian herdsmen (Bk. 6). Lelex declared that
in his youth he was sent on an errand to a little known part of Asia
Minor. In the course of his journey he came to a shrine near a marshy
lake, and he learned from a native the story of its origin. Probably Ovid
found both tales introduced in a similar manner by his Greek prede-
cessor.
Ovid mentioned the setting for the events which Lelex recounted
as an inland valley of Phrygia. Later he implied that it was in a
district called Bithynia, which bordered the northern end of the Helles-
pont. In that region Jupiter and Mercury often were worshipped to-
gether, and in the same region was the city of Lystra, where soon
after Ovid's time the Apostle Paul and his companion Barnabas were
mistaken for these deities and were obliged to decline a sacrifice of oxen.
Ovid's tale was concerned with a visit of Jupiter and Mercury to the
house of Philemon and Baucis.
The essential idea was one which occurs in the lore of many peoples
residing as far apart as India in the east and Germany in the west. A
deity or a great person once came unexpectedly to visit a certain human
being and gave him a chance to show piety and hospitality. In some
tales of this kind the identity of the visitor was known. Such was the
case in Ovid's account of Jupiter visiting Lycaon (Bk. 1) and in Mil-
ton's episode of the Archangel Raphael's sojourn with Adam and Eve.
But usually the visitor at first concealed his real nature and seemed to
be only a traveler who was poor and in need. In the Odyssey, Ulysses
came as a beggar to the swineherd Eumaeus, and in the Homeric Hymn
to Ceres, the goddess came as a forlorn wanderer to Celeus (cf. Proser-
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? PHILEMON AND BAUCIS
pina, Bk. 5). In tales of this kind, the visitor afterwards revealed him-
self and rewarded the kindness of his host. Sometimes he did so by ask-
ing him to say what he most desired and by granting his wish. This
occurred, for example, in the tale of Hyrieus, which Ovid included in his
Fasti.
According to many stories, the visitor came on purpose to test the
character of people living in a certain district. At a number of houses
he was repulsed churlishly, but at one he was received with kindness, and
he rewarded the people according to their desert. An idea similar to this
inspired that famous passage of the Gospels where the Savior distin-
guished the Sheep from the Goats, declaring that, when the Sheep had
been kind to humble folk who were in need, they also had been kind to
him. In certain tales the visitor tried the hospitality of two households;
one churlish, the other kindly. He offered to each the same reward, but
its value depended on the character of the person who received it. Ac-
cording to Grimm's fairy tale called The Rich Man and the Poor Man,
the Lord rewarded each householder by promising to fulfill three wishes.
Those of the hospitable man brought eternal blessedness, health and
sufficiency of food during his life, and an attractive house; those of the
inhospitable man brought only loss, unhappiness, and humiliation.
Occasionally the idea of reward and punishment was associated
with the tradition of a flood, which overwhelmed many wicked people but
spared a certain good man and his wife (cf. Deucalion, Bk. 1). In these
tales the flood occurred only within a limited area. A lake covered the
greater part of the district to which the divine visitor had come, destroy-
ing the churlish people, but the hospitable pair was saved. This idea
inspired an Italian tale about the Alpine valley of Angolo and the an-
cient Greek story of Philemon and Baucis. The Greek narrative appears
to have originated in Asia Minor and to have been included in that Alex-
andrian collection of Oriental tales from which Ovid already had taken
his stories of Pyramus, Leucothoe, and the Lycian herdsmen.
Like many Greek tales of similar nature, the story of Philemon and
Baucis was influenced by other themes congenial to the Alexandrians
and Romans. One was the idea of a former Golden Age, when men lived
in piety and simple virtue and deities often associated with them (cf.
The Four Ages, Bk. 1). Another was a longing for simple life in the
country, which made such life appear ideal. A feeling of this kind may
have entered literature first in the Electra of Euripides, where a kindly
peasant tried to relieve the heroine's affliction. With the Alexandrian
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK EIGHT
age it became important, and many leading poets showed fondness for
describing country life in exquisite detail, the most famous instance
being Theocritus in his Seventh Idyll. The same fondness appeared still
later in Alciphron's Letters and in several episodes of Nonnus. This
longing for simple country life affected the Roman Lucretius and was
prominent in the work of almost every important Augustan poet.
Such interest in the Golden Age and simple country life caused
Alexandrian and Roman poets to retell old stories in a new manner. In
tales of a deity or a great person visiting human beings they gave
special attention to the entertainment which was offered. The older
poet Pindar, telling how Jupiter, Mercury, and Mars visited Hyrieus,
may have shown interest only in their rewarding him with a son and
heir. But the Alexandrian poet Euphorion pictured in detail the humble
dwelling of Hyrieus and his preparation of a rustic meal. Callimachus
was especially fond of describing such incidents, and two of his stories
won general admiration. In his Origins he told how just before the vic-
tory over the Nemean Lion a shepherd named Molorchus offered hos-
pitality to Hercules. In his poem called Hecale, he told how shortly
before the capture of the Marathonian Bull a kindly old woman named
Hecale offered hospitality to Theseus. Both stories influenced all later
Alexandrian and Roman tales of similar nature. And, because Calli-
machus described both Molorchus and Hecale as old, there was a general
fondness for indicating that the hospitable people were advanced in
years. Ovid's Alexandrian predecessor gave this impression of Philemon
and Baucis.
In the original folk tale the essential idea had been a test of char-
acter, which Jupiter and Mercury applied to the people of a certain
district. But the Alexandrian author gave his main attention to the
entertainment. In accord with both the famous examples of Callimachus,
he described the preparation of an evening meal and indicated a pleas-
ant bustle of the elderly host. But, since Baucis would have the more
active part in household affairs, the author turned for most of his
details to the story of Hecale. Callimachus had suggested the poverty
of the old woman by describing her residence as humble and ill-furnished.
Among other matters he spoke of her inviting Theseus to sit on a bench,
which she covered with a rough cloth; and he may have noted that she
prepared supper on an unsteady table, which she had to prop with some
broken pottery. Ovid's Alexandrian predecessor described in a similar
way the home of Philemon and Baucis.
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Callimachus told of Hecale's-offering simple food produced in the
immediate vicinity, and he mentioned bacon, olives, and herbs from her
garden. The unknown Alexandrian author described a meal of this kind
as offered by Baucis. Callimachus may have intended to suggest poverty
also, by describing the meal as poor and scanty, for we do not know of
his mentioning anything else. But Theocritus had indicated in his
account of Polyphemus and in other poems that, although the country
folk had simple food, it was appetizing and pleasantly abundant. The
idea may have been usual in Alexandrian descriptions of idyllic life, for
it occurred repeatedly in similar passages of Vergil. Ovid's Alexan-
drian predecessor appears to have given this idea of the meal prepared
by Philemon and Baucis. He noted that after the more substantial part
of the supper they offered a second course, and he mentioned as one item
dry dates -- a characteristic dish of peasants in Egypt and the warmer
part of Asia Minor but not in Bithynia.
In more than one Alexandrian tale the host felt that he ought also
to honor his visitor by making a sacrifice. Molorchus offered to kill his
ram in honor of Hercules, and Hecale offered to make a sacrifice in
honor of Theseus. Hyrieus planned to kill his ox for the sake of his
three divine guests. For a similar reason Philemon and Baucis offered
to kill their only gander. In the story of Molorchus, Hercules forbade
the sacrifice of the ram, and in the tale of Philemon and Baucis the gods
forbade the killing of the gander. Molorchus and Hecale knew from the
beginning the identity of the visitor. But Hyrieus did not realize that
he was entertaining gods until his guests mentioned the name of Jupiter.
Philemon and Baucis learned the nature of their visitors by a more re-
markable occurrence. In many German legends and fairy tales a bowl
of wine, which had become empty, refilled itself magically. The same
incident occurred in the Greek story of Philemon and Baucis and af-
forded a means for revealing the divine character of the guests.
The author of the Odyssey had pictured Eumaeus as stating that
Jupiter was patron of travelers and expected the pious to treat them
hospitably. Philemon and Baucis had shown piety to Jupiter and will-
ingness to serve him. Their reward was in harmony with this idea.
After transforming their hut into a temple, Jupiter bade them say what
they most desired. They wanted to continue serving him, on a more
dignified level, as priest and priestess of the temple. They wished also
to spend the rest of their lives together and to die at the same time.
After some years Philemon was transformed into an oak tree and Baucis
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