rannion seems to have been considerable; at any
Ascanius
once, while hunting, killed a tame stag
rate Cicero thought highly of it.
rate Cicero thought highly of it.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - c
(Ari- 2.
A native of Phoenicia, the son of Artemidorus,
stoph. Ran. 845; Plin. II. N. ii. 48. ) Typhoeus, and a disciple of the preceding. His original name
on the other hand, is described as the youngest son was Diocles. He was taken captive in the war
of Tartarus and Gaen, or of Hera alone, because between Antonius and Octavianus, and was pur-
she was indignant at Zeus having given birth to chased by Dymas, a freedman of the emperor. "By
Athena. Typhoeus is described as a monster with him he was presented to Terentia, the wife of
a hundred heads, fearful eyes, and terrible voices Cicero, who manumitted him. He taught at Rome,
(Pind. Pyth. i. 31, viii. 21, Ol. iv. 12); he wanted and according to Suidas, wrote 68 works. The
to acquire the sovereignty of gods and men, but following are mentioned :-), Nepl oñis 'Oumparnis
was subdued, after a fearful struggle, by Zeus, with poowdías. 2. llepl twv mepwv Toll dóyou. 3. Sepi
a thunderbolt
. (Hes. Theog. 821, &c. ). He begot rís 'Pwpalkins bladéktov, showing that the Latin
the winds, whence he is also called the father of language is derived from the Greek. 4. Toù 'Av.
the Harpies (Val. Flacc. iv. 428), but the be- τιγένους η Ρωμαϊκή διάλεκτος. 5. “Οτι διαφω-
neficent winds Notus, Boreas, Argestes, and Ze. vowow oi vektepot trointal tpos "Oumpov. 6. 'E5
phyrus, were not his song. (Ηes. Theog. 869, &c. ) ήγησις του Τυραννίωνος μερισμού. 7. Διόρθωσις
Aeschylus and Pindar describe him as living in a 'Ounpean. 8. 'Oploypaqla. Tyrannion is mentioned
Cilician cave. (Pind. Pyth. viii. 21 ; comp. the dif- in the scholia on Homer (Schol. Marc. ad Il. B'.
ferent ideas in Apollon. Rhod. ii. 1210, &c. , and 92, 155, 169).
Herod. iii. 5. ) He is further said to have at one 3. Suidas mentions a third writer of the name
time been engaged in a struggle with all the im- of Tyrannion, a Messenian, who wrote a work on
mortals, and to have been killed by Zeus with a augury (olwVOO KOTIKÁ) in three books, and some
flash of lightning ; he was buried in Tartarus under other works.
Mount Aetna, the workshop of Hephaestus. (Ov. A work Περί του σκολιού μέτρου is ascribed by
Her. xv. 11, Fast. iv. 491 ; Aeschyl. Prom. 351, Suidas (s. V. o komóv) to a writer named Tyrannion,
&c. ; Pind. Pyth. i. 29, &c. ) The later poets fre- and stated to have been written at the suggestion
quently connect Typhoeus with Egypt, and the of Caius Caesar. If this notice is correct, and the
gods, it is said, when unable to hold out against Tyrannion meant is the second of that name, he
him, fled to Egypt, where, from fear, they meta- must have reached a very advanced age when he
morphosed themselves into animals, with the ex- commenced this treatise, even supposing him to
ception of Zeus and Athena (Anton. Lib. 28 ; have been young when he was brought to
Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 28 ; 0v. Met. v. 321, &c. ; Rome.
(C. P. M. ]
comp. Apollod. i. 6. $ 3; Ov. Fast. ii. 461 ; Horat. TYRIA'SPES (Tupiáoans), a Persian, who in
Carm. iii. 4. 53. )
(L. S. ] B. C. 327 was appointed by Alexander the Great
TYRANNION (Tupavviwv). 1. A Greek to the satrapy of the Paropamisadae, west of the
grammarian, a native of Amisus in Pontus, the son river Cophen. In the following year Alexander
of Epicratides, or, according to some accounts, of commissioned him and Philippus to reduce the
Corymbus. He was a pupil of Hestiaeus of Amisus, Assacenians, who had revolted (Arr. Anab. iv. 22,
and was originally called Theophrastus, but received v. 20. )
(E. E. )
from his instructor the name of Tyrannion on TYRO (Tupá), a daughter of Salmoneus and
account of his domineering behaviour to his fellow Alcidice, was the wife of Cretheus, and the be-
disciples. He afterwards studied under Dionysius loved of the river-god Enipeus in Thessaly, in the
the Thracian at Rhodes. In B. C. 72 he was taken form of whom Poseidon appeared to her, and be-
captive by Lucullus, who carried him to Rome. came by her the father of Pelias and Neleus. By
At the request of Murena Tyrannion was handed Cretheus she was the mother of Aeson, Pheres, and
over to him, upon which he emancipated him, an Amythaon. (Hom. Od. xi. 235, &c. ; Apollod.
act with which Plutarch (Lucullus, 19) finds fault, i. 9. & 8. )
(L. S. ]
as the emancipation involved a recognition of his TYRÓ SABI'NUS. (SABINUS. )
having been a slave, which does not seem to have TYRRHE'NUS (Tupónvós or Tuponvós), a son
been the light in which Lucullus regarded him. of the Lydian king Atys and Callithea, and a
At Rome Tyrannion occupied himself in teaching. brother of Lydus, is said to have led a Pelasgian
He was also employed in arranging the library of colony from Lydia into Italy, into the country of
A pellicon, which Sulla brought to Rome. (Plut. the Umbrians, and to have given to the colonists
Sulla, 26. ) Cicero employed him in a similar his name, Tyrrhenians. (Herod. iv. 94 ; Dionys.
manner, and speaks in the highest terms of the Hal. i. 27. ) Others call Tyrrhenus a son of He-
learning and ability which Tyrannion exhibited in racles by Omphale (Dionys. i. 28), or of Telephus
these labours. (Cic. ad Att. iv. 4, b. 1. 8, a. 2). and Hiera, and a brother of Tarchon. (Tzetz. ad
Cicero also availed himself of his services in the Lyc. 1242, 1249. ) The name Tarchon seems to
instruction of his nephew Quintus (ad Quint. Fratr. be only another form for Tyrrhenus, and the two
ii. 4. & 2 ; comp. ad Att. ii. 6. § 1, xii. 6. § 1, 2. names represent a Pelasgian hero founding settle-
$ 2, 7. $ 2, ad Quint. Fr. iii. 4. & 5). Strabo (xii. ments in the north of Italy. (Comp. Müller, Die
p. 548) speaks of having received instruction from Etrusker, vol. i. p. 72, &c. )
(L. S. ]
Tyrannion. The geographical knowledge of Ty-. TYRRHEUS, a shepherd of king Latinus.
rannion seems to have been considerable; at any Ascanius once, while hunting, killed a tame stag
rate Cicero thought highly of it. (Cic. ad Att. ii. 6. ) belonging to Tyrrheus, whereupon the country
Tyrannion amassed considerable wealth, and ac- people took up arms, which was the first coufict in
## p. 1197 (#1213) ##########################################
TYRRHECS
1197
TYRTAEUS.
TYRTAEL'S.
scarce y credible statement et
Eimself a itrary of 30,000
- a scall work of his
Do learn the subject of it. I
very advanced age of a pezia
Phoenicia, the son of Arte da
the preceding. His er nie. De
He was taken captive in te
us and Octavianus, and a pe
as a freedman of the empere.
resented to Tererti te ri :
unitted him. He target 2: Rak,
Saidas, wrote 68 rets
nooned:-). Tega sis 'Ousatree
αρέ των μερών του λόγου, 3 Πες
2) ERTOU, showing ches ebe Lane
ed from the Greek. 4. Ta 2)
air dialektos. 5. Oni la
* Tomal ope's Oumaat, 1. 5
viavos menusuri. 7. Super
padia Trrannion is DPRESA
liumer (Sisu Mare all.
jions a third writer of the new
Jessenian, who wrode s van
"18) in ihree books, 20. AD
CRONIC nétpou is aserbehy
-) 80 & writer naced Traza
been written ai tbe smart
fihis notice is cores de
the second of t3a: sebe
a very adranced a ria
a:ise, eren supposong bao
when de ras be *
Italy betwveen the natives and the Trojan settlers. / the connection of Aphidnae with Laconia a reason
(Virg. Aen. vii. 483, &c. , ix. 28. ) (L. S. ) why that town, above all others in Attica, should
TYRTAEUS (Tupraios, or Túpratos), son of have been fixed upon as the abode of Tyrtaeus
Archembrotus, the celebrated poet, who assisted on the same supposition the motive for the fabrica-
the Spartans in the Second Messenian War, was tion of the tradition is to be found in the desire
the second in order of time of the Greek elegiac which Athenian writers so often displayed, and
poets, Callinus being the first. At the time when which is the leading idea in the passage of Lycurgus
his name first appears in history, he is represented, referred to above, to claim for Athens the greatest
according to the prevalent account, as living at possible share of all the greatness and goodness
Aphidnae in Attica ; but the whole tradition, of which illustrated the Hellenic race:-
which this statement forms a part, has the same
mythical complexion by which all the accounts of
“ Sunt quibus unum opus est, intactae Palladis
the early Greek poets are more or less pervaded.
urbem
In attempting to trace the tradition to its source, Undique discerptum fronti praeponere olivam. ”
Carmine perpetuo celebrare, et
we find in Plato the brief stateinent, that Tyrtaeus
was by birth an Athenian, but became a citizen of On the other hand, Strabo (l. c. ) rejects the
Lacedaemon (De Legg. i. p. 629). The orator tradition altogether, and makes Tyrtaeus a native
Lycurgus tells the story more fully ; that, when of Lacedaemon, on the authority of certain passages
the Sparınns were at war with the Messenians, in his poems. He tells us that Tyrtaeus stated
they were commanded by an oracle to take a leader that the first conquest of Messenia was made in
from among the Athenians, and thus to conquer the time of the grandfathers of the men of his own
their enemies ; and that the leader they so chose generation (kata Toùs TV Tatépwv ratépas), and
from Athens was Tyrtaeus. (Lycurg. c. Leocr. that in the second he himself was leader of the
p. 211, ed. Reiske. ) We learn also from Strabo Lacedaemonians ; and then Strabo adds, — directly
(viii
. p. 362) and Athenaeus (xiv. p. 630, f. ) that after the words toîs Aakedaluoviois,-kal gåp elvar
Philochorus and Callisthenes and many other his- | φησίν εκείθεν εν τη ποιήσει ελεγεία, ήν επιγρά-
torians gave a similar account, and made Tyrtaeus pouri Eůvoulavº
an Athenian of Aphidnae (είπουσιν εξ Αθηνών και
Αυτός γάρ Κρονίων καλλιστεφάνου πόσις "Ηρης
'Αφιδνών αφικέσθαι). The tradition appears in a
still more enlarged form in Pausanias (iv. 15. § 3),
Ζεύς Ηρακλείδαις τηνδε δέδωκε πόλιν.
Οίσιν άμα προλιπόντες Ερινεόν ήνεμόεντα,
Diodorus (xv. 66), the Scholia to Plato (p. 448,
Ευρείαν Πέλοπος νήσον αφικόμεθα,
ed. Bekker), Themistius (xv. p. 242, s. 197, 198),
Justin (iii. 5), the scholiast on Horace (Art
. From which Strabo draws the conclusion, that
Poet. 402), and other writers (see Clinton, F. H. either the elegies containing these verses are
vol. i. s. a. 683). Of these writers, however, only spurious, or else that the statement of Philochorus,
Pausanias, Justin, the Scholiast on Horace, and &c. (as already quoted) must be rejected. The
Suidas, give us the well-known embellishment of commentators, however, are not content with
the story which represents Tyrtaeus as a lame Strabo's own negative inference from the verses
schoolmaster, of low family and reputation, whom quoted, but will have it that he understood them
the Athenians, when applied to by the Lacedae- as declaring that Tyrtaeus himself came from
monians in accordance with the oracle, purposely Erineos to join the Spartans in their war against
sent as the most inefficient leader they could select, the Messenians ; and, to give a colour to this inter-
being unwilling to assist the Lacedaemonians in pretation, Casaubon assumes as self-erident that
extending their dominion in the Peloponnesus, but after τοίς Λακεδαιμονίοις some such words as ελθών
little thinking that the poetry of Tyrtaeus would ég 'Epivéou have been lost. But, if the passage
achieve that victory, which his physical constitution says that Tyrtaeus came from Erineos at all, it
seemed to forbid his aspiring to. Now to accept says as plainly that he came thence to Peloponfiesus
the details of this tradition as historical facts together with the Heracleidae ; and it is therefore
would be to reject ali the principles of criticism, clear that the verses refer, not to any remoral of
and to fall back on the literal interpretation of Tyrtaeus himself, but to the great migration of the
mythical accounts ; but, on the other hand, we are Dorian ancestors of those Lacedaemonians for whom
equally forbidden by sound criticism to reject he spoke, and among whom he, in some sense, in-
altogether that element of the tradition, which cluded himself; and the argument of Strabo, as the
represents Tyrtaeus as, in some way or other, con passage stands, is that Tyrtaeus was a Lacedae-
nected with the Attic town of Aphidnae. Perhaps monian (execdev referring, of course, to Makedarmo
the explanation may be found in the comparison of vious), because of the intimate way in which he
the tradition with the facts, that Tyrtaeus was an associates himself with the descendants of the
elegiac poet, and that the elegy had its origin in Dorians who migrated from Erineos (one of the
Ionia, and also with another tradition, preserved four Dorian states of Thessaly) to the Pelopon-
by Suidas (s. v. ), which made the poet a native of The true question that remains is this,
Miletus ; from which results the probability that whether his manner of identifying bimself with
either Tyrtaeus himself, or his immediate ancestors, the Lacedaemonians in this passage, and in the
migrated from Ionia to Sparta, either directly, or phrase about their fathers' fathers, implies that he
by way of Attica, carrying with them a knowledge himself was really a descendant of those Dorians
of the principles of the elegy. Aphidnae, the town who invaded the Peloponnesus, and of those Lace-
of Attica to which the tradition assigns him, was daemonians who fought in the first Messenian
connected with Laconia, from a very early period, war, or whether this mode of expression is suffi-
by the legends about the Dioscuri ; but it is hard ciently explained by the close association into
to say whether this circumstance renders the story which he had been thrown with the Spartans,
more probable or more suspicious ; for, on the sup- whom he not only aided in war, but by whom he
position that the story is an invention, we have in had been made a citizen. This last fact is ex.
"pérons), . Persin, sa
CP.
led by Alexander de les
· Paropamisade, sest on
e folourg Tear Lemur
d Philippus to redar
rerolted (Arr
. Amma
(EL
augáter of Samosessa
of Cretbeus, ui se
Enipens in Thessalt, a
1 appeared to bez odbo
of Pelias and Veres
Pcher of Aesor, Phers i
• vi 23, 62; 3:
(LS)
(SAB:xrs]
Sards or T705, 150
rs and Call. rse cus
to bare led a Puig
tar, into se mu
e giren to the chose
Herod is. 94; 1. 43
Crobenos a esos
i 28. or of Tema
Tarchon. (TEZ
de Tacions
ITchedus, and is
herd firandis Kit
(Coca Vio
I of Ain Las
kijed a
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i tie Erste
nesus.
(La
## p. 1198 (#1214) ##########################################
1198
TYRTAEUS.
TYRTAEUS.
pressly stated by Plato (l. c. ), and its probability | factory, in respect of the establishment of any po
is confirmed by the statement of Aristoile (Pol. ii. sitive conclusions ; but for that very reason they
6. § 12) that, in the times of the early kings, the are extremely important, in order to mark the
Spartans sometimes conſerred the citizenship upon limits of our knowledge of the early history of
foreigners. Plutarch ascribes a saying to Pausa- Greek lyric poetry, and to show the danger of ac-
nias, the son of Cleombrotus, that, when asked cepting the positive statements of writers who lived
why they had made Tyrtaeus a citizen, he replied, long after the period with reference to which their
" that a foreigner might never appear to be our evidence is brought forward, as if their being po-
leader” (Apophth. Lacon. p. 230, d. ). Of course, sitive statements were alone sufficient to au-
a mere floating apophthegm like this can have thenticate them. In the present case, the question
little weight ; it may be a genuine tradition, or it of the country of Tyrtaeus appears to us still un-
may be the invention of some writer who wished decided, and likely to remain so.
to reconcile the common story about Tyrtacus with The other points of the popular story, namely,
the well-known repugnance of the Lacedaemonians that Tyrtaeus was a lame schoolmaster, are rejected
to confer their franchise upon foreigners. The by all modern writers. It would lead us too far to
statement of Suidas, that Tyrtaeus was a Lacedae- discuss their probable origin: we will only observe
monian, according to some, furnishes no additional that the statement of his being a schoolmaster
cvidence, but must be interpreted according to the may simply mean that he was, like the other early
conclusion which may be arrived at respecting the musicians and poets, a teacher of his own art; and
whole question. It should not be forgotten, in his alleged lameness may possibly be connected
estimating the value of Strabo's opinion, that he with some misunderstanding of expressions used
may have found other passages in the writings of by the earlier writers to describe his metres.
Tyrtaeus, which seemed to imply that he was a These suggestions, however, are by no means put
Lacedaemonian, besides those which he quotes ; forward as altogether satisfactory explanations of
but of course this possibility cannot be adduced as the tradition.
a positive argument, unless it were confirmed by Turning now to the more certain facts of the
the actual occurrence of such passages in the ex- poet's history, we find him presented to us in the
tant fragments of Tyrtaeus.
double light of a statesman and a military leader,
In the opinion of those modern critics, who reject composing the dissensions of the Spartans at home,
the account of the Attic origin of Tyrtaeus, the and animating their courage in the field. And this
extant fragments do actually furnish evidence of representation is quite consistent with the position
his being a Lacedaemonian. The spirit displayed occupied by a poet in those early times, as the
in them is said to be thoroughly Dorian ; and the teacher and prime mover both in knowledge and in
patriotic energy, with which the poet praises those virtue ; a position attested by abundant evidence,
who face danger for their native land, is certainly and recognised by the very phrase which is several
extraordinary for a foreigner, especially when it is times used to describe those early poets, d goods
remembered that Tyrtaeus is not only said to have months. It is remarkable that the power of the
shown his influence over the Spartans by leading poet to teach political wisdom, and to appease
them in war, but also by appeasing their civil dis- civil discords, is not only recognised in the tradi-
cords at home; and all this becomes the more ex- tions about the early history of Greece, from
traordinary, if we reflect that this patriotic ardour the legends respecting Orpheus downwards, but
was excited, and this influence was exerted, by an also that, in the semi-historical period now under
Ionian over and on behalf of Dorians. Neither consideration, and with specific reference to the
does it seem probable that, whatever aid the Lace-Lacedaemonian state, we are told of civil tumults
daemonians might be willing to accept from a being appeased, not only by Tyrtaeus, but also by
foreigner, they would entrust to him the command Terpander and Thaletas, who, according to the re-
of their armies.
ceived chronology, were his contemporaries (TER-
On the other hand, is urged by Müller with PANDER ; THALES). The nature of these dissen-
some force, that “ If Tyrtaeus came from Attica, sions it is the province of the political historian to
it is easy to understand how the elegiac metre, investigate: the form wbich the tradition assumes
which had its origin in Ionia, should have been in the case of Tyrtaeus is the following. Among
used by him, and that in the very style of Cal- the calamities, which the revolt of the Messenians
linus. Athens was so closely connected with her brought upon the Spartan state, and which, ac-
Ionic colonies, that this new kind of poetry must cording to the common story, Tyrtaeus was the
have been soon known in the mother city. This divinely appointed minister to remedy, not the
circumstance would be far more inexplicable if least was the discontent of those citizens, who,
Tyrtaeus had been a Lacedaemonian by birth, as having possessed lands in Messenia, or on the bora
was stated vaguely by some ancient authors. Forders, had either been expelled from their estates,
although Sparta was not at this period a stranger or had been forced to leave them uncultivated for
to the efforts of the other Greeks in poetry and fear of the enemy, and, being thus deprived of
music, yet the Spartans, with their peculiar modes their means of subsistence, demanded compensation
of thinking, would not have been very ready to by a new division of landed property. To convince
appropriate the new invention of the Ionians. ”+ these sufferers of their error in disturbing public
(Hist. of Lit. of Greece, vol. i. p. 111. )
order, Tyrtaeus composed his elegy entitled “Legal
Discussions of this sort are extremely unsatis-Order” (Evvoula), which Suidas calls also nono-
tela. (Aristot. Polit. v. 7. 81; Pans. iv. 18. S
* This mode of disposing of positive evidence 2. ) of this work Müller gives the following
is worth notice.
excellent description :-" It is not difficult, on
+ How was it, then (one may ask), that they considering attentively the character of the early
very ready to appropriate " Tyrtaeus Greek elegy, to form an idea of the manner in
and the invention together?
.
-
which Tyrtaeus probably handled this subject. Ho
were 80
66
## p. 1199 (#1215) ##########################################
TYRTAEUS.
1199
TZETZES.
doubtless began with remarking the anarchical the so-called Seren Wise Men, and nlso older. At
movement among the Spartan citizens, and by ex- all events, he lived during the period of that great
pressing the concem with which he viewed it. But, development of music and poetry, which took place
as in general the elegy seeks to pass from an excited at Sparta during the seventh century, B. C. , although
state of the mind through sentiments and images we have no distinct account of his relation to the
of a miscellaneous description to a state of calm- other musicians and poets whose efforts contributed
ness and trar. quillity, it may be conjectured that to that development. The absence of any statement
the poet in the Eunomia made this transition by of a connection between him and Terpander or
drawing a picture of the well-regulated constitution Thaletas is easily explained by the fact that he
of Sparta, and the legal existence of its citizens, was not, properly speaking, a lyric poet. Besides
which, founded with the divine assistance, ought his anapestic war-songs, his compositions, so far 18
not to be destroyed by the threatened innovations; we are informied, were all elegiac, and his music
and that at the same time he reminded the Spar- was that of the Aute. He is expressly called by
tans, who had been deprived of their lands by the Suidns édeyerunoids kal avanths.
Messenian war, that on their courage would de- The cstimation in which 'Tyrtaeus was held at
pend the recovery of their possessions, and the Sparta, as long as the state preserved her in-
restoration of the former prosperity of the state. dependence, wns of the highest order. Even in
This view is entirely confirmed by the fragments his own time, liis poems were used in the instruc-
of Tyrtaeus, some of which are distinctly stated to tion of the young, as we learn from the orator
belong to the Eunomia. In these the constitution Lycurgus (1. C. ), who goes on to say that the La-
of Sparta is extolled, as being founded by the cedaemonians, though they made no account of the
power of the gods ; Zeus himself having given the other poets, set such value upon this one, that,
country to the Heracleids, and the power having when they were engaged in a military expedition,
been distributed in the justest manner, according it was their practice to summon all the soldiers to
to the oracles of the Pythian Apollo, among the the king's tent, that they might hear the poems of
kings, the gerons in the council, and the men of Tyrtaenis. Athenaeus also (xiv. p. 630, f. ) tells
the commonalty in the popular assembly. ” (Hist. us that, in time of war, the Lacedaemonians regu-
of the Lit. of Anc. Greece, vol. i. p. 111. )
lated their evolutions by performing the poems of
But Tyrtaeus is still more celebrated for the Tyrtaeus (Tà Tupralov noinuata atournuovevov.
compositions by which he animated the courage of Tes éppuonov kívnou howūrtai), and that they
the Spartans in their conflict with the Messenians, had the custom in their camps, that, when they
had supped and sung,
the
“ Tyrtaeusque mares animos in Martia bella
paean, they sang, each in
Versibus exacuit. ” (Horat. Ars Poët. 402. )
his turn, the poems of Tyrtaeus. Pollux (iv. 107)
ascribes to Tyrtaeus the establishment of the triple
The poems were of two kinds ; namely, elegies, choruses, of boys, men, and old men. The influ-
containing exhortations to constancy and courage, ence of his poetry on the minds of the Spartan
and descriptions of the glory of fighting bravely youth is also indicated by the saying ascribed to
for one's native land ; and more spirited compo- Leonidas, who, being asked what sort of a poet
sitions, in the anapaestic measure, which were Tyrtaens appeared to him, replied, “ A good one to
intended as marching songs, to be performed with tickle the minds of the young. ” (Plut. Cleom. 2. )
the music of the flute. The former are called The extant fragments of Tyrtaeus are contained
υποθήκαι, or υποθήκαι δι' έλεγείας, οι ελεγεία in most of the older and more recent collections
simply; the latter enn å vánalota, uéan FORENIO- of the Greek poets, and, among the rest, in Gais-
τήρια, εμβατήρια, ενόπλια, or προτρεπτικά. Both | ford's Poetae Minores Graeci, Schneidewin's De-
classes of compositions, we are told, he used to lectus Poëseos Graecorum, and Bergk's Poetae Lyrici
recite or sing to the rulers of the state in private, Graeci. The best separate editions are those of
and to bodies of the citizens, just as he might Klotz, Bremae, 1764, 8vo. , reprinted, with a Ger-
happen to collect them around him, in order to man translation by Weiss, Altenb. 1767, 8vo. ; of
stimulate them to the prosecution of the war Franke, in his edition of Callinus, 1816, 8vo. ; of
(Paus. iv. 15); and with the same songs he ani- Stock, with a German translation and historical
mated their spirits on the march and on the battle introduction, Leipz. 1819, 8vo. ; of Didot, with
field. He lived to see the success of his efforts in an elegant French translation, a Dissertation on
the entire conquest of the Messenians, and their the poet's life, and a modern Greek version by
reduction to the condition of Helots. (Paus.
stoph. Ran. 845; Plin. II. N. ii. 48. ) Typhoeus, and a disciple of the preceding. His original name
on the other hand, is described as the youngest son was Diocles. He was taken captive in the war
of Tartarus and Gaen, or of Hera alone, because between Antonius and Octavianus, and was pur-
she was indignant at Zeus having given birth to chased by Dymas, a freedman of the emperor. "By
Athena. Typhoeus is described as a monster with him he was presented to Terentia, the wife of
a hundred heads, fearful eyes, and terrible voices Cicero, who manumitted him. He taught at Rome,
(Pind. Pyth. i. 31, viii. 21, Ol. iv. 12); he wanted and according to Suidas, wrote 68 works. The
to acquire the sovereignty of gods and men, but following are mentioned :-), Nepl oñis 'Oumparnis
was subdued, after a fearful struggle, by Zeus, with poowdías. 2. llepl twv mepwv Toll dóyou. 3. Sepi
a thunderbolt
. (Hes. Theog. 821, &c. ). He begot rís 'Pwpalkins bladéktov, showing that the Latin
the winds, whence he is also called the father of language is derived from the Greek. 4. Toù 'Av.
the Harpies (Val. Flacc. iv. 428), but the be- τιγένους η Ρωμαϊκή διάλεκτος. 5. “Οτι διαφω-
neficent winds Notus, Boreas, Argestes, and Ze. vowow oi vektepot trointal tpos "Oumpov. 6. 'E5
phyrus, were not his song. (Ηes. Theog. 869, &c. ) ήγησις του Τυραννίωνος μερισμού. 7. Διόρθωσις
Aeschylus and Pindar describe him as living in a 'Ounpean. 8. 'Oploypaqla. Tyrannion is mentioned
Cilician cave. (Pind. Pyth. viii. 21 ; comp. the dif- in the scholia on Homer (Schol. Marc. ad Il. B'.
ferent ideas in Apollon. Rhod. ii. 1210, &c. , and 92, 155, 169).
Herod. iii. 5. ) He is further said to have at one 3. Suidas mentions a third writer of the name
time been engaged in a struggle with all the im- of Tyrannion, a Messenian, who wrote a work on
mortals, and to have been killed by Zeus with a augury (olwVOO KOTIKÁ) in three books, and some
flash of lightning ; he was buried in Tartarus under other works.
Mount Aetna, the workshop of Hephaestus. (Ov. A work Περί του σκολιού μέτρου is ascribed by
Her. xv. 11, Fast. iv. 491 ; Aeschyl. Prom. 351, Suidas (s. V. o komóv) to a writer named Tyrannion,
&c. ; Pind. Pyth. i. 29, &c. ) The later poets fre- and stated to have been written at the suggestion
quently connect Typhoeus with Egypt, and the of Caius Caesar. If this notice is correct, and the
gods, it is said, when unable to hold out against Tyrannion meant is the second of that name, he
him, fled to Egypt, where, from fear, they meta- must have reached a very advanced age when he
morphosed themselves into animals, with the ex- commenced this treatise, even supposing him to
ception of Zeus and Athena (Anton. Lib. 28 ; have been young when he was brought to
Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 28 ; 0v. Met. v. 321, &c. ; Rome.
(C. P. M. ]
comp. Apollod. i. 6. $ 3; Ov. Fast. ii. 461 ; Horat. TYRIA'SPES (Tupiáoans), a Persian, who in
Carm. iii. 4. 53. )
(L. S. ] B. C. 327 was appointed by Alexander the Great
TYRANNION (Tupavviwv). 1. A Greek to the satrapy of the Paropamisadae, west of the
grammarian, a native of Amisus in Pontus, the son river Cophen. In the following year Alexander
of Epicratides, or, according to some accounts, of commissioned him and Philippus to reduce the
Corymbus. He was a pupil of Hestiaeus of Amisus, Assacenians, who had revolted (Arr. Anab. iv. 22,
and was originally called Theophrastus, but received v. 20. )
(E. E. )
from his instructor the name of Tyrannion on TYRO (Tupá), a daughter of Salmoneus and
account of his domineering behaviour to his fellow Alcidice, was the wife of Cretheus, and the be-
disciples. He afterwards studied under Dionysius loved of the river-god Enipeus in Thessaly, in the
the Thracian at Rhodes. In B. C. 72 he was taken form of whom Poseidon appeared to her, and be-
captive by Lucullus, who carried him to Rome. came by her the father of Pelias and Neleus. By
At the request of Murena Tyrannion was handed Cretheus she was the mother of Aeson, Pheres, and
over to him, upon which he emancipated him, an Amythaon. (Hom. Od. xi. 235, &c. ; Apollod.
act with which Plutarch (Lucullus, 19) finds fault, i. 9. & 8. )
(L. S. ]
as the emancipation involved a recognition of his TYRÓ SABI'NUS. (SABINUS. )
having been a slave, which does not seem to have TYRRHE'NUS (Tupónvós or Tuponvós), a son
been the light in which Lucullus regarded him. of the Lydian king Atys and Callithea, and a
At Rome Tyrannion occupied himself in teaching. brother of Lydus, is said to have led a Pelasgian
He was also employed in arranging the library of colony from Lydia into Italy, into the country of
A pellicon, which Sulla brought to Rome. (Plut. the Umbrians, and to have given to the colonists
Sulla, 26. ) Cicero employed him in a similar his name, Tyrrhenians. (Herod. iv. 94 ; Dionys.
manner, and speaks in the highest terms of the Hal. i. 27. ) Others call Tyrrhenus a son of He-
learning and ability which Tyrannion exhibited in racles by Omphale (Dionys. i. 28), or of Telephus
these labours. (Cic. ad Att. iv. 4, b. 1. 8, a. 2). and Hiera, and a brother of Tarchon. (Tzetz. ad
Cicero also availed himself of his services in the Lyc. 1242, 1249. ) The name Tarchon seems to
instruction of his nephew Quintus (ad Quint. Fratr. be only another form for Tyrrhenus, and the two
ii. 4. & 2 ; comp. ad Att. ii. 6. § 1, xii. 6. § 1, 2. names represent a Pelasgian hero founding settle-
$ 2, 7. $ 2, ad Quint. Fr. iii. 4. & 5). Strabo (xii. ments in the north of Italy. (Comp. Müller, Die
p. 548) speaks of having received instruction from Etrusker, vol. i. p. 72, &c. )
(L. S. ]
Tyrannion. The geographical knowledge of Ty-. TYRRHEUS, a shepherd of king Latinus.
rannion seems to have been considerable; at any Ascanius once, while hunting, killed a tame stag
rate Cicero thought highly of it. (Cic. ad Att. ii. 6. ) belonging to Tyrrheus, whereupon the country
Tyrannion amassed considerable wealth, and ac- people took up arms, which was the first coufict in
## p. 1197 (#1213) ##########################################
TYRRHECS
1197
TYRTAEUS.
TYRTAEL'S.
scarce y credible statement et
Eimself a itrary of 30,000
- a scall work of his
Do learn the subject of it. I
very advanced age of a pezia
Phoenicia, the son of Arte da
the preceding. His er nie. De
He was taken captive in te
us and Octavianus, and a pe
as a freedman of the empere.
resented to Tererti te ri :
unitted him. He target 2: Rak,
Saidas, wrote 68 rets
nooned:-). Tega sis 'Ousatree
αρέ των μερών του λόγου, 3 Πες
2) ERTOU, showing ches ebe Lane
ed from the Greek. 4. Ta 2)
air dialektos. 5. Oni la
* Tomal ope's Oumaat, 1. 5
viavos menusuri. 7. Super
padia Trrannion is DPRESA
liumer (Sisu Mare all.
jions a third writer of the new
Jessenian, who wrode s van
"18) in ihree books, 20. AD
CRONIC nétpou is aserbehy
-) 80 & writer naced Traza
been written ai tbe smart
fihis notice is cores de
the second of t3a: sebe
a very adranced a ria
a:ise, eren supposong bao
when de ras be *
Italy betwveen the natives and the Trojan settlers. / the connection of Aphidnae with Laconia a reason
(Virg. Aen. vii. 483, &c. , ix. 28. ) (L. S. ) why that town, above all others in Attica, should
TYRTAEUS (Tupraios, or Túpratos), son of have been fixed upon as the abode of Tyrtaeus
Archembrotus, the celebrated poet, who assisted on the same supposition the motive for the fabrica-
the Spartans in the Second Messenian War, was tion of the tradition is to be found in the desire
the second in order of time of the Greek elegiac which Athenian writers so often displayed, and
poets, Callinus being the first. At the time when which is the leading idea in the passage of Lycurgus
his name first appears in history, he is represented, referred to above, to claim for Athens the greatest
according to the prevalent account, as living at possible share of all the greatness and goodness
Aphidnae in Attica ; but the whole tradition, of which illustrated the Hellenic race:-
which this statement forms a part, has the same
mythical complexion by which all the accounts of
“ Sunt quibus unum opus est, intactae Palladis
the early Greek poets are more or less pervaded.
urbem
In attempting to trace the tradition to its source, Undique discerptum fronti praeponere olivam. ”
Carmine perpetuo celebrare, et
we find in Plato the brief stateinent, that Tyrtaeus
was by birth an Athenian, but became a citizen of On the other hand, Strabo (l. c. ) rejects the
Lacedaemon (De Legg. i. p. 629). The orator tradition altogether, and makes Tyrtaeus a native
Lycurgus tells the story more fully ; that, when of Lacedaemon, on the authority of certain passages
the Sparınns were at war with the Messenians, in his poems. He tells us that Tyrtaeus stated
they were commanded by an oracle to take a leader that the first conquest of Messenia was made in
from among the Athenians, and thus to conquer the time of the grandfathers of the men of his own
their enemies ; and that the leader they so chose generation (kata Toùs TV Tatépwv ratépas), and
from Athens was Tyrtaeus. (Lycurg. c. Leocr. that in the second he himself was leader of the
p. 211, ed. Reiske. ) We learn also from Strabo Lacedaemonians ; and then Strabo adds, — directly
(viii
. p. 362) and Athenaeus (xiv. p. 630, f. ) that after the words toîs Aakedaluoviois,-kal gåp elvar
Philochorus and Callisthenes and many other his- | φησίν εκείθεν εν τη ποιήσει ελεγεία, ήν επιγρά-
torians gave a similar account, and made Tyrtaeus pouri Eůvoulavº
an Athenian of Aphidnae (είπουσιν εξ Αθηνών και
Αυτός γάρ Κρονίων καλλιστεφάνου πόσις "Ηρης
'Αφιδνών αφικέσθαι). The tradition appears in a
still more enlarged form in Pausanias (iv. 15. § 3),
Ζεύς Ηρακλείδαις τηνδε δέδωκε πόλιν.
Οίσιν άμα προλιπόντες Ερινεόν ήνεμόεντα,
Diodorus (xv. 66), the Scholia to Plato (p. 448,
Ευρείαν Πέλοπος νήσον αφικόμεθα,
ed. Bekker), Themistius (xv. p. 242, s. 197, 198),
Justin (iii. 5), the scholiast on Horace (Art
. From which Strabo draws the conclusion, that
Poet. 402), and other writers (see Clinton, F. H. either the elegies containing these verses are
vol. i. s. a. 683). Of these writers, however, only spurious, or else that the statement of Philochorus,
Pausanias, Justin, the Scholiast on Horace, and &c. (as already quoted) must be rejected. The
Suidas, give us the well-known embellishment of commentators, however, are not content with
the story which represents Tyrtaeus as a lame Strabo's own negative inference from the verses
schoolmaster, of low family and reputation, whom quoted, but will have it that he understood them
the Athenians, when applied to by the Lacedae- as declaring that Tyrtaeus himself came from
monians in accordance with the oracle, purposely Erineos to join the Spartans in their war against
sent as the most inefficient leader they could select, the Messenians ; and, to give a colour to this inter-
being unwilling to assist the Lacedaemonians in pretation, Casaubon assumes as self-erident that
extending their dominion in the Peloponnesus, but after τοίς Λακεδαιμονίοις some such words as ελθών
little thinking that the poetry of Tyrtaeus would ég 'Epivéou have been lost. But, if the passage
achieve that victory, which his physical constitution says that Tyrtaeus came from Erineos at all, it
seemed to forbid his aspiring to. Now to accept says as plainly that he came thence to Peloponfiesus
the details of this tradition as historical facts together with the Heracleidae ; and it is therefore
would be to reject ali the principles of criticism, clear that the verses refer, not to any remoral of
and to fall back on the literal interpretation of Tyrtaeus himself, but to the great migration of the
mythical accounts ; but, on the other hand, we are Dorian ancestors of those Lacedaemonians for whom
equally forbidden by sound criticism to reject he spoke, and among whom he, in some sense, in-
altogether that element of the tradition, which cluded himself; and the argument of Strabo, as the
represents Tyrtaeus as, in some way or other, con passage stands, is that Tyrtaeus was a Lacedae-
nected with the Attic town of Aphidnae. Perhaps monian (execdev referring, of course, to Makedarmo
the explanation may be found in the comparison of vious), because of the intimate way in which he
the tradition with the facts, that Tyrtaeus was an associates himself with the descendants of the
elegiac poet, and that the elegy had its origin in Dorians who migrated from Erineos (one of the
Ionia, and also with another tradition, preserved four Dorian states of Thessaly) to the Pelopon-
by Suidas (s. v. ), which made the poet a native of The true question that remains is this,
Miletus ; from which results the probability that whether his manner of identifying bimself with
either Tyrtaeus himself, or his immediate ancestors, the Lacedaemonians in this passage, and in the
migrated from Ionia to Sparta, either directly, or phrase about their fathers' fathers, implies that he
by way of Attica, carrying with them a knowledge himself was really a descendant of those Dorians
of the principles of the elegy. Aphidnae, the town who invaded the Peloponnesus, and of those Lace-
of Attica to which the tradition assigns him, was daemonians who fought in the first Messenian
connected with Laconia, from a very early period, war, or whether this mode of expression is suffi-
by the legends about the Dioscuri ; but it is hard ciently explained by the close association into
to say whether this circumstance renders the story which he had been thrown with the Spartans,
more probable or more suspicious ; for, on the sup- whom he not only aided in war, but by whom he
position that the story is an invention, we have in had been made a citizen. This last fact is ex.
"pérons), . Persin, sa
CP.
led by Alexander de les
· Paropamisade, sest on
e folourg Tear Lemur
d Philippus to redar
rerolted (Arr
. Amma
(EL
augáter of Samosessa
of Cretbeus, ui se
Enipens in Thessalt, a
1 appeared to bez odbo
of Pelias and Veres
Pcher of Aesor, Phers i
• vi 23, 62; 3:
(LS)
(SAB:xrs]
Sards or T705, 150
rs and Call. rse cus
to bare led a Puig
tar, into se mu
e giren to the chose
Herod is. 94; 1. 43
Crobenos a esos
i 28. or of Tema
Tarchon. (TEZ
de Tacions
ITchedus, and is
herd firandis Kit
(Coca Vio
I of Ain Las
kijed a
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i tie Erste
nesus.
(La
## p. 1198 (#1214) ##########################################
1198
TYRTAEUS.
TYRTAEUS.
pressly stated by Plato (l. c. ), and its probability | factory, in respect of the establishment of any po
is confirmed by the statement of Aristoile (Pol. ii. sitive conclusions ; but for that very reason they
6. § 12) that, in the times of the early kings, the are extremely important, in order to mark the
Spartans sometimes conſerred the citizenship upon limits of our knowledge of the early history of
foreigners. Plutarch ascribes a saying to Pausa- Greek lyric poetry, and to show the danger of ac-
nias, the son of Cleombrotus, that, when asked cepting the positive statements of writers who lived
why they had made Tyrtaeus a citizen, he replied, long after the period with reference to which their
" that a foreigner might never appear to be our evidence is brought forward, as if their being po-
leader” (Apophth. Lacon. p. 230, d. ). Of course, sitive statements were alone sufficient to au-
a mere floating apophthegm like this can have thenticate them. In the present case, the question
little weight ; it may be a genuine tradition, or it of the country of Tyrtaeus appears to us still un-
may be the invention of some writer who wished decided, and likely to remain so.
to reconcile the common story about Tyrtacus with The other points of the popular story, namely,
the well-known repugnance of the Lacedaemonians that Tyrtaeus was a lame schoolmaster, are rejected
to confer their franchise upon foreigners. The by all modern writers. It would lead us too far to
statement of Suidas, that Tyrtaeus was a Lacedae- discuss their probable origin: we will only observe
monian, according to some, furnishes no additional that the statement of his being a schoolmaster
cvidence, but must be interpreted according to the may simply mean that he was, like the other early
conclusion which may be arrived at respecting the musicians and poets, a teacher of his own art; and
whole question. It should not be forgotten, in his alleged lameness may possibly be connected
estimating the value of Strabo's opinion, that he with some misunderstanding of expressions used
may have found other passages in the writings of by the earlier writers to describe his metres.
Tyrtaeus, which seemed to imply that he was a These suggestions, however, are by no means put
Lacedaemonian, besides those which he quotes ; forward as altogether satisfactory explanations of
but of course this possibility cannot be adduced as the tradition.
a positive argument, unless it were confirmed by Turning now to the more certain facts of the
the actual occurrence of such passages in the ex- poet's history, we find him presented to us in the
tant fragments of Tyrtaeus.
double light of a statesman and a military leader,
In the opinion of those modern critics, who reject composing the dissensions of the Spartans at home,
the account of the Attic origin of Tyrtaeus, the and animating their courage in the field. And this
extant fragments do actually furnish evidence of representation is quite consistent with the position
his being a Lacedaemonian. The spirit displayed occupied by a poet in those early times, as the
in them is said to be thoroughly Dorian ; and the teacher and prime mover both in knowledge and in
patriotic energy, with which the poet praises those virtue ; a position attested by abundant evidence,
who face danger for their native land, is certainly and recognised by the very phrase which is several
extraordinary for a foreigner, especially when it is times used to describe those early poets, d goods
remembered that Tyrtaeus is not only said to have months. It is remarkable that the power of the
shown his influence over the Spartans by leading poet to teach political wisdom, and to appease
them in war, but also by appeasing their civil dis- civil discords, is not only recognised in the tradi-
cords at home; and all this becomes the more ex- tions about the early history of Greece, from
traordinary, if we reflect that this patriotic ardour the legends respecting Orpheus downwards, but
was excited, and this influence was exerted, by an also that, in the semi-historical period now under
Ionian over and on behalf of Dorians. Neither consideration, and with specific reference to the
does it seem probable that, whatever aid the Lace-Lacedaemonian state, we are told of civil tumults
daemonians might be willing to accept from a being appeased, not only by Tyrtaeus, but also by
foreigner, they would entrust to him the command Terpander and Thaletas, who, according to the re-
of their armies.
ceived chronology, were his contemporaries (TER-
On the other hand, is urged by Müller with PANDER ; THALES). The nature of these dissen-
some force, that “ If Tyrtaeus came from Attica, sions it is the province of the political historian to
it is easy to understand how the elegiac metre, investigate: the form wbich the tradition assumes
which had its origin in Ionia, should have been in the case of Tyrtaeus is the following. Among
used by him, and that in the very style of Cal- the calamities, which the revolt of the Messenians
linus. Athens was so closely connected with her brought upon the Spartan state, and which, ac-
Ionic colonies, that this new kind of poetry must cording to the common story, Tyrtaeus was the
have been soon known in the mother city. This divinely appointed minister to remedy, not the
circumstance would be far more inexplicable if least was the discontent of those citizens, who,
Tyrtaeus had been a Lacedaemonian by birth, as having possessed lands in Messenia, or on the bora
was stated vaguely by some ancient authors. Forders, had either been expelled from their estates,
although Sparta was not at this period a stranger or had been forced to leave them uncultivated for
to the efforts of the other Greeks in poetry and fear of the enemy, and, being thus deprived of
music, yet the Spartans, with their peculiar modes their means of subsistence, demanded compensation
of thinking, would not have been very ready to by a new division of landed property. To convince
appropriate the new invention of the Ionians. ”+ these sufferers of their error in disturbing public
(Hist. of Lit. of Greece, vol. i. p. 111. )
order, Tyrtaeus composed his elegy entitled “Legal
Discussions of this sort are extremely unsatis-Order” (Evvoula), which Suidas calls also nono-
tela. (Aristot. Polit. v. 7. 81; Pans. iv. 18. S
* This mode of disposing of positive evidence 2. ) of this work Müller gives the following
is worth notice.
excellent description :-" It is not difficult, on
+ How was it, then (one may ask), that they considering attentively the character of the early
very ready to appropriate " Tyrtaeus Greek elegy, to form an idea of the manner in
and the invention together?
.
-
which Tyrtaeus probably handled this subject. Ho
were 80
66
## p. 1199 (#1215) ##########################################
TYRTAEUS.
1199
TZETZES.
doubtless began with remarking the anarchical the so-called Seren Wise Men, and nlso older. At
movement among the Spartan citizens, and by ex- all events, he lived during the period of that great
pressing the concem with which he viewed it. But, development of music and poetry, which took place
as in general the elegy seeks to pass from an excited at Sparta during the seventh century, B. C. , although
state of the mind through sentiments and images we have no distinct account of his relation to the
of a miscellaneous description to a state of calm- other musicians and poets whose efforts contributed
ness and trar. quillity, it may be conjectured that to that development. The absence of any statement
the poet in the Eunomia made this transition by of a connection between him and Terpander or
drawing a picture of the well-regulated constitution Thaletas is easily explained by the fact that he
of Sparta, and the legal existence of its citizens, was not, properly speaking, a lyric poet. Besides
which, founded with the divine assistance, ought his anapestic war-songs, his compositions, so far 18
not to be destroyed by the threatened innovations; we are informied, were all elegiac, and his music
and that at the same time he reminded the Spar- was that of the Aute. He is expressly called by
tans, who had been deprived of their lands by the Suidns édeyerunoids kal avanths.
Messenian war, that on their courage would de- The cstimation in which 'Tyrtaeus was held at
pend the recovery of their possessions, and the Sparta, as long as the state preserved her in-
restoration of the former prosperity of the state. dependence, wns of the highest order. Even in
This view is entirely confirmed by the fragments his own time, liis poems were used in the instruc-
of Tyrtaeus, some of which are distinctly stated to tion of the young, as we learn from the orator
belong to the Eunomia. In these the constitution Lycurgus (1. C. ), who goes on to say that the La-
of Sparta is extolled, as being founded by the cedaemonians, though they made no account of the
power of the gods ; Zeus himself having given the other poets, set such value upon this one, that,
country to the Heracleids, and the power having when they were engaged in a military expedition,
been distributed in the justest manner, according it was their practice to summon all the soldiers to
to the oracles of the Pythian Apollo, among the the king's tent, that they might hear the poems of
kings, the gerons in the council, and the men of Tyrtaenis. Athenaeus also (xiv. p. 630, f. ) tells
the commonalty in the popular assembly. ” (Hist. us that, in time of war, the Lacedaemonians regu-
of the Lit. of Anc. Greece, vol. i. p. 111. )
lated their evolutions by performing the poems of
But Tyrtaeus is still more celebrated for the Tyrtaeus (Tà Tupralov noinuata atournuovevov.
compositions by which he animated the courage of Tes éppuonov kívnou howūrtai), and that they
the Spartans in their conflict with the Messenians, had the custom in their camps, that, when they
had supped and sung,
the
“ Tyrtaeusque mares animos in Martia bella
paean, they sang, each in
Versibus exacuit. ” (Horat. Ars Poët. 402. )
his turn, the poems of Tyrtaeus. Pollux (iv. 107)
ascribes to Tyrtaeus the establishment of the triple
The poems were of two kinds ; namely, elegies, choruses, of boys, men, and old men. The influ-
containing exhortations to constancy and courage, ence of his poetry on the minds of the Spartan
and descriptions of the glory of fighting bravely youth is also indicated by the saying ascribed to
for one's native land ; and more spirited compo- Leonidas, who, being asked what sort of a poet
sitions, in the anapaestic measure, which were Tyrtaens appeared to him, replied, “ A good one to
intended as marching songs, to be performed with tickle the minds of the young. ” (Plut. Cleom. 2. )
the music of the flute. The former are called The extant fragments of Tyrtaeus are contained
υποθήκαι, or υποθήκαι δι' έλεγείας, οι ελεγεία in most of the older and more recent collections
simply; the latter enn å vánalota, uéan FORENIO- of the Greek poets, and, among the rest, in Gais-
τήρια, εμβατήρια, ενόπλια, or προτρεπτικά. Both | ford's Poetae Minores Graeci, Schneidewin's De-
classes of compositions, we are told, he used to lectus Poëseos Graecorum, and Bergk's Poetae Lyrici
recite or sing to the rulers of the state in private, Graeci. The best separate editions are those of
and to bodies of the citizens, just as he might Klotz, Bremae, 1764, 8vo. , reprinted, with a Ger-
happen to collect them around him, in order to man translation by Weiss, Altenb. 1767, 8vo. ; of
stimulate them to the prosecution of the war Franke, in his edition of Callinus, 1816, 8vo. ; of
(Paus. iv. 15); and with the same songs he ani- Stock, with a German translation and historical
mated their spirits on the march and on the battle introduction, Leipz. 1819, 8vo. ; of Didot, with
field. He lived to see the success of his efforts in an elegant French translation, a Dissertation on
the entire conquest of the Messenians, and their the poet's life, and a modern Greek version by
reduction to the condition of Helots. (Paus.
