No More Learning

? ? OF THE PRESENT DISCONTENTS.
able to cover with some degree of darkness and doubt.
In order to throw an odium on political connec tion, these politicians suppose it a necessary incident to that you are blindly to follow the opinions of your party, when in direct opposition to your own clear ideas; degree of servitude that no worthy man could bear the thought of submitting to; and such as, believe, no connections (except some court factions) ever could be so senselessly tyrannical as to
Men thinking freely, will, in particular in stances, think differently. But still as the greater part of the measures which arise in the course of
impose.
? business are related to, or dependent on,
public
some great, leading, general principles in govemmervt, man must be peculiarly unfortimate in the choice of his political company, he does not agree with them at least nine times in ten. If he does not concur in these general principles upon which the party founded, and which necessarily draw on concur rence in their application, he ought from the begin ning to have chosen some other, more conformable to his opinions. When the question in its nature doubtful, or not very material, the modesty which becomes an individual, and, (in spite of our court moralists) that partiality which becomes well-chosen friendship, will frequently bring on an acquiescence in the general sentiment. Thus the disagreement will naturally be rare will be only enough to in dulge freedom, without violating concord, or disturb
And this all that ever was re quired for character of the greatest uniformity and
steadiness in connection. How men can proceed with out any connection at all, to me utterly incompre
ing arrangement.
? ? is
is
a
; it
if
is a
a
is a
it, I
a
? 534
ruoucnrs on THE cause
hensible. Of what sort of materials must that man be made, how must he be tempered and put together, who can sit whole years in Parliament, with five hun dred and fifty of his fellow-citizens, amidst the storm of such tempestuous passions, in the sharp conflict of so many wits, and tempers, and characters, in the agitation of such mighty questions, in the discussion of such vast and ponderous interests, without seeing any one sort of men, whose character, conduct, or disposition, would lead him to associate himself with them, to aid and be aided, in any one system of pub
lic utility?
I remember an old scholastic aphorism, which says,
"that the man who lives wholly detached from others, must be either an angel or a devil. " When "I see in any of these detached gentlemen of our times the an gelic purity, power, and beneficence, I shall admit them to be angels. In the mean time we are born only to be men. We shall do enough if we form our selves to be good ones. It is therefore our business carefully to cultivate in our minds, to rear to the most perfect vigor and maturity, every sort of gener ous and honest feeling, that belongs to our nature. To bring the dispositions that are lovely in private life into the service and conduct of the commonwealth; so to be patriots, as not to forget we are gentlemen. To cultivate friendships, and to incur enmities. To have both strong, but both selected : in the one, to be placable ; in the other immovable. To model our principles to our duties and our situation. To be fully persuaded, that all virtue which is impracticable is spurious ; and rather to run the risk of falling into faults in a course which leads us to act with effect and energy, than to loiter out our days without blame,
__
? ? ? ? OF THE PRESENT DISGONTENTS.
and without use. Public life is a situation of power and energy ; he trespasses against his duty who sleeps upon his watch, as well as he that goes over to the enemy.
There however, time for all things. It not every conjuncture which calls with equal force upon the activity of honest men; but critical exigencies now and then arise; and am mistaken, this be not one of them. Men will see the necessity of hon est combination; but they may see when too late. They may embody, when will be ruinous to themselves, and of no advantage to the country; when, for want of such timely union as may enable them to oppose in favor of the laws, with the laws on their side, they may at length find themselves under the necessity of conspiring, instead of consulting. The law, for which they stand, may become
? weapon in the hands of its bitterest enemies; and they will
be cast, at length, into that miserable alternative be tween slavery and civil confusion, which no good man can look upon without horror an alternative in which impossible he should take either part, with conscience perfectly at repose. To keep that situation of guilt and remorse at the utmost distance is, therefore, our first obligation. Early activity may prevent late and fruitless violence. As yet we work in the light. The scheme of the enemies of public tranquillity has disarranged, has not destroyed us.
If the reader believes that there really exists such faction as have described; faction ruling the private inclinations of court, against the general
sense of the people; and that this faction, whilst pursues scheme for undermining all the founda tions of our freedom, weakens (for the present at
? ? a
I
a
it
by it
a
a
it
is
is,
aa
a I
;
it
it
a
it if
is is
? 536 THOUGHTS ON THE causn
least) all the powers of executory government, ren dering us abroad contemptible, and at home distract ed ; he will believe also, that nothing but a firm com bination of public men against this body, and that, too, supported by the hearty concurrence of the peo ple at large, can possibly get the better of it. The people will see the necessity of restoring public men to an attention to the public opinion, and of restoring the constitution to its original principles. Above all, they will endeavor to keep the House of Commons from assuming a character which does not belong to it. They will endeavor to keep that House, for its existence, for its powers, and its privileges, as inde pendent of every other, and as dependent upon them selves, as possible. This servitude is to a House of Commons (like obedience to the Divine law) "per fect freedom. " For if they once quit this natural,
rational, and liberal obedience, having deserted the only proper foundation of their power, they must seek a support in an abject and unnatural depend ence somewhere else. When, through the medium of this just connection with their constituents, the genuine dignity of the House of Commons is re stored, it will begin to think of casting from with scorn, as badges of servility, all the false ornaments of illegal power, with which has been, for some time, disgraced. It will begin to think of its old of fice of CONTROL. It will not suffer that last of evils to predominate in the country: men without popular confidence, public opinion, natural connection, or mutual trust, invested with all the powers of govern ment.
When they have learned this lesson themselves, they will be willing and able to teach the court, that
? ? ? it
it,
? OF THE PRESENT DISCONTENTS.
537
it is the true interest of the prince to have but one administration ; and that one composed of those who recommend themselves to their sovereign through the opinion of their country, and not by their obsc quiousness to a favorite. Such men will serve their sovereign with affection and fidelity; because his choice of them, upon such principles, is a compliment to their virtue. They will be able to serve him effect ually ; because they will add the weight of the coun try to the force of the executory power. They will be able to serve their king with dignity; because they will never abuse his name to the gratification of their private spleen or avarice. This, with allow ances for human frailty, may probably be the general character of a ministry, which thinks itself accounta ble to the House of Commons; when the House of Commons thinks itself accountable to its constituents. If other ideas should prevail, things must remain in their present confusion, until they are hurried into all the rage of civil violence, or until they sink into the dead repose of despotism.
END OF VOL. I.
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The works of the Right Honorable Edmund Burke.
Burke, Edmund, 1729-1797.
Boston : Little, Brown, and company, 1869.
http://hdl. handle. net/2027/miun. aba1206. 0003. 001
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? ? ? THE
WORKS
OF
THE RIGHT HONORABLE EDMUND BURKE.
THIRD EDITION.
VOL. III.
BOSTON.
LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY. I869.
? ? ? ? CONTENTS OF VOL. III.
PAGE
SPEECH ON THE NABOB OF ARCOT'S DEBTS, February 28,
1785; with an Appendix. . . . . . 1
SUBSTANCE OF SPEECH ON THE ARMY ESTIMATES, February 9, 1790. . 211 REFLECTIONS ON THE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE. 231
? ? ? ? SPEECH
ON THE
MOTION MADE FOR PAPERS
RELATIVE TO THE
DIRECTIONS FOR CHARGING THE NABOB OF ARCOT'S
PRIVATE DEBTS TO EUROPEANS ON THE
REVENUES OF THE CARNATIC,
FEBRUARY 28, 1785.
WITH AN APPENDIX,
CONTAINING SEVERAL DOCUMENTS. 'EvTcaOc Tt 1rp4TeLv Zxpiv v~pxL 673v IlUa'covog Kca'ApLt7roroAovT 57XAT7qv 0oyuaTWV; apa 7reptopcLV avOp(7rov; &OVTov; 7ToS KXe7ratL et8oLSoevovT, KaTa 8Vva'lLv aorov'o al 4VELV, oLgtaL, &c s T 7b iKVKVeLOV ea8ovoaT 8&a 7o OeoLEuo' epyaoCTiptov T7cv
TOiLOOTwv;'Etolt peLv obv aCo'Xpbv etvaLL 8oKeZ To;! iev XtLtApXo0V,'oLav AeLr(o,' Tv
rat4v, KlTaSLKeLLV. . . . . ve &,rap aoXicov avOpcjrwv b7roe1etrrv TctSw, 6av Zin
7rpos KXl~c~~s &ywvCseoOua TOLO1TOV9 I KaL aDTOa ToD eoV X 7U. LLV, JO Tep
o0v eTateV.
JuuiNI Epist. 17.
VOL. III. 1
? ? ? ? ADVERTISEMENT.
HAT the least informed reader of this speech may
be enabled to enter fully into the spirit of the
transaction on occasion of which it was delivered, it
may be proper to acquaint him, that, among the princes dependent on this nation in the southern part of
India, the most considerable at present is commonly
known by the title of the Nabob of Arcot.
This prince owed the establishment of his government, against the claims of his elder brother, as well
as those of other competitors, to the arms and influence of the British East India Company. Being thus
established in a considerable part of the dominions he
now possesses, he began, about the year 1765, to form,
at the instigation (as he asserts) of the servants of
the East India Company, a variety of designs for the
further extension of his territories. Some'years after, he carried his views to certain objects of interior
arrangement, of a very pernicious nature. None of
these designs could be compassed without the aid of
the Company's arms; nor could those arms be employed consistently with an obedience to the Company's orders. He was therefore advised to form a more secret, but an equally powerful, interest
among the servants of that Company, and among
others both at home and abroad. By engaging
them in his interests, the use of the Company's
power might be obtained without their ostensible
? ? ? ? 4 ADVERTISEMENT.
authority; the power might even be employed in
defiance of the authority, if the case should require,
as in truth it often did require, a proceeding of that
degree of boldness.
The Company had put him into possession of
several great cities and magnificent castles. The
good order of his affairs, his sense of personal dignity, his ideas of Oriental splendor, and the habits
of an Asiatic life, (to which, being a native of India,
and a Mahometan, he had from his infancy been
inured,) would naturally have led him to fix the
seat of his government within his own dominions.
Instead of this, he totally sequestered himself from
his country, and, abandoning all appearance of state,
he took up his residence in an ordinary house, which
he purchased in the suburbs of the Company's factory
at Madras. In that place he has lived, without removing one day from thence, for several years past.
He has there continued a constant cabal with the
Company's servants, from the highest to the lowest,
- creating, out of the ruins of the country, brilliant
fortunes for those who will, and entirely destroying
those who will not, be subservient to his purposes.
An opinion prevailed, strongly confirmed by several passages in his own letters, as well as by a combination of circumstances forming a body of evidence which cannot be resisted, that very great sums have
been by him distributed, through a long course of
years, to some of the Company's servants. Besides
these presumed payments in ready money, (of which,
from the nature of the thing, the direct proof is very
difficult,) debts have at several periods been acknowledged to those gentlemen, to an immense amount,
that is, to some millions of sterling money. There is
? ? ? ? ADVERTISEMENT. ,5
strong reason to suspect that the body of these debts
is wholly fictitious, and was never created by money
bond fide lent. But even on a supposition that this
vast sum was really advanced, it was impossible that
the very reality of such an astonishing transaction
should not cause some degree of alarm and incite
to some sort of inquiry.
It was not at all seemly, at a moment when the
Company itself was so distressed as to require a suspension, by act of Parliament, of the payment of bills drawn on them from India,-and also a direct tax
upon every house in England, in order to facilitate
the vent of their goods, and to avoid instant insolvency,-at that very moment, that their servants
should appear in so flourishing a condition, as, besides ten millions of other demands on their masters, to be entitled to claim a debt of three or four millions more from the territorial revenue of one of
their dependent princes.
The ostensible pecuniary transactions of the Nabob
of Arcot with very private persons are so enormous,
that they evidently set aside every pretence of policy
which might induce a prudent government in some
instances to wink at ordinary loose practice in illmanaged departments. No caution could be too
great in handling this matter, no scrutiny too exact.
It was evidently the interest, and as evidently at least
in the power, of the creditors, by admitting secret
participation in this dark and undefined concern, to
spread corruption to the greatest and the most alarming extent.
These facts relative to the debts were so notorious,
the opinion of their being a principal source of the
disorders of the British government in India was so
? ? ? ? 6 ADVERTISEMENT.
undisputed and universal, that there was no party,
no description of men in Parliament, who did not
think themselves bound, if not in honor and conscience, at least in common decency, to institute a
vigorous inquiry into the very bottom of the business, before they admitted any part of that vast and
suspicious charge to be laid upon an exhausted country. Every plan concurred in directing such an inquiry, in order that whatever was discovered to be corrupt, fraudulent, or oppressive should lead to a
due animadversion on the offenders, and, if anything
fair and equitable in its origin should be found, (nobody suspected that much, comparatively speaking,
would be so found,) it might be provided for, -- in
due subordination, however, to the ease of the subject and the service of the state.
These were the alleged grounds for an inquiry,
settled in all the bills brought into Parliament relative to India, -and there were, I think, no less than
four of them. By the bill commonly called Mr. Pitt's
bill, the inquiry was specially, and by express words,
committed to the Court of Directors, without any reserve for the interference of any other person or persons whatsoever. It was ordered that they should make the inquiry into the origin and justice of these
debts, as far as the materials in their possession ena
bled them to proceed; and where they found those
materials deficient, they should order the Presidency
of Fort St. George (Madras) to complete the inquiry.
The Court of Directors applied themselves to the
execution of the trust reposed in them. They first
examined into the amount of the debt, which they
computed, at compound interest, to be 2,945,6001.
sterling. Whether their mode of computation, either
? ? ? ? ADVERTISEMENT. 7
of the original sums or the amount on compound
interest, was exact, that is, whether they took the
interest too high or the several capitals too low, is
not material. On whatever principle any of the calculations were made up, none of them found the debt
to differ from the recital of the act, which asserted that the sums claimed were "very large. " The
last head of these debts the Directors compute at
2,465,6801. sterling. Of the existence of this debt
the Directors heard nothing until 1776, and they say,
that, "although they had repeatedly written to the
Nabob of Arcot, and to their servants, respecting the
debt, yet they had never been able to trace the origin
thereof, or to obtain any satisfactory information on the
subject. "
The Court of Directors, after stating the circumstances under which the debts appeared to them to
have been contracted, add as follows: -" For these
reasons we should have thought it our duty to inquire
very minutely into those debts, even if the act of Parliament had been silent on the subject, before we concurred in any measure for their payment. But with the positive injunctions of the act before us to examine into their nature and origin, we are indispensably
bound to direct such an inquiry to be instituted. "
They then order the President and Council of Madras
to enter into a full examination, &c. , &c.
The Directors, having drawn up their order to
the Presidency on these principles, communicated the
draught of the general letter in which those orders
were contained to the board of his Majesty's ministers, and other servants lately constituted by Mr.
Pitt's East India Act. These ministers, who had
just carried through Parliament the bill ordering a
? ? ? ? 8 ADVERTISEMENT.
specific inquiry, immediately drew up another letter,
on a principle directly opposite to that which was
prescribed by the act of Parliament and followed by
the Directors. In these second orders, all idea of an
inquiry into the justice and origin of the pretended
debts, particularly of the last, the greatest, and the
most obnoxious to suspicion, is abandoned. They
are all admitted and established without any investigation whatsoever, (except some private conference
with the agents of the claimants is to pass for an investigation,) and a fund for their discharge is assigned
and set apart out of the revenues of the Carnatic.
To this arrangement in favor of their servants, servants suspected of corruption and convicted of disobedience, the Directors of the East India Company were ordered to set their hands, asserting it to arise from
their own conviction and opinion, in flat contradiction to their recorded sentiments, their strong remonstrance, and their declared sense of their duty,
as well under their general trust and their oath as
Directors, as under the express injunctions of an act
of Parliament.
The principles upon which this summary proceeding was adopted by the ministerial board are stated
by themselves in a number in the appendix to this
speech.
By another section of the same act, the same Court
of Directors were ordered to take into consideration
and to decide on the indeterminate rights of the Rajah
of Tanjore and the Nabob of Arcot; and in this, as in
the former case, no power of appeal, revision, or alteration was reserved to any other. It was a jurisdiction, in a cause between party and party, given to the Court of Directors specifically. It was known that the
? ? ? ? ADVERTISEMENT. 9
territories of the former of these princes had been
twice invaded and pillaged, and the prince deposed
and imprisoned, by the Company's servants, influenced by the intrigues of the latter, and for the purpose of paying his pretended debts. The Company had, in the year 1775, ordered a restoration of the
Rajah to his government, under certain conditions.
The Rajah complained, that his territories had not
been completely restored to him, and that no part
of his goods, money, revenues, or records, unjustly
taken and withheld from him, were ever returned.
The Nabob, on the other hand, never ceased to claim
the country itself, and carried on a continued train of
negotiation, that it should again be given up to him,
in violation of the Company's public faith.
The Directors, in obedience to this part of the act,.
ordered an inquiry, and came to a determination to
restore certain of his territories to the Rajah. The
ministers, proceeding as in the former case, without
hearing any party, rescinded the decision of the Directors, refused the restitution of the territory, and,
without regard to the condition of the country of
Tanjore, which had been within a few years four
times plundered, (twice by the Nabob of Arcot, and
twice by enemies brought upon it solely by the politics of the same Nabob, the declared enemy of
that people,) and without discounting a shilling for
their sufferings, they accumulate an arrear of about
four hundred thousand pounds of pretended tribute
to this enemy; and then they order the Directors
to put their hands to a new adjudication, directly
contrary to a judgment in a judicial character and
trust solemnly given by them and entered on their
records.
? ? ? ? 10 ADVERTISEMENT.
These proceedings naturally called for some inquiry. On the 28th of February, 1785, Mr. Fox
made the following motion in the House of Commons, after moving that the clauses of the act should
be read: - " That the proper officer do lay before this
House copies or extracts of all letters and orders of
the Court of Directors of the United East India Company, in pursuance of the injunctions contained in the 37th and 38th clauses of the said act "; and the question being put, it passed in the negative by a very great majority.
The last speech in the debate was the following;
which is given to the public, not as being more worthy of its attention than others, (some of which were of consummate ability,) but as entering more into
the detail of the subject,
? ? ? ? SPEECH.
THE times we live in, Mr. Speaker, have been distinguished by extraordinary events. Habituated, however, as we are, to uncommon combinations of men and of affairs, I believe nobody recollects anything more surprising than the spectacle of this day.
The right honorable gentleman* whose conduct is
now in question formerly stood forth in this House,
the prosecutor of the worthy baronet t who spoke after him. He charged him with several grievous acts
of malversation in office, with abuses of a public trust
of a great and heinous nature. In less than two years
we see the situation of the parties reversed; and a singular revolution puts the worthy baronet in a fair way
of returning the prosecution in a recriminatory bill of
pains and penalties, grounded on a breach of public
trust relative to the government of the very same
part of India. If he should undertake a bill of that
kind, he will find no difficulty in conducting it with
a degree of skill and vigor fully equal to all that have
been exerted against him.
But the change of relation between these two gentlemen is not so striking as the total difference of
their deportment under the same unhappy circumstances. Whatever the merits of the worthy baro* Right Honorable Henry Dundas.
t Sir Thomas Rumbold, late Governor of Madras.
? ? ? ? 12 SPEECH ON THE NABOB OF ARCOT'S DEBTS.
net's defence might have been, he did not shrink
from the charge. He met it with manliness of spirit
and decency of behavior. What would have been
thought of him, if he had held the present language
of his old accuser? When articles were exhibited
against him by that right honorable gentleman, he
did not think proper to tell the House that we ought
to institute no inquiry, to inspect no paper, to examine no witness. He did not tell us (what at that time le might have told us with some show of
reason) that our concerns in India were matters of
delicacy, that to divulge anything relative to them
would be mischievous to the state. He did not tell
us that those who would inquire into his proceedings
were disposed to dismember the empire. He had not
the presumption to say, that, for his part, having obtained, in his Indian presidency, the ultimate object of his ambition, his honor was concerned in executing with integrity the trust which had been legally committed to his charge: that others, not having
been so fortunate, could not be so disinterested;
and therefore their accusations could spring from no
other source than faction, and envy to his fortune.
Had he been frontless enough to hold such vain,
vaporing language in the face of a grave, a detailed,
a specified matter of accusation, whilst he violently
resisted everything which could bring the merits of
his cause to the test, -had he been wild enough to
anticipate the absurdities of this day, -that is, had
he inferred, as his late accuser has thought proper to
do, that he could not have been guilty of malversation in office, for this sole and curious reason, that he had been in office, - had he argued the impossibility
of his abusing his power on this sole principle, that
? ? ? ? SPEECH ON THE NABOB OF ARCOT'S DEBTS. 13
he had power to abuse, - he would have left but one
impression on the mind of every man who heard him,
and who believed him in his senses: that in the utmost extent he was guilty of the charge.
But, Sir, leaving these two gentlemen to alternate
as criminal and accuser upon what principles they
think expedient, it is for us to consider whether the
Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Treasurer of
the Navy, acting as a Board of Control, are justified
by law or policy in suspending the legal arrangements
made by the Court of Directors, in order to transfer
the public revenues to the private emolument of certain servants of the East India Company, without the
inquiry into the origin and justice of their claims prescribed by an act of Parliament.
It is not contended that the act of Parliament did
not expressly ordain an inquiry. It is not asserted
that this inquiry was not, with equal precision of
terms, specially committed, under particular regulations, to the Court of Directors. I conceive, therefore,
the Board of Control had no right whatsoever to intermeddle in that business. There is nothing certain
in the principles of jurisprudence, if this be not undeniably true, that when a special authority is given to
any persons by name to do some particular act, that no
others, by virtue of general powers, can obtain a legal
title to intrude themselves into that trust, and to exercise those special functions in their place. I therefore consider the intermeddling of ministers in this affair as a downright usurpation. But if the strained
construction by which they have forced themselves
into a suspicious office (which every man delicate
with regard to character would rather have sought
constructions to avoid) were perfectly sound and
? ? ? ? 14 SPEECH ON THE NABOB OF ARCOT'S DEBTS.
perfectly legal, of this I am certain, that they cannot
be justified in declining the inquiry which had been
prescribed to the Court of Directors. If the Board of
Control did lawfully possess the right of executing the
special trust given to that court, they must take it as
they found it, subject to the very same regulations
which bound the Court of Directors. It will be allowed that the Court of Directors had no authority to dispense with either the substance or the mode of
inquiry prescribed by the act of Parliament. If they
had not, where in the act did the Board of Control
acquire that capacity? Indeed, it was impossible
they should acquire it. What must we. think of
the fabric and texture of an act of Parliament which
should find it necessary to prescribe a strict inquisition, that should descend into minute regulations for the conduct of that inquisition, that should commit
this trust to a particular description of men, and in
the very same breath should enable another body, at
their own pleasure, to supersede all the provisions the
legislature had made, and to defeat the whole purpose, end, and object of the law? This cannot be supposed even of an act of Parliament conceived by
the ministers themselves, and brought forth during
the delirium of the last session.
My honorable friend has told you in the speech
which introduced his motion, that fortunately this
question is not a great deal involved in the labyrinths of Indian detail. Certainly not. But if it
were, I beg leave to assure you that there is nothing in the Indian detail which is more difficult than
in the detail of any other business. I admit, because
I have some experience of the fact, that for the interior regulation of India a minute knowledge of India
? ? ? ? SPEECH ON THE NABOB OF ARCOT'S DEBTS. 15
is requisite. But on any specific matter of delinquency in its government you are as capable of
judging as if the same thing were done at your
door. Fraud, injustice, oppression, peculation, engendered in India, are crimes of the same blood, family, and cast with those that are born and bred
in England. To go no farther than the case before
us: you are just as competent to judge whether the
sum of four millions sterling ought or ought not
to be passed from the public treasury into a private pocket without any title except the claim of
the parties, when the issue of fact is laid in Madras,
as when it is laid in Westminster. Terms of art,
indeed, are different in different places; but they are
generally understood in none. The technical style
of an Indian treasury is not one jot more remote
than the jargon of our own Exchequer from the train
of our ordinary ideas or the idiom of our common
language. The difference, therefore, in the two cases
is not in the comparative difficulty or facility of the
two subjects, but in our attention to the one and
our total neglect of the other. Had this attention
and neglect been regulated by the value of the several objects, there would be nothing to complain of. But the reverse of that supposition is true. The
scene of the Indian abuse is distant, indeed; but we
must not infer that the value of our interest in it is
decreased in proportion as it recedes from our view.
In our politics, as in our common conduct, we shall
be worse than infants, if we do not put our senses
under the tuition of our judgment, and effectually
cure ourselves of that optical illusion which makes
a brier at our nose of greater magnitude than an
oak at five hundred yards' distance.
? ? ? ? 16 SPEECH ON THE NABOB OF ARCOT'S DEBTS.
I think I can trace all the calamities of this country to the single source of our not having had steadily
before our eyes a general, comprehensive, well-connected, and well-proportioned view of the whole of
our dominions, and a just sense of their true bearings and relations. After all its reductions, the British empire is still vast and various. After all the
reductions of the House of Commons, (stripped as we
are of our brightest ornaments and of our most important privileges,) enough are yet left to furnish us,
if we please, with means of showing to the world
that we deserve the superintendence of as large an
empire as this kingdom ever held, and the continuance of as ample privileges as the House of Commons, in the plenitude of its power, had been habituated to assert. But if we make ourselves too little for the sphere of our duty, if, on the contrary, we
do not stretch and expand our minds to the compass
of their object, be well assured that everything about
us will dwindle by degrees, until at length our concerns are shrunk to the dimensions of our minds.
It is not a predilection to mean, sordid, home-bred
cares that will avert the consequences of a false estimation of our interest, or prevent the shameful dilapidation into which a great empire must fall by mean
reparations upon mighty ruins.
I confess I feel a degree of disgust, almost leading
to despair, at the manner in which we are acting in
the great exigencies of our country. There is now
a bill in this House appointing a rigid inquisition
into the minutest detail of our offices at home. The
collection of sixteen millions annually, a collection
on which the public greatness, safety, and credit have
their reliance, the whole order of criminal jurispru
? ? ? ? SPEECH ON THE NABOB OF ARCOT'S DEBTS. 17
dence, which holds together society itself, have at no
time obliged us to call forth such powers, --no, nor
anything like them. There is not a principle of the
law and Constitution of this country that is not subverted to favor the execution of that project. * And
for what is all this apparatus of bustle and terror?
Is it because anything substantial is expected from
it? No. The stir and bustle itself is the end proposed. The eye-servants of a short-sighted master
will employ themselves, not on what is most essential to his affairs, but on what is nearest to his ken. Great difficulties have given a just value to economy; and our minister of the day must be an econ -- omist, whatever it may cost us. But where is he to,
exert his talents? At home, to be sure; for where
else can he obtain a profitable credit for their exertion? It is nothing to him, whether the object on which he works under our eye be promising or not.
If he does not obtain any public benefit, he may
make regulations without end. Those are sure to
pay in present expectation, whilst the effect is at a
distance, and may be the concern of other times
and other men. On these principles, he chooses to
suppose (for he does not pretend more than to suppose) a naked possibility that he shall draw some resource out of crumbs dropped from the trenchers
of penury; that something shall be laid in store
from the short allowance of revenue-officers overloaded with duty and famished for want of bread, -
by a reduction from officers who are at this very
hour ready to batter the Treasury with what breaks
through stone walls for an increase of their appointments. From the marrowless bones of these skeleton * Appendix, No. 1.
VOL. III. 2
? ? ? ? I8 SPEECH ON THE NABOB OF ARCOT'S DEBTS. establishments, by the use of every sort of cutting and of every sort of fretting tool, he flatters himself that he may chip and rasp an empirical alimentary powder, to diet into some similitude of health and substance the languishing chimeras of fraudulent reformation.
Whilst he is thus employed according to his policy and to his taste, he has not leisure to inquire
into those abuses in India that are drawing off
money by millions from the treasures of this country, which are exhausting the vital juices from members of the state, where the public inanition is far
more sorely felt than in the local exchequer of England. Not content with winking at these abuses,
whilst he attempts to squeeze the laborious, ill-paid
drudges of English revenue, he lavishes, in one act
of corrupt prodigality, upon those who never served
the public in any honest occupation at all, an annual
income equal to two thirds of the whole collection of
the revenues of this kingdom.
Actuated by the same principle of choice, he has
now on the anvil another scheme, full of difficulty
and desperate hazard, which totally alters the commercial relation of two kingdoms, and, what end
soever it shall have, may bequeath a legacy of heartburning and discontent to one of the countries, perhaps to both, to be perpetuated to the latest posterity. This project is also undertaken on the hope of profit.
It is provided, that, out of some (I know not what)
remains of the Irish hereditary revenue, a fund, at
some time, and of some sort, should be applied to
the protection of the Irish trade. Here we are commanded again to task our faith, and to persuade ourselves, that, out of the surplus of deficiency, out of
? ? ? ? SPEECH ON THE NABOB OF ARCOT'S DEBTS. 19
tile savings of habitual and systematic prodigality, the
minister of wonders will provide support for this nation, sinking under the mountainous load of two hundred and thirty millions of debt. But whilst we look with pain at his desperate and laborious trifling,
whilst we are apprehensive that he will break his
back in stooping to pick up chaff and straws, he recovers himself at an elastic bound, and with a broadcast swing of his arm he squanders over his Indian field a sum far greater than the clear produce of the
whole hereditary revenue of the kingdom of Ireland. *
Strange as this scheme of conduct in ministry is,
and inconsistent with all just policy, it is still true to
itself, and faithful to its own perverted order. Those
who are bountiful to crimes will be rigid to merit
and penurious to service. Their penury is even held
out as a blind and cover to their prodigality. The
economy of injustice is to furnish resources for the
fund of corruption. Then they pay off their protection to great crimes and great criminals by being inexorable to the paltry frailties of little men; and these modern flagellants are sure, with a rigid fidelity, to
whip their own enormities on the vicarious back of
every small offender.
It is to draw your attention to economy of quite
another order, it is to animadvert on offences of a far
different description, that my honorable friend has
brought before you the motion of this day. It is to
perpetuate the abuses which are subverting the fabric
* The whole of the net Irish hereditary revenue is, on a medium
of the last seven years, about 330,0001. yearly. The revenues of all
denominations fall short more than 150,0001. yearly of the charges.
On the present produce, if Mr. Pitt's scheme was to take place, he
might gain from seven to ten thousand pounds a year.
? ? ? ? 20 SPEECH ON THE NABOB OF ARCOT'S DEBTS.
of your empire, that the motion is opposed. It is,
therefore, with reason (and if he has power to carry
himself through, I commend his prudence) that the
right honorable gentleman makes his stand at the
very outset, and boldly refuses all Parliamentary
information.