improvements
in citharoedic music after the time
Harm.
Harm.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - c
Grote says (p.
103, note), " That
Greece and Asia Minor. ” (Hist. of the Lit. of Anc. Terpander was victor at the Spartan festival of
Greece, vol. i. p. 149. )
the Karneia, in 676, B. C. , may well have been de-
His father's name is said to have been Derde- rived by Hellanikus from the Spartan registers ;"
neus (Murm. Par. Ep. 34), while another account and a similar meaning has been put upon the
inade him the son of Boeus, the son of Phoceus, phrase used by Athenaeus, ás 'Emnávixos iotopei,
the son of Homer. (Suid. s. v. ) There can be no έν τε τοις εμμέτρους Καρνεονίκαις, κάν τοϊς κατα-
doubt that he was a Lesbian, and that Antissa royádny; but, granting this supposition its full
was his native town. (Pind. ap. Ath. xiv. p. 635, force, Hellanicus does not say that Terpander
d. ; Marm. Par. I. c. ; Plut. de Mus. 30, p. 1141, was victor“ in 676, B. C. ;" but he does give us,
c. ; Clem. Alex. Strom. vol. i. p. 309; Steph. Byz. in another fragment, a date irreconcileable with
*. v. "Articoa; Suid. S. ev. Tepravôpos, Metà néo- this,
namely, that Terpander flourished in the time
βιον ωδόν. ) The other accounts, preserved by of Midas. (Clem. Alex. Strom. vol. i. p. 398,
Suidas (s. v. ), which made him a native either of Potter; Fr. 123, ed. Müller. l. c. ) The date 676,
Arne in Boeotia, or of Cyme in Aeolis, are easily B. C. , for the institution of the Carneia, therefore,
explained, and are connected with what bas been rests alone on the testimony of Sosibius, for it can
already said in an interesting manner. Both Ame hardly be doubted that the same date, as given by
and Cyme were among the Aeolian cities which Africanus (Euseb. Chron. pars i. Ol. 26. p. 141,
were said to have sent colonies to Lesbos, and both ed. Mai, vol. i. p. 285, ed. Aucher) was copied from
might therefore have claimed to reckon Terpander the xpóvwv åvaypaon of Sosibius. Still Sosibius
amor. g their citizens, on the general principle by
which the natives of Grecian colonies were re- * Der ältern Chronologie, not, as the English
garded as citizens of the parent state ; and, besides translator gives it, ancient chronology, as if Müller
this, the tradition connecting him with Arne, one meant the whole range of ancient chronology.
## p. 1004 (#1020) ##########################################
1004
TERPANDER.
TE
alone would undoubtedly be a very high authority ; note). These di
but, in addition to the caution which is required uncertainty attent
in dealing with indirect evidence, and in addition period, and the d
to the tesumonies which assign a different date to apparently definite
Terpander, it may be questioned whether the date case, the general
of Sosibius for the institution of the Curneia is to makes it far from
be understood literally, or whether it was not assigned is about
derived from some other epoch by a computation said, with any ap
which, on a different chronological system, would pander flourished
have given a different result. There can be little and 650, and tha
doubt that the records of Sparta, which Sosibius extended either a
may well have” followed were kept, not by probably, a little
Olympiads, but by the reigns of the kings, and Fortunately, w
that, in turning the dates of those early kings into specting the scene
Olympiads, Sosibius computed from the date which labours. From
he assumed for the Trojan War, namely B. c. 1180; stated by traditi
and that, if he had taken a different date for the Sparta, and there
Trojan War, c. g. that of B. c. 1217, he would, by music, and establ
the same computation, have placed the institution system (katártao
of the Carneia at Ol. 16, a date which would agree c Mus. 9, p. 113. 1.
well enough with that really given by Hellanicus. ing the migration
(See Car. Müller, Frag. Ilist. vol. ii. p. 626. ) On of his music on t
the whole, then, it seems probable that the date which they held h
of B. C. 676 is not quite so certain as it has been death, are collected
represented.
In order to exp
With respect to the other testimonies, that of ments introduced
Hellanicus, already referred to, is rendered some- sary to enter into
what indefinite by the, at least partly, mythological greater length tha:
character of Midas ; but, if the date has any this article, or the
historical value at all, it would place Terpander at of the subject wil
least as high as Ol. 20, B. c. 700, the date of the Antiquities, art. M/
death of Midas, according to Eusebius, confirmed Literature of Anc
by Herodotus (i. 14), who makes Midas a little (de Metr. Pind. ii
older than Gyges. To the same effect is the testi- state that Terpand
mony of the Lydian historian Xanthus, who lived lyre from a tetra
before Hellanicus, and who placed Terpander at peculiar manner.
Ol. 18, B. C. 708 (Clem. Alex. Strom. vol. i. p. 398, which were so tu
Potter). Glaucus of Rhegium also, who lived not to one another th
long after Hellanicus, stated that Terpander was dià teooápwv, the
older than Archilochus, and that he came next after notes were such,
those who first composed aulodic music, meaning genus of music, na
perhaps Olympus and Clonas ; and Plutarch, who vailing mode, the
quotes this statement (ie Mus. iv. p. 1132, e. ) (ascending) semit
introduces it with the remark, kad tois xpóvois de
o odpa malaiós érti, and presently afterwards (5,
p. 1133, a) he adds, as a general historical tradition
(Tapasidotai) that Archilochus flourished after
Terpander and Clonas. Mr. Grote accepts these
testimonies ; but draws from them the inference,
that Archilochus should be placed lower than he To this tetrachor
usually is, about B. C. 670 instead of 700. The lowest note of w
statement of Hieronymus (Ath. l. c. ) that Terpander highest of the othe
was contemporary with Lycurgus, is perhaps only same as those of t.
another form of the tradition that the laws of
Lycurgus were aided by the music and poetry of
Terpander and Tyrtaeus, which has evidently no
chronological significance. On the other hand,
Phanias made Terpander later than Archilochus
(Clem. Alex. l. c. ), and the chronologers place his
musical reform at Ol. 33, 2, B. C. 647 (Euseb. ) or
01. 34. 1, B. C. 644. (Marm. Par. Ep. 31). Lastly, the third string,
But, in combining
we are told that Terpander was victorious in the
that the intervals
musical contest at four successive Pythian festivals; 1*, that is : -
but there is abundance of evidence to prove that
these Pythian musical contests were not those
established by the Amphictyons in Ol. 48. 3, but * In Müller, tu
some which had existed long before, and which p. 152, n.
were celebrated, according to Müller, every eight 1, 11, 1, 1, ;t
years, a circumstance which throws doubt on the Also in the text,
number of Terpander's victories. (See Müller, Dor. have been in the
b. iv. c. 6. & 2; Grote, Hist. of Grcccc. vol. iv. p. 103, | the upper.
He gi
## p. 1005 (#1021) ##########################################
TERPANDER.
1005
TERPSION.
99
14
3
1
99
$
$
them we find mention made of Trochaic nomes
and of Orthian nomes, which consisted in a great
extension of certain feet ; and there is still extant
a fragment of Terpander, which affords a good
specimen of those Spondaic hymns which were
The interval between the extreme notes is an octave, sung at festivals of peculiar solemnity, and the
or, as the Greeks called it, 8id maoWv. Plutarch music of which would of course be in keeping with
(de Mus. 19) adduces arguments to prove that the the gravity of the rhythm and of the meaning
omission of the third string was intentional ; but (Cleni. Alex. Strom. vi. p. 784):
whether the reason was, the opinion that it could
well be dispensed with, or some theoretical pre- Ζεύ, πάντων αρχά, πάντων αγήτωρ,
ference for the number 7, we are not informed. It
was afterwards restored, so that the lyre had eight Ζεύ, σοι πέμπω ταύταν ύμνων αρχών.
strings. The following table (from Plehn) shows
the names of the strings, and the intervals between
The question, whether any of Terpander's nomes
thein, in the descending order, for each lyre: -
were aulodic, cannot be decided with absolute
certainty. Nearly all that we know of him is any
Heptachord.
Octachord. connection with citharoedic music ; and the argu-
Ε νήτη
Ε νήτη
ments adduced to prove that he also used the fute
1 tone.
1 tone.
are by no means conclusive ; while, on the other
D παρανήτη
D παρανήτη
hand, the improvement of that species of music is
1
expressly ascribed to other composers, as Olympus
C τρίτη
and Clonas, who stand in much the same relation
},
to aulodic music as Terpander does to that of the
Β τρίτη
Β παραμέση
lyre. It is also uncertain whether his nomes were
1
embodied in any written system of musical notation,
Α μέση
Α μέση
or whether they were handed down by tradition
1
in the school which he founded. Be this as it
G λιχανός
G Aixavós
may, they remained for a very long period the
1
1
standard melodies used at religious festivals, and
F παρυπάτη
F παρυπάτη
the school of Terpander flourished for many gene-
}
rations at Sparta, and in Lesbos, and throughout
Ε υπάτη
E Útárn
Greece. At the festival of the Carneia, where
Terpander had been the first to obtain a victory,
The invention of the seven-stringed lyre, or the prize for lyric music was gained in regular
heptachord, is not only ascribed to Terpander by succession by members of his school down to
several ancient writers, but it is also referred to in PERICLEITUS, about B. C. 550. Respecting the
two verses of his own still extant (Eucl. Introd.
improvements in citharoedic music after the time
Harm. p. 19; Strab. xiii. p. 618): –
of Terpander, see TUALETAS.
The remains of Terpander's poetry, which no
Σοι δ' ήμείς τετράγηρυν αποστέρξαντες αοιδάν
doubt consisted entirely of religious hymns, are
επτατόνω φόρμιγγι νέους κελαδήσομεν ύμνους.
comprised in the two fragments already quoted,
It remained in use even as late as the time of and in two others, the one of one hexanieter verse
Pindar (Pyth. ii. 70, Nem. V. 22). The invention (Schol. Arist. Nub. 591), and the other of one and
of the barbiton or magadis, an instrument of greater a half (Plut. Lyc. 21), and one reference. (Böckh,
compass than an octave, is ascribed to Terpander Plehn, and Müller, as above quoted ; Ulrici, Gesch.
by Pindar, but probably erroneously (Pind. ap. d. Hellen Dichtk. vol. ii. pp. 341, foll. ; Bode,
Ath. xiv. p. 635, d. ; Plehn, Lesb. p. 153). It is vol. ii. passim ; Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Graec. pp. 537,
impossible here to enter on the question whether 538. )
[P. S. )
the lyre of Terpander could be adapted, by tuning TERPNUS, was the most celebrated citharoe-
its strings differently, to the different modes and dus of his time, and taught Nero to play and sing
genera of Greek music ; and whether his own to the cithara. The master was wise enough to
compositions were in any other mode than the let his imperial pupil conquer him in the Grecian
Dorian. (See Dict. of Ant. art. Musica. )
games. Terpnus continued to enjoy a great repu-
While Terpander thus enlarged the compass of tation under Vespasian. (Suet. Ner. 20; Dion
the lyre, he appears to have been the first who Cass. lxiii. 8; Suet. Vesp. 19; Philostr. Vit. Apolo
regularly set poetry to music. (Clem. Alex. Strom. lon. v. 7. )
vol. i. p. 364, b. ) Plutarch (de Mus. 3) tells us M. TERPO'LIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. C.
that he set his own verses and those of Homer to 77, in the consulship of D. Brutus and M. Lepidus.
certain citharoedic nomes, and sang them in the (Cic. Cornel. Frag. 7, p. 453; Ascon. in Cornel. p.
musical contests ; and that he was the first who 81, ed. Orelli. )
gave names to the various citharoedic nomes. These TERPSICHORA (Tepyexbpa), one of the nine
nomes were simple tunes, from which others could Muses, presided over choral song and dancing.
be derived by slight variations; and these latter (Hes. Theog. 78 ; Pind. Isthm. ii. 7 ; Plat. Phaedr.
were called mean. That the nomes of Terpauder p. 259 ; comp. Musae. )
(L. S. )
were entirely of his own composition, is not very TERPSICLES (Tepturins), wrote a work,
probable, and indeed there is evidence to prove nepl 'Appodioiwv. (Athen. vii. p. 325, d. ix.
that some of them were derived from old tunes, p. 391, e. f. )
'ascribed to the ancient bards, and others from TERPSION (Tepylwv), a Megarian, mentioned
national melodies. Neither were they all adapted by Suidas (s. v. £wkpámns) as one of the disciples
to the rhythm of the heroic hexameter; for arcong of Socrates. Plutarch also refers to him (de Gen,
3
## p. 1006 (#1022) ##########################################
1006
TERTULLIANUS.
TERTULLIANUS.
Sorr. p. 581, a. ). It is doubtless this Terpsion who | two books, and it seems probable, from their tenor,
is introduced by Plato as one of the interlocutors that she was considerably younger than himself.
in the Theaetetus.
4. Some members of the Roman Church, dis-
Another person of this name is mentioned by turbed by the example of a wedded priest, have
Athenaeus (viii. p. 337) as the first author of a maintained that he never was a presbyter, and
gaotpodoyía, giving direction as to the viands from appeal to two passages in which he certainly as-
which it was advisable to abstain. A notable im- bumes the character of a layman (de Monog. 12, de
promptu rerse of his is recorded : 'H xort xenórns Exhort. Cast. 7). But we are here again em-
H payeiv ħ uns payeiv, which actually attained barrassed by the abrupt transitions and bold per-
to the distinction of a various reading even in anti- sonifications so common in this author, and it has
quity.
(C. P. M. ] been urged, with considerable force, that in the
TERRA. [TELLUS. )
passages referred to he is led naturally, by the
T. TERRASI'DIUS, one of Cacsar's officers in course of his argument, to speak as if he actually
Gaul, was sent to the Unelli to obtain corn in B. C. belonged to that class whose position he describes.
57. (Caes. B. G. iii. 7. )
It is perfectly true, on the other hand, that we
TERTIA, a female actress, and one of the might read through the works of Tertullian with-
favourite mistresses of Verres in Sicily. (Cic. Verr. out discovering that he had ever been ordained ;
iii. 34, v. 12, 16. )
but neither this negative presumption nor the un.
TEʻRTIA or TERTULLA, JUNIA. (Ju- certain conclusions drawn from phrases of doubtful
NIA, No. 3. ]
import can outweigh the positive testimony of Je.
TERTIA, MU'CIA. (MUCIA, No. 2. ] rome, who had ample means of ascertaining the fact
TERTIUS JULIANUS. (TETTIUS, No. 3. ] which he records, and no conceivable motive for
TERTULLIA'NUS, whose name appears in suppressing or perverting the truth.
the best MSS. under the form Q. Septimius Florens 5. It being admitted that he was a presbyter,
Tertullia is the most ancient of the Latin fathers another question arises as to the place where he
now extant. Notwithstanding the celebrity which exercised his functions, whether at Carthage or at
he has always enjoyed, our knowledge of his per. Rome. Here we shall have much difficulty in
sonal history is extremely limited, and is derived forming a positive opinion. We should naturally
almost exclusively from a succinct notice by St. conclude, in absence of all direct evidence to the
Jerome.
contrary, that he remained in his native country,
From this we learn that Tertullian was a native and we know that writers who flourished towards
of Carthage, the son of a proconsular centurion the close of the fourth century designate him as a
(an officer who appears to have acted as a sort of Carthaginian presbyter (Optat. adv. Parmen. i. ;
aide-de-camp to provincial governors) ; that he flou- Praesdest. de Haeres. 26). "On the other hand, it
rished chiefly during the reigns of Septimius Se- being certain that he visited Rome (de Cult. Femm.
verus and of Caracalla ; that he became a presbyter, i. 7), his collision with the Roman clergy and the
and remained orthodox until he had reached the intimate knowledge which he frequently manifests
term of middle life, when, in consequence of the with regard to the state of parties and the eccle-
enry and ill-treatment which he experienced on siastical proceedings in the metropolis, seem to
the part of the Roman clergy, he went over to the indicate a lengthened residence and close personal
Montanists, and wrote several books in defence of observation. (Comp. Euseb. H. E. ii. 2. )
those heretics; that he lived to a great age, and 6. His defection from the Church, caused, ac-
was the author of many works.
cording to Jerome, by the harsh and insulting
Various editors and historians of ecclesiastical conduct of the Roman clergy, has been ascribed by
literature have endeavoured to extend or illustrate some persons in modern times to disappointed am-
the scanty information conveyed in the above bition. They suppose that he had fixed his desires
sketch.
upon the bishopric of Rome or of Carthage, and
1. Since the elevation of Septimius Severus took that upon seeing others preferred to himself he se-
place in A. D. 193, and since Caracalla was slain in ceded in disgust. It is unnecessary to enter into
A. D.
Greece and Asia Minor. ” (Hist. of the Lit. of Anc. Terpander was victor at the Spartan festival of
Greece, vol. i. p. 149. )
the Karneia, in 676, B. C. , may well have been de-
His father's name is said to have been Derde- rived by Hellanikus from the Spartan registers ;"
neus (Murm. Par. Ep. 34), while another account and a similar meaning has been put upon the
inade him the son of Boeus, the son of Phoceus, phrase used by Athenaeus, ás 'Emnávixos iotopei,
the son of Homer. (Suid. s. v. ) There can be no έν τε τοις εμμέτρους Καρνεονίκαις, κάν τοϊς κατα-
doubt that he was a Lesbian, and that Antissa royádny; but, granting this supposition its full
was his native town. (Pind. ap. Ath. xiv. p. 635, force, Hellanicus does not say that Terpander
d. ; Marm. Par. I. c. ; Plut. de Mus. 30, p. 1141, was victor“ in 676, B. C. ;" but he does give us,
c. ; Clem. Alex. Strom. vol. i. p. 309; Steph. Byz. in another fragment, a date irreconcileable with
*. v. "Articoa; Suid. S. ev. Tepravôpos, Metà néo- this,
namely, that Terpander flourished in the time
βιον ωδόν. ) The other accounts, preserved by of Midas. (Clem. Alex. Strom. vol. i. p. 398,
Suidas (s. v. ), which made him a native either of Potter; Fr. 123, ed. Müller. l. c. ) The date 676,
Arne in Boeotia, or of Cyme in Aeolis, are easily B. C. , for the institution of the Carneia, therefore,
explained, and are connected with what bas been rests alone on the testimony of Sosibius, for it can
already said in an interesting manner. Both Ame hardly be doubted that the same date, as given by
and Cyme were among the Aeolian cities which Africanus (Euseb. Chron. pars i. Ol. 26. p. 141,
were said to have sent colonies to Lesbos, and both ed. Mai, vol. i. p. 285, ed. Aucher) was copied from
might therefore have claimed to reckon Terpander the xpóvwv åvaypaon of Sosibius. Still Sosibius
amor. g their citizens, on the general principle by
which the natives of Grecian colonies were re- * Der ältern Chronologie, not, as the English
garded as citizens of the parent state ; and, besides translator gives it, ancient chronology, as if Müller
this, the tradition connecting him with Arne, one meant the whole range of ancient chronology.
## p. 1004 (#1020) ##########################################
1004
TERPANDER.
TE
alone would undoubtedly be a very high authority ; note). These di
but, in addition to the caution which is required uncertainty attent
in dealing with indirect evidence, and in addition period, and the d
to the tesumonies which assign a different date to apparently definite
Terpander, it may be questioned whether the date case, the general
of Sosibius for the institution of the Curneia is to makes it far from
be understood literally, or whether it was not assigned is about
derived from some other epoch by a computation said, with any ap
which, on a different chronological system, would pander flourished
have given a different result. There can be little and 650, and tha
doubt that the records of Sparta, which Sosibius extended either a
may well have” followed were kept, not by probably, a little
Olympiads, but by the reigns of the kings, and Fortunately, w
that, in turning the dates of those early kings into specting the scene
Olympiads, Sosibius computed from the date which labours. From
he assumed for the Trojan War, namely B. c. 1180; stated by traditi
and that, if he had taken a different date for the Sparta, and there
Trojan War, c. g. that of B. c. 1217, he would, by music, and establ
the same computation, have placed the institution system (katártao
of the Carneia at Ol. 16, a date which would agree c Mus. 9, p. 113. 1.
well enough with that really given by Hellanicus. ing the migration
(See Car. Müller, Frag. Ilist. vol. ii. p. 626. ) On of his music on t
the whole, then, it seems probable that the date which they held h
of B. C. 676 is not quite so certain as it has been death, are collected
represented.
In order to exp
With respect to the other testimonies, that of ments introduced
Hellanicus, already referred to, is rendered some- sary to enter into
what indefinite by the, at least partly, mythological greater length tha:
character of Midas ; but, if the date has any this article, or the
historical value at all, it would place Terpander at of the subject wil
least as high as Ol. 20, B. c. 700, the date of the Antiquities, art. M/
death of Midas, according to Eusebius, confirmed Literature of Anc
by Herodotus (i. 14), who makes Midas a little (de Metr. Pind. ii
older than Gyges. To the same effect is the testi- state that Terpand
mony of the Lydian historian Xanthus, who lived lyre from a tetra
before Hellanicus, and who placed Terpander at peculiar manner.
Ol. 18, B. C. 708 (Clem. Alex. Strom. vol. i. p. 398, which were so tu
Potter). Glaucus of Rhegium also, who lived not to one another th
long after Hellanicus, stated that Terpander was dià teooápwv, the
older than Archilochus, and that he came next after notes were such,
those who first composed aulodic music, meaning genus of music, na
perhaps Olympus and Clonas ; and Plutarch, who vailing mode, the
quotes this statement (ie Mus. iv. p. 1132, e. ) (ascending) semit
introduces it with the remark, kad tois xpóvois de
o odpa malaiós érti, and presently afterwards (5,
p. 1133, a) he adds, as a general historical tradition
(Tapasidotai) that Archilochus flourished after
Terpander and Clonas. Mr. Grote accepts these
testimonies ; but draws from them the inference,
that Archilochus should be placed lower than he To this tetrachor
usually is, about B. C. 670 instead of 700. The lowest note of w
statement of Hieronymus (Ath. l. c. ) that Terpander highest of the othe
was contemporary with Lycurgus, is perhaps only same as those of t.
another form of the tradition that the laws of
Lycurgus were aided by the music and poetry of
Terpander and Tyrtaeus, which has evidently no
chronological significance. On the other hand,
Phanias made Terpander later than Archilochus
(Clem. Alex. l. c. ), and the chronologers place his
musical reform at Ol. 33, 2, B. C. 647 (Euseb. ) or
01. 34. 1, B. C. 644. (Marm. Par. Ep. 31). Lastly, the third string,
But, in combining
we are told that Terpander was victorious in the
that the intervals
musical contest at four successive Pythian festivals; 1*, that is : -
but there is abundance of evidence to prove that
these Pythian musical contests were not those
established by the Amphictyons in Ol. 48. 3, but * In Müller, tu
some which had existed long before, and which p. 152, n.
were celebrated, according to Müller, every eight 1, 11, 1, 1, ;t
years, a circumstance which throws doubt on the Also in the text,
number of Terpander's victories. (See Müller, Dor. have been in the
b. iv. c. 6. & 2; Grote, Hist. of Grcccc. vol. iv. p. 103, | the upper.
He gi
## p. 1005 (#1021) ##########################################
TERPANDER.
1005
TERPSION.
99
14
3
1
99
$
$
them we find mention made of Trochaic nomes
and of Orthian nomes, which consisted in a great
extension of certain feet ; and there is still extant
a fragment of Terpander, which affords a good
specimen of those Spondaic hymns which were
The interval between the extreme notes is an octave, sung at festivals of peculiar solemnity, and the
or, as the Greeks called it, 8id maoWv. Plutarch music of which would of course be in keeping with
(de Mus. 19) adduces arguments to prove that the the gravity of the rhythm and of the meaning
omission of the third string was intentional ; but (Cleni. Alex. Strom. vi. p. 784):
whether the reason was, the opinion that it could
well be dispensed with, or some theoretical pre- Ζεύ, πάντων αρχά, πάντων αγήτωρ,
ference for the number 7, we are not informed. It
was afterwards restored, so that the lyre had eight Ζεύ, σοι πέμπω ταύταν ύμνων αρχών.
strings. The following table (from Plehn) shows
the names of the strings, and the intervals between
The question, whether any of Terpander's nomes
thein, in the descending order, for each lyre: -
were aulodic, cannot be decided with absolute
certainty. Nearly all that we know of him is any
Heptachord.
Octachord. connection with citharoedic music ; and the argu-
Ε νήτη
Ε νήτη
ments adduced to prove that he also used the fute
1 tone.
1 tone.
are by no means conclusive ; while, on the other
D παρανήτη
D παρανήτη
hand, the improvement of that species of music is
1
expressly ascribed to other composers, as Olympus
C τρίτη
and Clonas, who stand in much the same relation
},
to aulodic music as Terpander does to that of the
Β τρίτη
Β παραμέση
lyre. It is also uncertain whether his nomes were
1
embodied in any written system of musical notation,
Α μέση
Α μέση
or whether they were handed down by tradition
1
in the school which he founded. Be this as it
G λιχανός
G Aixavós
may, they remained for a very long period the
1
1
standard melodies used at religious festivals, and
F παρυπάτη
F παρυπάτη
the school of Terpander flourished for many gene-
}
rations at Sparta, and in Lesbos, and throughout
Ε υπάτη
E Útárn
Greece. At the festival of the Carneia, where
Terpander had been the first to obtain a victory,
The invention of the seven-stringed lyre, or the prize for lyric music was gained in regular
heptachord, is not only ascribed to Terpander by succession by members of his school down to
several ancient writers, but it is also referred to in PERICLEITUS, about B. C. 550. Respecting the
two verses of his own still extant (Eucl. Introd.
improvements in citharoedic music after the time
Harm. p. 19; Strab. xiii. p. 618): –
of Terpander, see TUALETAS.
The remains of Terpander's poetry, which no
Σοι δ' ήμείς τετράγηρυν αποστέρξαντες αοιδάν
doubt consisted entirely of religious hymns, are
επτατόνω φόρμιγγι νέους κελαδήσομεν ύμνους.
comprised in the two fragments already quoted,
It remained in use even as late as the time of and in two others, the one of one hexanieter verse
Pindar (Pyth. ii. 70, Nem. V. 22). The invention (Schol. Arist. Nub. 591), and the other of one and
of the barbiton or magadis, an instrument of greater a half (Plut. Lyc. 21), and one reference. (Böckh,
compass than an octave, is ascribed to Terpander Plehn, and Müller, as above quoted ; Ulrici, Gesch.
by Pindar, but probably erroneously (Pind. ap. d. Hellen Dichtk. vol. ii. pp. 341, foll. ; Bode,
Ath. xiv. p. 635, d. ; Plehn, Lesb. p. 153). It is vol. ii. passim ; Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Graec. pp. 537,
impossible here to enter on the question whether 538. )
[P. S. )
the lyre of Terpander could be adapted, by tuning TERPNUS, was the most celebrated citharoe-
its strings differently, to the different modes and dus of his time, and taught Nero to play and sing
genera of Greek music ; and whether his own to the cithara. The master was wise enough to
compositions were in any other mode than the let his imperial pupil conquer him in the Grecian
Dorian. (See Dict. of Ant. art. Musica. )
games. Terpnus continued to enjoy a great repu-
While Terpander thus enlarged the compass of tation under Vespasian. (Suet. Ner. 20; Dion
the lyre, he appears to have been the first who Cass. lxiii. 8; Suet. Vesp. 19; Philostr. Vit. Apolo
regularly set poetry to music. (Clem. Alex. Strom. lon. v. 7. )
vol. i. p. 364, b. ) Plutarch (de Mus. 3) tells us M. TERPO'LIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. C.
that he set his own verses and those of Homer to 77, in the consulship of D. Brutus and M. Lepidus.
certain citharoedic nomes, and sang them in the (Cic. Cornel. Frag. 7, p. 453; Ascon. in Cornel. p.
musical contests ; and that he was the first who 81, ed. Orelli. )
gave names to the various citharoedic nomes. These TERPSICHORA (Tepyexbpa), one of the nine
nomes were simple tunes, from which others could Muses, presided over choral song and dancing.
be derived by slight variations; and these latter (Hes. Theog. 78 ; Pind. Isthm. ii. 7 ; Plat. Phaedr.
were called mean. That the nomes of Terpauder p. 259 ; comp. Musae. )
(L. S. )
were entirely of his own composition, is not very TERPSICLES (Tepturins), wrote a work,
probable, and indeed there is evidence to prove nepl 'Appodioiwv. (Athen. vii. p. 325, d. ix.
that some of them were derived from old tunes, p. 391, e. f. )
'ascribed to the ancient bards, and others from TERPSION (Tepylwv), a Megarian, mentioned
national melodies. Neither were they all adapted by Suidas (s. v. £wkpámns) as one of the disciples
to the rhythm of the heroic hexameter; for arcong of Socrates. Plutarch also refers to him (de Gen,
3
## p. 1006 (#1022) ##########################################
1006
TERTULLIANUS.
TERTULLIANUS.
Sorr. p. 581, a. ). It is doubtless this Terpsion who | two books, and it seems probable, from their tenor,
is introduced by Plato as one of the interlocutors that she was considerably younger than himself.
in the Theaetetus.
4. Some members of the Roman Church, dis-
Another person of this name is mentioned by turbed by the example of a wedded priest, have
Athenaeus (viii. p. 337) as the first author of a maintained that he never was a presbyter, and
gaotpodoyía, giving direction as to the viands from appeal to two passages in which he certainly as-
which it was advisable to abstain. A notable im- bumes the character of a layman (de Monog. 12, de
promptu rerse of his is recorded : 'H xort xenórns Exhort. Cast. 7). But we are here again em-
H payeiv ħ uns payeiv, which actually attained barrassed by the abrupt transitions and bold per-
to the distinction of a various reading even in anti- sonifications so common in this author, and it has
quity.
(C. P. M. ] been urged, with considerable force, that in the
TERRA. [TELLUS. )
passages referred to he is led naturally, by the
T. TERRASI'DIUS, one of Cacsar's officers in course of his argument, to speak as if he actually
Gaul, was sent to the Unelli to obtain corn in B. C. belonged to that class whose position he describes.
57. (Caes. B. G. iii. 7. )
It is perfectly true, on the other hand, that we
TERTIA, a female actress, and one of the might read through the works of Tertullian with-
favourite mistresses of Verres in Sicily. (Cic. Verr. out discovering that he had ever been ordained ;
iii. 34, v. 12, 16. )
but neither this negative presumption nor the un.
TEʻRTIA or TERTULLA, JUNIA. (Ju- certain conclusions drawn from phrases of doubtful
NIA, No. 3. ]
import can outweigh the positive testimony of Je.
TERTIA, MU'CIA. (MUCIA, No. 2. ] rome, who had ample means of ascertaining the fact
TERTIUS JULIANUS. (TETTIUS, No. 3. ] which he records, and no conceivable motive for
TERTULLIA'NUS, whose name appears in suppressing or perverting the truth.
the best MSS. under the form Q. Septimius Florens 5. It being admitted that he was a presbyter,
Tertullia is the most ancient of the Latin fathers another question arises as to the place where he
now extant. Notwithstanding the celebrity which exercised his functions, whether at Carthage or at
he has always enjoyed, our knowledge of his per. Rome. Here we shall have much difficulty in
sonal history is extremely limited, and is derived forming a positive opinion. We should naturally
almost exclusively from a succinct notice by St. conclude, in absence of all direct evidence to the
Jerome.
contrary, that he remained in his native country,
From this we learn that Tertullian was a native and we know that writers who flourished towards
of Carthage, the son of a proconsular centurion the close of the fourth century designate him as a
(an officer who appears to have acted as a sort of Carthaginian presbyter (Optat. adv. Parmen. i. ;
aide-de-camp to provincial governors) ; that he flou- Praesdest. de Haeres. 26). "On the other hand, it
rished chiefly during the reigns of Septimius Se- being certain that he visited Rome (de Cult. Femm.
verus and of Caracalla ; that he became a presbyter, i. 7), his collision with the Roman clergy and the
and remained orthodox until he had reached the intimate knowledge which he frequently manifests
term of middle life, when, in consequence of the with regard to the state of parties and the eccle-
enry and ill-treatment which he experienced on siastical proceedings in the metropolis, seem to
the part of the Roman clergy, he went over to the indicate a lengthened residence and close personal
Montanists, and wrote several books in defence of observation. (Comp. Euseb. H. E. ii. 2. )
those heretics; that he lived to a great age, and 6. His defection from the Church, caused, ac-
was the author of many works.
cording to Jerome, by the harsh and insulting
Various editors and historians of ecclesiastical conduct of the Roman clergy, has been ascribed by
literature have endeavoured to extend or illustrate some persons in modern times to disappointed am-
the scanty information conveyed in the above bition. They suppose that he had fixed his desires
sketch.
upon the bishopric of Rome or of Carthage, and
1. Since the elevation of Septimius Severus took that upon seeing others preferred to himself he se-
place in A. D. 193, and since Caracalla was slain in ceded in disgust. It is unnecessary to enter into
A. D.
