There is, in fact, a considerable amount of work to be done in mapping the
development of children's sexual humor, work that should show that the
humor changes-in topic as well as understanding-as the child grows older
and more aware of first his or her own sexuality and then sexuality in rela-
tion to the sexuality of other people.
development of children's sexual humor, work that should show that the
humor changes-in topic as well as understanding-as the child grows older
and more aware of first his or her own sexuality and then sexuality in rela-
tion to the sexuality of other people.
Childens - Folklore
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hathitrust.
org/access_use#cc-by-nc-nd-3.
0
? ? are important precisely because they are rhymes: "Through the ancient de-
vice of rhyme, and the still more ancient ones of furious alliteration and asso-
nance, they have found a way to comment incisively, and often in a very up-
to-date fashion, upon the world of adults and upon other children" (Withers
1948, 204). Dorothy Howard, the very next year, commented on the "pro-
gressive intricacy of the rhythm patterns" of ball-bouncing rhymes collected
from chronologically sequential age groups (Howard 1949, 166). And in 1966,
in an article in American Anthropologist, Robbins Burling compared nursery
rhymes in English, Chinese, and Bengkulu in some detail and found them all
to have a four-line, four-beats-per-line structure. Burling suggests that more
in the way of comparative metrical analysis needs to be done before the uni-
versality of this pattern can be ascertained, but he does speculate about what
such a universality might imply. "If these patterns prove to be universal, I can
see no explanation except that of our common humanity. We may simply be
the kind of animal that is predestined not only to speak, but also, on certain
occasions, to force language into a recurrent pattern of beats and lines"
(Burling 1966, 1435). Burling wonders if this translinguistic patterning might
also be true, at least in part, of "sophisticated verse. " More recently, efforts
like Howard Gardner's articles, especially "Metaphors and Modalities: How
Children Project Polar Adjectives onto Diverse Domains" and "Style and Sen-
sitivity in Children," and Peter Jusczyk's doctoral dissertation, "Rhymes and
Reasons: The Child's Appreciation of Aspects of Poetic Form," have dealt
specifically with the poetic devices children use and appreciate, devices whose
technical functions children will not be able to understand until much later
in their lives. In American Children's Folklore (1988), Simon Bronner treats
songs and rhymes in their own chapters and discusses the social and cultural
functions of the various subgenres, especially gross rhymes and song parodies,
arguing that children's folklore adapts to changing times and comments on
them (page 27).
RHYMES AND SONGS: A FUNCTIONAL BREAKDOWN
The definitive work on the nature of rhyme and the manner in which
children's traditional rhymed and metered materials achieve their effects has
yet to be written. Until it is, perhaps the closest we, as critics, can come to
an understanding of how poems and songs work is to observe their effects
on the people who use them. In other words, what we can do is look at the
ways in which poems and songs function as children's folklore.
As I have already mentioned, many rhymes and songs have been col-
lected as parts of children's games where they function as legislation. That
is, many of the rhymes and songs found in games are there as the legislative
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? ? structure; rhymes and songs are used to set up the game and get it under
way, to provide the rules for the game as it proceeds, and in some cases, to
determine the winner of the game when it is concluding. Before many games
can get started, it is often necessary to decide who will start the action-
who will be the first jump-rope jumper and who will be the twirlers, who
will be the first "it" for hide-and-go-seek or tag, or who will make the first
move. Often this is determined through a counting-out rhyme. A counting-
out rhyme is necessary in this situation because the first person to be "it" is
doing so freely and not as a penalty for having been caught or having his or
her hiding place spotted. The counting-out rhyme provides an impartial way
of selecting the first "it. " And some critics have suggested that the count-
ing-out rhyme dates back to much more serious and ancient sacrificial situ-
ations in which the person chosen was a literal sacrifice in a religious ritual.
In any case, the children accept the results of the counting-out rhyme as
impartial and impersonal so that there is no suggestion that the first "it" is
of any less stature than the other people in the game.
As the game gets started, a chant may be employed to state some
of the rules. When the "it" person for hide-and-go-seek finishes counting,
he may add, still in the chanting rhythm of the count, "Anybody around
my goal is it! " This means that no one can stand right beside the spot
where the counter is standing and tag the goal just as the counter finishes.
Should the counter forget to add that qualification, however, that rule does
not apply.
Any game may contain everything from the occasional rule-making
rhyme to a rhyme or song that continues as long as the game is played.
Within chasing and hiding games, one can occasionally hear rhymes like
"One, two, three/Get off my father's apple tree" (Knapp and Knapp 1976,
29). This two-line rhyme is designed to get a "base-hugger" to leave the
safety he is sticking too close to. If the "it" in hide-and-go-seek stays around
the goal too long, he is likely to hear the chant, "Goal sticker, goal sticker/
is a goal sticker. " These rhymes and chants, however, appear only
sporadically in chasing and hiding games; in games of jumping rope, rhymes
and songs often last for the duration of the game. It must be noted that these
rhymes and songs may have only one or two verses and then a long enu-
meration that continues until the jumper misses and is, temporarily anyway,
out. Rhymes like
Cinderella, dressed in yella
Went downtown to buy some mustard.
On her way her girdle busted,
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? ? How may people were disgusted?
1, 2, 3, 4,. . . (Turner et al. 1978, 14)
could, conceivably, go on forever, counting off the number of times the per-
son jumping makes it successfully over the rope. In fact, the twirlers usu-
ally increase the speed as the game goes on so that the jumper will eventu-
ally miss. There are, of course, other rhymes that have a specific duration,
and the jumper is required to stop when the rhyme is over and exchange
places with one of the twirlers or one of the waiting bystanders/observers.
In addition to jump rope there are other games that have rhymes or
songs that structure them and also continue for the duration of the game. Many
clapping and ball-bouncing games use rhymes or songs, and the familiar songs,
"London Bridge" and "Ring Around the Rosie," last all through the games
they structure. Most of these children's games do not have over-all winners
or losers. They generally conclude when most of the participants feel like stop-
ping rather than at some predetermined point in the game. External factors
such as darkness, homework, supper, and bedtime are much more likely to
conclude a game than the crowning of an absolute winner. In the case of a
game like jump rope, however, the number of jumps totaled up in the chant
might suggest that one jumper is better than the others.
A second category of children's rhymes and songs, and one which is
very close to the first category, contains rhymes and songs used for power.
Certainly teasing rhymes like "na-na-na-na-na" give the user some power
over the one at whom the rhyme is directed, and in its more complex ver-
sions, like "Nanny, Nanny, boo-boo/Stick your head in doo-doo," its power
to make the victim angry is impressive. As children get older, they acquire a
number of rhymes which give them the power to physically abuse another
child. To be caught in one of these situations, the victim must have never
heard the rhyme before, and so these tricks are often played on newcomers.
Adam and Eve and Pinch Me
Went down to the river to swim;
Adam and Eve got drowned.
Who was left?
When the victim answers this question-as he or she must, or lose consid-
erable face in the group-the person who said the rhyme can then pinch
away. Only a slightly more subtle rhyme instructs the victim to "Look up,
look down/ Look at my thumb/ Gee, you're dumb. " This rhyme, all by it-
self, is not a rhyme of physical abuse, but a later variation of it says
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? ? This is my finger,
This is my thumb,
This is my hand,
And here it comes.
As the last line is recited, the reciter steps closer and slaps the victim on the
cheek. Other tricks play on the word "duck," so that the victim thinks the
word refers to a bird while the trickster interprets it as an instruction; when
the victim does not duck, he or she is slapped by an immediately apologetic
trickster who says, "But I told you to duck. "
The fascinating aspect of these rhymes of physical abuse is that sel-
dom is a fight started. The victim realizes that he or she has been tricked.
The victim also realizes that there is a whole crowd watching the trick and
waiting for a reaction. The only thing the victim can do at the moment is
take it like a "good sport. " He or she may plot revenge and get back at the
tormentor with a similar trick at a later date, but the victim is more likely
to use the trick that was played on him or her to trick someone else. The
victim thus becomes an insider looking for a new outsider to prey upon.
There are various other rhymes used by one child to establish his su-
periority over another. Among young children, tricking someone into look-
ing at or for something that is not there is followed by this rhyme:
Made you look,
You dirty crook;
You stole your mother's
Pocketbook.
In general, victims seem much more willing participants in their own down-
fall when they are made to say a line or response that will eventually reflect
badly on them. At the end of one such series, the victim-after saying, "I
am a gold key," "I am a silver key," and "I am a brass key"-must then
announce, "I am a "monk key" (that is, a monkey). Once again, the victim
must accept the humiliation and wait to play the trick on someone else.
A third category of rhymes and songs suggests quite strongly that
children develop a sense of what is or is not acceptable at an early age, and
when they see another child acting in an unacceptable way, they often have
a rhyme or song of judgment for the occasion. One group of judgmental
rhymes is directed at children who are incorrectly dressed. Should someone
not have assembled his or her clothing carefully, he or she might hear
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? ? I see London,
I see France,
I see 's
Underpants.
Exposed underwear and open zippers seem to be primary targets for this
rhyme and others like it, but the clothing standards that such rhymes rein-
force are adult standards. The child who uses this rhyme is aware of "proper
dress" and is passing judgment or trying to correct the child who is unaware
of the standards or who has slipped.
There are other ways a child can violate the group's standards, and
there are rhymes for such occasions. A child who has been discovered to be
a liar is quite likely to hear "Liar, Liar/Pants on fire/Hanging from the tele-
phone wire. " The liar has violated the group's trust, and the insulting rhyme
is a judgment on the liar's actions. Other children whose actions set them
apart from the group-notably tattletales, crybabies, and teachers' pets-
will also have insulting rhymes directed at them. The child soon learns not
to act this way if he or she wants to remain a member in good standing.
Children with noticeable differences have always been singled out by
the group. In the past, children with glasses or braces were persons of ridi-
cule to their peers; that, however, seems to have changed, and braces are even
becoming a status symbol in certain parts of the country. Other obvious dif-
ferences, especially the physical ones, still attract attention. Adults who were
overweight children may never forget
Fatty, fatty, two by four,
Couldn't get through the bathroom door,
So he did it on the floor.
"Skinny" children, at the opposite end of the size spectrum, get similar treat-
ment, as do redheads and children who are especially funny/ugly.
This quickness to recognize differences makes children particularly
susceptible to racial and ethnic prejudice. To be sure, they are quick to pick
up and promulgate views that their parents have (so that there are staunch
eight-year-old Democrats and Republicans), but their recognition of physi-
cal and behavioral differences, already noted, suggests that the rhymes and
songs about blacks, Jews, and Asians that the Knapps collected for One Po-
tato, Two Potato (1976, 190-203) function only partly as racial material.
Some of the impetus for the transmission of these materials must come from
the group's sense of itself as a group, a sense that is certainly developed, in
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? ? part, by recognizing others that are not a part of the group-and racial dif-
ferences are easy to recognize. This does not make these rhymes of preju-
dice any more acceptable, but it does enable us to understand a bit more
clearly why children are so quick to use them. 4
The fourth category, which may well be the largest and which also
crosses into other categories from time to time, consists of rhymes and songs
that contain wit and humor. A great deal of material in this category is de-
rived, ultimately, from the adult world. Children seem to have little respect
for even the most traditional nursery rhymes, the most serious television
commercials, or the most sacred songs. Parodies of "Mary Had A Little
Lamb," as well as parodies of other nursery rhymes abound. Television com-
mercials extolling the effectiveness or the quality of some new or well-known
product become rhymes or jingles disparaging the product. In the 1950s, the
Pepsi-Cola slogan, "Pepsi-Cola hits the spot," became
Pepsi-Cola hits the spot,
Smells like vinegar, tastes like snot;
Pour it in the kitchen sink,
Five minutes later, it begins to stink.
And more recently, commentaries concerning the use of Comet cleanser have
been collected.
Comet, it makes your mouth turn green;
Comet, it tastes like kerosene;
Comet, it makes you vomit;
So get Comet and vomit today.
Not only do children seem quite willing to parody television commercials,
but they also seem quite willing, unlike most adults, to make jokes about
"snot" and "vomit. "
Songs, too, are readily parodied by children and the children do not
seem to be at all upset that songs adults consider important-whether secular
political songs or sacred church music-are being violated. And so, "The
Star-Spangled Banner" becomes
Oh, say can you see,
Any bedbugs on me?
If you can, take a few,
'Cause I got them from you.
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? ? And there are similar parodies of "America," "Yankee Doodle," and
"America the Beautiful. " Church music is certainly not immune from parody.
Generations of school children have sung variations of a parody of "The
Battle Hymn of the Republic" through which they get some psychological
revenge on the educational system by describing "The Burning of the School"
and enthusiastically singing one variation or another of the chorus:
Glory, glory, hallelujah,
Teacher hit me with a ruler.
I bopped her on the bean
With a rotten tangerine,
And her teeth went marching on.
Similar parodies exist of "We Three Kings," "Jesus Loves Me," "Hark! The
Herald Angels Sing," and many more. In the same vein, there are parodies,
in the appropriate rhyme and meter, of various prayers, from "Grace" be-
fore meals to "Now I Lay Me Down to Sleep. " The children's answer to the
old cliche "Is nothing sacred? " would seem to be a resounding "No! "
Another large segment of humorous rhyme and song is also derived,
albeit indirectly, from the adult world. Children begin to learn quite early
that there are "unacceptable" or "dirty" words in the English language,
words that they should be especially careful not to say in the presence of
adults. That, of course, makes those words all that much more delicious to
say-if only within the peer group. In One Potato, Two Potato, the Knapps
place these rhymes and songs in a larger category that they call "shockers"
(Knapp and Knapp 1976, 179-89). And it is a shock to many adults to dis-
cover that children know and joke about body parts, bodily functions, sexual
differences, and sexual activities. Art Linkletter may not have realized it, but
kids will also say the grossest things. "Great Green Gobs of Greasy, Grimy
Gopher Guts," a song that usually ends with the line "And me without a
spoon," is not a song that most adults would enjoy; children-especially boys
(but that may be role-playing)-love it. And there are any number of rhymes,
some of them parodies of nursery rhymes, that focus on bodily functions or
the products thereof:
In 1944,
The Monkey climbed the door;
The door split,
And the Monkey shit,
In 1944.
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? ? And what Jack burned when he missed his jump over the candlestick is al-
most too painful to think about. Adults seem to have conveniently forgot-
ten that they ever knew and passed on such materials, and when it comes
to the rhymes and songs about sexual matters, they "can't imagine" how
the children know such things. The Knapps collected the following parody/
shocker from a ten-year-old: "Now I lay her on the bed/I pray to God I'll
use my head. " And the following song parody, also collected by the Knapps,
exhibits a somewhat more sophisticated knowledge:
My Bonnie lies over the ocean,
My Bonnie lies over the sea,
My daddy lies over my mommy,
And that's how they got little me.
(Knapp and Knapp 1976, 172, 185)
The children, for their part, are more perceptive than the adults concerning
this humor; the children are aware of how the adults would react and, there-
fore, keep these materials generally among themselves.
There are a great many reasons why children find humor in these
materials, and defiance of adult prohibitions is probably the least important
reason of all. Certainly one of the reasons children use these words (and a
reason they will later be eager to try cigarettes, alcohol, and sex) is to feel
like adults. By using these materials, the children are like the adults whom
they have very likely heard saying the same words or talking about the same
topics. In addition, sexual humor-whether a parody or a song or rhyme in
its own right-is a way of dealing with a topic of considerable anxiety in
such a way that the anxiety is largely removed. Laughter, after all, is a way
of dealing with fear and nervousness as well as a way of expressing delight.
There is, in fact, a considerable amount of work to be done in mapping the
development of children's sexual humor, work that should show that the
humor changes-in topic as well as understanding-as the child grows older
and more aware of first his or her own sexuality and then sexuality in rela-
tion to the sexuality of other people.
The last category is, of course, miscellaneous, and in it are lumped
rhymes and songs that might be considered in one or more of the other cat-
egories but do deserve some mention on their own. Certainly there are hu-
morous parodies and rhymes of judgment among autograph rhymes, but the
occurrence of the specific item, the autograph rhyme, is the result of an
autographing situation rather than a joke-telling session. And many of the
rhymes, like the one that follows, could be nothing but autograph rhymes:
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? ? Remember Grant,
Remember Lee,
But most of all,
Remember me.
And other traditional rhymes, like "Roses are red . . . ," are changed to in-
clude sentiments about friendship.
Topical rhymes and songs, focusing on political figures, cartoon he-
roes, movie stars, and the like are also passed on among children in tradi-
tional ways-although the length of such a rhyme's popularity may well
depend on the duration of the popularity of the subject of the rhyme or song.
The Opies, the Knapps, and Turner, Factor, and Lowenstein were all able
to collect rhymes involving Adolf Hitler as recently, in some cases, as the
1970s; but it is unlikely that any of the parodies of "Davy Crockett" that
were sung in the 1950s are being passed on in the 1980s. Some of the topi-
cal rhymes and songs that circulate among children are also parodies; the
resulting combinations can be quite interesting:
My peanut has a first name, it's J-I-M-M-Y
My peanut has a second name, it's C-A-R-T-R
Oh, I hate to see him everyday
And if you ask me why I'll say
'Cause Jimmy Carter has a way
Of messing up the U. S. A. (Sullivan 1980, 9)
This parody of an Oscar Mayer commercial jingle is also, and perhaps fore-
most, an example of topical, political children's folklore-and it may be an
interesting evaluation of Jimmy Carter as a president.
SOME CONCLUDING COMMENTS
This article merely scratches the surface of a vast and interesting topic. Chil-
dren will make up songs and rhymes about anything and everything. I ob-
tained some insight into the process while chauffeuring my sons and their
friends to various activities. They attempted take-offs or parodies on what-
ever fell within their range-on the radio, on billboards, or on store win-
dows. Nearly all of what they created was almost immediately discarded; it
was not very original, clever, or funny. Some items were tried out in several
ways before most of them, too, were given up. In fact, I can remember them
keeping only a very few items for much longer than it took for the item to
be said and evaluated. But if this sort of activity goes on all the time among
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? ? a great many elementary schoolers, some new things will be created, kept,
and circulated right along with that great body of material that has been in
circulation for generations.
This small study, larger studies like One Potato, Two Potato, The Lore
and Language of Schoolchildren, and Cinderella Dressed in Yella, and the
encyclopedic collections like Roger Abrahams's Jump-Rope Rhymes: A Dic-
tionary (1969), can, after all, only point to and provide examples of the im-
mense body of traditional songs and rhymes being passed on among children.
NOTES TO CHAPTER SEVEN
1. For the purposes of this article, the terms "poem" and "rhyme" will be in-
terchangeable when used to refer to the rhymed and metered items in children's oral
folklore.
2. Elementary-school teachers are reporting a sharp drop in their students' fa-
miliarity with even the most commonly recited nursery rhymes. Collectors of children's
rhymes, and especially collectors of parodies, might begin to notice a decrease in the
amount of traditional nursery rhyme material they gather.
3. Examples of children's rhymes and songs, unless otherwise noted, are from
my own collections.
4. A similar group identification process takes place among elementary-school
children as they begin to become aware of the sexual group to which they belong. Boys
and girls each think that their group is the best, that members of the opposite group
are unpleasant and objectionable.
I60 SONGS, POEMS, AND RHYMES
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? ? 8 RIDDLES
Danielle M. Roemer
In this chapter, I survey four areas relevant to the study of children's verbal
and nonverbal riddling. The first of these sections involves situational and
interactional contexts. The second considers common rhetorical strategies
of English-language riddles. The third takes up developmental concerns, re-
viewing the literature on children's acquisition of productive competence.
The concluding section treats some of the interactional functions of children's
riddling. Because of the bias in the literature, the discussion throughout the
chapter necessarily emphasizes verbal riddling.
Riddles are a type of solicitational routine (Bauman 1977b, 24). As
such, they are characterized by a speech act that elicits a response; that is,
they are marked by an implied or stated question posed by the initiating
participant. The second participant answers the question. To be sure, types
of solicitational routine other than the riddle can be found in children's rep-
ertoires. Among these are directive catch routines and knock-knock routines.
Directive catch routines call forth a gestural or otherwise physical response,
rather than a verbal reply. For their part, knock-knock routines, though con-
taining questions, do not solicit solution-oriented responses. Instead, the
respondent replies to the speaker with formulaic utterances. For these rea-
sons, directive catch routines and knock-knock routines are omitted from
the discussion. '
CONTEXTS AND PROCEDURES OF RIDDLING
Questions of when, where, how, and with whom children's riddles have
been addressed in the folkloristic and anthropological literature, but they
have rarely been answered in depth. Prior to the 1960s or so, collecting
standards allowed considerable latitude in the recording of contextual and
interactional data. Many researchers simply ignored the information. Oth-
ers sketched out basic parameters, but too often their observations tended
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? ? toward the obvious and the dominant. For example, researchers have
tended to regard community members as a homogeneous group, thereby
assuming that whatever was true for adult riddling held equally well for
children's. Or, they viewed children themselves as undiversified, thereby
bypassing differences in riddling due to youngsters' ages, or, in urban ar-
eas, their ethnic heritage. Especially problematic has been information
about settings and interactional events that encourage or inhibit riddling.
Though fieldworkers' sensitivity to context and dynamics has increased
markedly in the past three decades, descriptions as specific as Manuel's of
Bagobo riddling in the Philippines are not yet commonplace: "Riddle mak-
ing . . . may start with younger folks or children, during some kind of ac-
tivity like playing house, chatting around the fireplace, waiting for a turn
to pound rice, fetching water, occupations of no strenuous nature, or while
people are at rest after lunch. After the impulse is set by young people, the
older folks may get stimulated to participate, depending on what they are
doing otherwise" (Manuel 1962, 125; McDowell 1979; also Glazer 1982,
91-115; Bronner 1988, 186-99).
Despite this unevenness in the literature, enough information is re-
trievable to at least hint at some cross-cultural trends. As the first of these,
we can identify two broadly different tracks that communities take with re-
gard to the appropriateness of distinct groups' engaging in riddling. First,
there are groups that treat riddling as an activity open to both adults and
children. Among the Anang of Nigeria, for instance, both adults and chil-
dren may pose and answer riddles (Messenger 1960; also Jette 1913 and
Manuel 1962). Secondly, and in contrast to groups like the Anang, commu-
nities may limit active involvement according to the age (or perhaps, the
social status) of the potential participants. In some cases, riddling is seen as
an adult prerogative. Though riddles may be posed occasionally to children
for specific purposes, such as testing the youngsters' intelligence, they are
not otherwise encouraged to participate (Bodding 1940; also Lindblom
1935). As an alternative to across-the-board restrictions based on age, other
communities require children to simply remain silent when riddling occurs
in adult social events. For instance, riddling at wakes may be appropriate
for adults but not children. Although they are permitted to observe, young-
sters are discouraged from joining in. Interestingly, though on such occasions
children can overhear riddles that they later share with their peers (Roberts
and Forman 1971, 195). Whereas the groups mentioned immediately above
restrict riddling to adults, others regard the activity as a pastime for chil-
dren. This appears to be the case in urban groups (for example, Basgoz 1965;
Roberts and Forman 1971; Virtanen 1978) as well as in some tribal and
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? ? preindustrialized societies (Hollis 1909; Doke 1927; Schapera 1932; Bascom
1949; Blacking 1961; D. Hart 1964; Fortes 1967; Upadhyaya 1970).
Within the literature, the most frequently reported occasions of adult-
child riddling are those involving pedagogy and leisure-time activity, respec-
tively. In pedagogic riddling, the adult takes on the role of teacher, the child
the role of student. The interactions can occur in the home as well as in the
school. To take the home environment first: Among the Chamula of Cen-
tral America (Gossen 1974, 115-16), mothers may use riddles in teaching
their children to talk. In the Ozark mountains of the United States in the
1930s (Randolph and Spradley 1934), some parents regarded "workin' out
riddles" as an intellectual discipline for children. They posed riddles to their
children in the hope of training the children's minds. Similar motives appear
to have been behind adult-child riddling in other areas of the United States
(Potter 1949, 939) and in Europe (Goldstein 1963). By far, the most frequent
reports of pedagogic riddling in the home come from Africa. There, riddling
is used to amuse children while testing their wit and competence in culture-
specific values (D. Hart 1964). With respect to pedagogic riddling in the
school environment, several curriculum reports (for example, Cazden 1982;
Scriven n. d. ) have suggested that riddling in the classroom can aid young-
sters' development of perceptual and descriptive skills. Although to my
knowledge we have no ethnographic reports of pedagogic riddling within
the mainstream classroom, there exists at least one report treating riddle use
in formal, non-English language instruction. Diane Roskies (cited in
Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1978, 15) studied classroom activities in Kheyder, a
Jewish primary school. There, a variety of verbal art forms were applied in
the teaching of the Jewish alphabet. As one example of the pedagogic play,
the children were encouraged to tell riddles dealing with the shapes of the
letters.
In contrast to pedagogic riddling, leisure-time riddling is pursued as
an end in itself. Entertainment is the primary goal. Generally speaking, lei-
sure-time riddling between children and adults develops in the vicinity of the
home, when practical obligations are few (L. Roberts 1959; Barrick 1963;
Burns 1976, 145-47). Although parents and siblings appear to be children's
most frequent coparticipants (McCosh 1976, 57), youngsters confronted by
more distant relatives and other visitors may find that they can use riddling
to communicate across the "small-talk barrier" (Jansen 1968; Knapp and
Knapp 1976, 106). Of course, it is always possible that this arrangement
can backfire. Proud of their "funny, clever" children, parents have been
known to encourage the youngsters to "perform" riddles for the parents'
friends (McCosh 1976, 129). Trapped, visiting adults may serve not so much
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? ? as coparticipants but as spectators to the children's performances.
Though in-depth analysis is lacking, we have clues to the interactional
parameters of adult-child leisure-time riddling. In such contexts, it appears,
riddle subject matter can become problematic and speaking rights can be
unequally distributed. As to the first point: It seems that youngsters in both
Western and non-Western groups censor the riddles they tell adults. Among
the Venda of Africa (Blacking 1961, 2), children tell certain riddles only in
the company of their peers and never in the presence of their elders. Like-
wise, British and American youngsters delete sexual riddles from those they
share with adults (McCosh 1976, 57). Secondly, turns at talking can be un-
equally distributed during adult-child riddling. In adult-child, nonriddling
conversations, at least among American participants, children's speaking
rights are often limited (Sacks 1972). A similar arrangement appears to be
in effect during at least some adult-child riddling. David Evans's (1976) tran-
script of riddle interaction among four black men and two black boys pro-
vides a possible example. The interaction is dominated by the adults, par-
ticularly by the elderly man who poses most of the riddles. For their part,
the boys try to guess some of the riddles but do not offer any of their own.
On the whole, they are willing to watch and listen, allowing the adults to
take charge of the interaction.
In comparison to adult-child activity, leisure-time riddling in children's
peer groups has received even less documentation. Many of the reports
merely state that such riddling occurs. Those that do investigate the topics
tend to focus on formal riddle sessions. A riddle session (Burns 1976, 142)
consists of a series of riddle acts, possibly interspersed with other perfor-
mance material. The organization of a riddle session can be described in
terms of (1) role relationships among the participants, (2) the conjoining of
the interactional units that make up the sessions, and (3) restrictions or ex-
pectations influencing the selection of acts in one session relative to selec-
tion procedures in other sessions. To date, much of the research has adopted
the first of these foci, summarizing the riddle session as a contest in African
societies (Burns 1976, 147-53). One of the more detailed of these reports
has been published by John Blacking.
According to Blacking (1961), there are not set rules for the compo-
sition of riddling teams among the Venda of Africa. Depending on circum-
stances, teams can be made up of girls, boys, or a combination of both. Age
variables can be relevant, as when younger boys take on a team of older boys.
The most important factor, however, is riddling competence. Since the Venda
place a high positive value on the knowledge of words and on facility with
formal language, the child who knows many riddles is much in demand.
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? ? Other youngsters may try to bribe their way onto the team of such a riddler,
offering him or her oranges or bits of sugar cane.
Riddle contests among the Venda typically begin with some variant
of the proposal A ri thaidze! ("Let's ask each other riddles! "). Once started,
the contest develops in one of two ways: as the event Thai dza u bulelana
("riddles that you reveal to each other") or as Thai dza u rengelana
("riddles that you buy from each other"). Though Venda children use both
types, they prefer the second. They explain that engaging in bartered riddles
is less competitive, easier to play, and lasts longer than the alternate
method.
? ? are important precisely because they are rhymes: "Through the ancient de-
vice of rhyme, and the still more ancient ones of furious alliteration and asso-
nance, they have found a way to comment incisively, and often in a very up-
to-date fashion, upon the world of adults and upon other children" (Withers
1948, 204). Dorothy Howard, the very next year, commented on the "pro-
gressive intricacy of the rhythm patterns" of ball-bouncing rhymes collected
from chronologically sequential age groups (Howard 1949, 166). And in 1966,
in an article in American Anthropologist, Robbins Burling compared nursery
rhymes in English, Chinese, and Bengkulu in some detail and found them all
to have a four-line, four-beats-per-line structure. Burling suggests that more
in the way of comparative metrical analysis needs to be done before the uni-
versality of this pattern can be ascertained, but he does speculate about what
such a universality might imply. "If these patterns prove to be universal, I can
see no explanation except that of our common humanity. We may simply be
the kind of animal that is predestined not only to speak, but also, on certain
occasions, to force language into a recurrent pattern of beats and lines"
(Burling 1966, 1435). Burling wonders if this translinguistic patterning might
also be true, at least in part, of "sophisticated verse. " More recently, efforts
like Howard Gardner's articles, especially "Metaphors and Modalities: How
Children Project Polar Adjectives onto Diverse Domains" and "Style and Sen-
sitivity in Children," and Peter Jusczyk's doctoral dissertation, "Rhymes and
Reasons: The Child's Appreciation of Aspects of Poetic Form," have dealt
specifically with the poetic devices children use and appreciate, devices whose
technical functions children will not be able to understand until much later
in their lives. In American Children's Folklore (1988), Simon Bronner treats
songs and rhymes in their own chapters and discusses the social and cultural
functions of the various subgenres, especially gross rhymes and song parodies,
arguing that children's folklore adapts to changing times and comments on
them (page 27).
RHYMES AND SONGS: A FUNCTIONAL BREAKDOWN
The definitive work on the nature of rhyme and the manner in which
children's traditional rhymed and metered materials achieve their effects has
yet to be written. Until it is, perhaps the closest we, as critics, can come to
an understanding of how poems and songs work is to observe their effects
on the people who use them. In other words, what we can do is look at the
ways in which poems and songs function as children's folklore.
As I have already mentioned, many rhymes and songs have been col-
lected as parts of children's games where they function as legislation. That
is, many of the rhymes and songs found in games are there as the legislative
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? ? structure; rhymes and songs are used to set up the game and get it under
way, to provide the rules for the game as it proceeds, and in some cases, to
determine the winner of the game when it is concluding. Before many games
can get started, it is often necessary to decide who will start the action-
who will be the first jump-rope jumper and who will be the twirlers, who
will be the first "it" for hide-and-go-seek or tag, or who will make the first
move. Often this is determined through a counting-out rhyme. A counting-
out rhyme is necessary in this situation because the first person to be "it" is
doing so freely and not as a penalty for having been caught or having his or
her hiding place spotted. The counting-out rhyme provides an impartial way
of selecting the first "it. " And some critics have suggested that the count-
ing-out rhyme dates back to much more serious and ancient sacrificial situ-
ations in which the person chosen was a literal sacrifice in a religious ritual.
In any case, the children accept the results of the counting-out rhyme as
impartial and impersonal so that there is no suggestion that the first "it" is
of any less stature than the other people in the game.
As the game gets started, a chant may be employed to state some
of the rules. When the "it" person for hide-and-go-seek finishes counting,
he may add, still in the chanting rhythm of the count, "Anybody around
my goal is it! " This means that no one can stand right beside the spot
where the counter is standing and tag the goal just as the counter finishes.
Should the counter forget to add that qualification, however, that rule does
not apply.
Any game may contain everything from the occasional rule-making
rhyme to a rhyme or song that continues as long as the game is played.
Within chasing and hiding games, one can occasionally hear rhymes like
"One, two, three/Get off my father's apple tree" (Knapp and Knapp 1976,
29). This two-line rhyme is designed to get a "base-hugger" to leave the
safety he is sticking too close to. If the "it" in hide-and-go-seek stays around
the goal too long, he is likely to hear the chant, "Goal sticker, goal sticker/
is a goal sticker. " These rhymes and chants, however, appear only
sporadically in chasing and hiding games; in games of jumping rope, rhymes
and songs often last for the duration of the game. It must be noted that these
rhymes and songs may have only one or two verses and then a long enu-
meration that continues until the jumper misses and is, temporarily anyway,
out. Rhymes like
Cinderella, dressed in yella
Went downtown to buy some mustard.
On her way her girdle busted,
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? ? How may people were disgusted?
1, 2, 3, 4,. . . (Turner et al. 1978, 14)
could, conceivably, go on forever, counting off the number of times the per-
son jumping makes it successfully over the rope. In fact, the twirlers usu-
ally increase the speed as the game goes on so that the jumper will eventu-
ally miss. There are, of course, other rhymes that have a specific duration,
and the jumper is required to stop when the rhyme is over and exchange
places with one of the twirlers or one of the waiting bystanders/observers.
In addition to jump rope there are other games that have rhymes or
songs that structure them and also continue for the duration of the game. Many
clapping and ball-bouncing games use rhymes or songs, and the familiar songs,
"London Bridge" and "Ring Around the Rosie," last all through the games
they structure. Most of these children's games do not have over-all winners
or losers. They generally conclude when most of the participants feel like stop-
ping rather than at some predetermined point in the game. External factors
such as darkness, homework, supper, and bedtime are much more likely to
conclude a game than the crowning of an absolute winner. In the case of a
game like jump rope, however, the number of jumps totaled up in the chant
might suggest that one jumper is better than the others.
A second category of children's rhymes and songs, and one which is
very close to the first category, contains rhymes and songs used for power.
Certainly teasing rhymes like "na-na-na-na-na" give the user some power
over the one at whom the rhyme is directed, and in its more complex ver-
sions, like "Nanny, Nanny, boo-boo/Stick your head in doo-doo," its power
to make the victim angry is impressive. As children get older, they acquire a
number of rhymes which give them the power to physically abuse another
child. To be caught in one of these situations, the victim must have never
heard the rhyme before, and so these tricks are often played on newcomers.
Adam and Eve and Pinch Me
Went down to the river to swim;
Adam and Eve got drowned.
Who was left?
When the victim answers this question-as he or she must, or lose consid-
erable face in the group-the person who said the rhyme can then pinch
away. Only a slightly more subtle rhyme instructs the victim to "Look up,
look down/ Look at my thumb/ Gee, you're dumb. " This rhyme, all by it-
self, is not a rhyme of physical abuse, but a later variation of it says
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? ? This is my finger,
This is my thumb,
This is my hand,
And here it comes.
As the last line is recited, the reciter steps closer and slaps the victim on the
cheek. Other tricks play on the word "duck," so that the victim thinks the
word refers to a bird while the trickster interprets it as an instruction; when
the victim does not duck, he or she is slapped by an immediately apologetic
trickster who says, "But I told you to duck. "
The fascinating aspect of these rhymes of physical abuse is that sel-
dom is a fight started. The victim realizes that he or she has been tricked.
The victim also realizes that there is a whole crowd watching the trick and
waiting for a reaction. The only thing the victim can do at the moment is
take it like a "good sport. " He or she may plot revenge and get back at the
tormentor with a similar trick at a later date, but the victim is more likely
to use the trick that was played on him or her to trick someone else. The
victim thus becomes an insider looking for a new outsider to prey upon.
There are various other rhymes used by one child to establish his su-
periority over another. Among young children, tricking someone into look-
ing at or for something that is not there is followed by this rhyme:
Made you look,
You dirty crook;
You stole your mother's
Pocketbook.
In general, victims seem much more willing participants in their own down-
fall when they are made to say a line or response that will eventually reflect
badly on them. At the end of one such series, the victim-after saying, "I
am a gold key," "I am a silver key," and "I am a brass key"-must then
announce, "I am a "monk key" (that is, a monkey). Once again, the victim
must accept the humiliation and wait to play the trick on someone else.
A third category of rhymes and songs suggests quite strongly that
children develop a sense of what is or is not acceptable at an early age, and
when they see another child acting in an unacceptable way, they often have
a rhyme or song of judgment for the occasion. One group of judgmental
rhymes is directed at children who are incorrectly dressed. Should someone
not have assembled his or her clothing carefully, he or she might hear
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? ? I see London,
I see France,
I see 's
Underpants.
Exposed underwear and open zippers seem to be primary targets for this
rhyme and others like it, but the clothing standards that such rhymes rein-
force are adult standards. The child who uses this rhyme is aware of "proper
dress" and is passing judgment or trying to correct the child who is unaware
of the standards or who has slipped.
There are other ways a child can violate the group's standards, and
there are rhymes for such occasions. A child who has been discovered to be
a liar is quite likely to hear "Liar, Liar/Pants on fire/Hanging from the tele-
phone wire. " The liar has violated the group's trust, and the insulting rhyme
is a judgment on the liar's actions. Other children whose actions set them
apart from the group-notably tattletales, crybabies, and teachers' pets-
will also have insulting rhymes directed at them. The child soon learns not
to act this way if he or she wants to remain a member in good standing.
Children with noticeable differences have always been singled out by
the group. In the past, children with glasses or braces were persons of ridi-
cule to their peers; that, however, seems to have changed, and braces are even
becoming a status symbol in certain parts of the country. Other obvious dif-
ferences, especially the physical ones, still attract attention. Adults who were
overweight children may never forget
Fatty, fatty, two by four,
Couldn't get through the bathroom door,
So he did it on the floor.
"Skinny" children, at the opposite end of the size spectrum, get similar treat-
ment, as do redheads and children who are especially funny/ugly.
This quickness to recognize differences makes children particularly
susceptible to racial and ethnic prejudice. To be sure, they are quick to pick
up and promulgate views that their parents have (so that there are staunch
eight-year-old Democrats and Republicans), but their recognition of physi-
cal and behavioral differences, already noted, suggests that the rhymes and
songs about blacks, Jews, and Asians that the Knapps collected for One Po-
tato, Two Potato (1976, 190-203) function only partly as racial material.
Some of the impetus for the transmission of these materials must come from
the group's sense of itself as a group, a sense that is certainly developed, in
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? ? part, by recognizing others that are not a part of the group-and racial dif-
ferences are easy to recognize. This does not make these rhymes of preju-
dice any more acceptable, but it does enable us to understand a bit more
clearly why children are so quick to use them. 4
The fourth category, which may well be the largest and which also
crosses into other categories from time to time, consists of rhymes and songs
that contain wit and humor. A great deal of material in this category is de-
rived, ultimately, from the adult world. Children seem to have little respect
for even the most traditional nursery rhymes, the most serious television
commercials, or the most sacred songs. Parodies of "Mary Had A Little
Lamb," as well as parodies of other nursery rhymes abound. Television com-
mercials extolling the effectiveness or the quality of some new or well-known
product become rhymes or jingles disparaging the product. In the 1950s, the
Pepsi-Cola slogan, "Pepsi-Cola hits the spot," became
Pepsi-Cola hits the spot,
Smells like vinegar, tastes like snot;
Pour it in the kitchen sink,
Five minutes later, it begins to stink.
And more recently, commentaries concerning the use of Comet cleanser have
been collected.
Comet, it makes your mouth turn green;
Comet, it tastes like kerosene;
Comet, it makes you vomit;
So get Comet and vomit today.
Not only do children seem quite willing to parody television commercials,
but they also seem quite willing, unlike most adults, to make jokes about
"snot" and "vomit. "
Songs, too, are readily parodied by children and the children do not
seem to be at all upset that songs adults consider important-whether secular
political songs or sacred church music-are being violated. And so, "The
Star-Spangled Banner" becomes
Oh, say can you see,
Any bedbugs on me?
If you can, take a few,
'Cause I got them from you.
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? ? And there are similar parodies of "America," "Yankee Doodle," and
"America the Beautiful. " Church music is certainly not immune from parody.
Generations of school children have sung variations of a parody of "The
Battle Hymn of the Republic" through which they get some psychological
revenge on the educational system by describing "The Burning of the School"
and enthusiastically singing one variation or another of the chorus:
Glory, glory, hallelujah,
Teacher hit me with a ruler.
I bopped her on the bean
With a rotten tangerine,
And her teeth went marching on.
Similar parodies exist of "We Three Kings," "Jesus Loves Me," "Hark! The
Herald Angels Sing," and many more. In the same vein, there are parodies,
in the appropriate rhyme and meter, of various prayers, from "Grace" be-
fore meals to "Now I Lay Me Down to Sleep. " The children's answer to the
old cliche "Is nothing sacred? " would seem to be a resounding "No! "
Another large segment of humorous rhyme and song is also derived,
albeit indirectly, from the adult world. Children begin to learn quite early
that there are "unacceptable" or "dirty" words in the English language,
words that they should be especially careful not to say in the presence of
adults. That, of course, makes those words all that much more delicious to
say-if only within the peer group. In One Potato, Two Potato, the Knapps
place these rhymes and songs in a larger category that they call "shockers"
(Knapp and Knapp 1976, 179-89). And it is a shock to many adults to dis-
cover that children know and joke about body parts, bodily functions, sexual
differences, and sexual activities. Art Linkletter may not have realized it, but
kids will also say the grossest things. "Great Green Gobs of Greasy, Grimy
Gopher Guts," a song that usually ends with the line "And me without a
spoon," is not a song that most adults would enjoy; children-especially boys
(but that may be role-playing)-love it. And there are any number of rhymes,
some of them parodies of nursery rhymes, that focus on bodily functions or
the products thereof:
In 1944,
The Monkey climbed the door;
The door split,
And the Monkey shit,
In 1944.
I57
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? ? And what Jack burned when he missed his jump over the candlestick is al-
most too painful to think about. Adults seem to have conveniently forgot-
ten that they ever knew and passed on such materials, and when it comes
to the rhymes and songs about sexual matters, they "can't imagine" how
the children know such things. The Knapps collected the following parody/
shocker from a ten-year-old: "Now I lay her on the bed/I pray to God I'll
use my head. " And the following song parody, also collected by the Knapps,
exhibits a somewhat more sophisticated knowledge:
My Bonnie lies over the ocean,
My Bonnie lies over the sea,
My daddy lies over my mommy,
And that's how they got little me.
(Knapp and Knapp 1976, 172, 185)
The children, for their part, are more perceptive than the adults concerning
this humor; the children are aware of how the adults would react and, there-
fore, keep these materials generally among themselves.
There are a great many reasons why children find humor in these
materials, and defiance of adult prohibitions is probably the least important
reason of all. Certainly one of the reasons children use these words (and a
reason they will later be eager to try cigarettes, alcohol, and sex) is to feel
like adults. By using these materials, the children are like the adults whom
they have very likely heard saying the same words or talking about the same
topics. In addition, sexual humor-whether a parody or a song or rhyme in
its own right-is a way of dealing with a topic of considerable anxiety in
such a way that the anxiety is largely removed. Laughter, after all, is a way
of dealing with fear and nervousness as well as a way of expressing delight.
There is, in fact, a considerable amount of work to be done in mapping the
development of children's sexual humor, work that should show that the
humor changes-in topic as well as understanding-as the child grows older
and more aware of first his or her own sexuality and then sexuality in rela-
tion to the sexuality of other people.
The last category is, of course, miscellaneous, and in it are lumped
rhymes and songs that might be considered in one or more of the other cat-
egories but do deserve some mention on their own. Certainly there are hu-
morous parodies and rhymes of judgment among autograph rhymes, but the
occurrence of the specific item, the autograph rhyme, is the result of an
autographing situation rather than a joke-telling session. And many of the
rhymes, like the one that follows, could be nothing but autograph rhymes:
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? ? Remember Grant,
Remember Lee,
But most of all,
Remember me.
And other traditional rhymes, like "Roses are red . . . ," are changed to in-
clude sentiments about friendship.
Topical rhymes and songs, focusing on political figures, cartoon he-
roes, movie stars, and the like are also passed on among children in tradi-
tional ways-although the length of such a rhyme's popularity may well
depend on the duration of the popularity of the subject of the rhyme or song.
The Opies, the Knapps, and Turner, Factor, and Lowenstein were all able
to collect rhymes involving Adolf Hitler as recently, in some cases, as the
1970s; but it is unlikely that any of the parodies of "Davy Crockett" that
were sung in the 1950s are being passed on in the 1980s. Some of the topi-
cal rhymes and songs that circulate among children are also parodies; the
resulting combinations can be quite interesting:
My peanut has a first name, it's J-I-M-M-Y
My peanut has a second name, it's C-A-R-T-R
Oh, I hate to see him everyday
And if you ask me why I'll say
'Cause Jimmy Carter has a way
Of messing up the U. S. A. (Sullivan 1980, 9)
This parody of an Oscar Mayer commercial jingle is also, and perhaps fore-
most, an example of topical, political children's folklore-and it may be an
interesting evaluation of Jimmy Carter as a president.
SOME CONCLUDING COMMENTS
This article merely scratches the surface of a vast and interesting topic. Chil-
dren will make up songs and rhymes about anything and everything. I ob-
tained some insight into the process while chauffeuring my sons and their
friends to various activities. They attempted take-offs or parodies on what-
ever fell within their range-on the radio, on billboards, or on store win-
dows. Nearly all of what they created was almost immediately discarded; it
was not very original, clever, or funny. Some items were tried out in several
ways before most of them, too, were given up. In fact, I can remember them
keeping only a very few items for much longer than it took for the item to
be said and evaluated. But if this sort of activity goes on all the time among
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? ? a great many elementary schoolers, some new things will be created, kept,
and circulated right along with that great body of material that has been in
circulation for generations.
This small study, larger studies like One Potato, Two Potato, The Lore
and Language of Schoolchildren, and Cinderella Dressed in Yella, and the
encyclopedic collections like Roger Abrahams's Jump-Rope Rhymes: A Dic-
tionary (1969), can, after all, only point to and provide examples of the im-
mense body of traditional songs and rhymes being passed on among children.
NOTES TO CHAPTER SEVEN
1. For the purposes of this article, the terms "poem" and "rhyme" will be in-
terchangeable when used to refer to the rhymed and metered items in children's oral
folklore.
2. Elementary-school teachers are reporting a sharp drop in their students' fa-
miliarity with even the most commonly recited nursery rhymes. Collectors of children's
rhymes, and especially collectors of parodies, might begin to notice a decrease in the
amount of traditional nursery rhyme material they gather.
3. Examples of children's rhymes and songs, unless otherwise noted, are from
my own collections.
4. A similar group identification process takes place among elementary-school
children as they begin to become aware of the sexual group to which they belong. Boys
and girls each think that their group is the best, that members of the opposite group
are unpleasant and objectionable.
I60 SONGS, POEMS, AND RHYMES
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? ? 8 RIDDLES
Danielle M. Roemer
In this chapter, I survey four areas relevant to the study of children's verbal
and nonverbal riddling. The first of these sections involves situational and
interactional contexts. The second considers common rhetorical strategies
of English-language riddles. The third takes up developmental concerns, re-
viewing the literature on children's acquisition of productive competence.
The concluding section treats some of the interactional functions of children's
riddling. Because of the bias in the literature, the discussion throughout the
chapter necessarily emphasizes verbal riddling.
Riddles are a type of solicitational routine (Bauman 1977b, 24). As
such, they are characterized by a speech act that elicits a response; that is,
they are marked by an implied or stated question posed by the initiating
participant. The second participant answers the question. To be sure, types
of solicitational routine other than the riddle can be found in children's rep-
ertoires. Among these are directive catch routines and knock-knock routines.
Directive catch routines call forth a gestural or otherwise physical response,
rather than a verbal reply. For their part, knock-knock routines, though con-
taining questions, do not solicit solution-oriented responses. Instead, the
respondent replies to the speaker with formulaic utterances. For these rea-
sons, directive catch routines and knock-knock routines are omitted from
the discussion. '
CONTEXTS AND PROCEDURES OF RIDDLING
Questions of when, where, how, and with whom children's riddles have
been addressed in the folkloristic and anthropological literature, but they
have rarely been answered in depth. Prior to the 1960s or so, collecting
standards allowed considerable latitude in the recording of contextual and
interactional data. Many researchers simply ignored the information. Oth-
ers sketched out basic parameters, but too often their observations tended
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? ? toward the obvious and the dominant. For example, researchers have
tended to regard community members as a homogeneous group, thereby
assuming that whatever was true for adult riddling held equally well for
children's. Or, they viewed children themselves as undiversified, thereby
bypassing differences in riddling due to youngsters' ages, or, in urban ar-
eas, their ethnic heritage. Especially problematic has been information
about settings and interactional events that encourage or inhibit riddling.
Though fieldworkers' sensitivity to context and dynamics has increased
markedly in the past three decades, descriptions as specific as Manuel's of
Bagobo riddling in the Philippines are not yet commonplace: "Riddle mak-
ing . . . may start with younger folks or children, during some kind of ac-
tivity like playing house, chatting around the fireplace, waiting for a turn
to pound rice, fetching water, occupations of no strenuous nature, or while
people are at rest after lunch. After the impulse is set by young people, the
older folks may get stimulated to participate, depending on what they are
doing otherwise" (Manuel 1962, 125; McDowell 1979; also Glazer 1982,
91-115; Bronner 1988, 186-99).
Despite this unevenness in the literature, enough information is re-
trievable to at least hint at some cross-cultural trends. As the first of these,
we can identify two broadly different tracks that communities take with re-
gard to the appropriateness of distinct groups' engaging in riddling. First,
there are groups that treat riddling as an activity open to both adults and
children. Among the Anang of Nigeria, for instance, both adults and chil-
dren may pose and answer riddles (Messenger 1960; also Jette 1913 and
Manuel 1962). Secondly, and in contrast to groups like the Anang, commu-
nities may limit active involvement according to the age (or perhaps, the
social status) of the potential participants. In some cases, riddling is seen as
an adult prerogative. Though riddles may be posed occasionally to children
for specific purposes, such as testing the youngsters' intelligence, they are
not otherwise encouraged to participate (Bodding 1940; also Lindblom
1935). As an alternative to across-the-board restrictions based on age, other
communities require children to simply remain silent when riddling occurs
in adult social events. For instance, riddling at wakes may be appropriate
for adults but not children. Although they are permitted to observe, young-
sters are discouraged from joining in. Interestingly, though on such occasions
children can overhear riddles that they later share with their peers (Roberts
and Forman 1971, 195). Whereas the groups mentioned immediately above
restrict riddling to adults, others regard the activity as a pastime for chil-
dren. This appears to be the case in urban groups (for example, Basgoz 1965;
Roberts and Forman 1971; Virtanen 1978) as well as in some tribal and
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? ? preindustrialized societies (Hollis 1909; Doke 1927; Schapera 1932; Bascom
1949; Blacking 1961; D. Hart 1964; Fortes 1967; Upadhyaya 1970).
Within the literature, the most frequently reported occasions of adult-
child riddling are those involving pedagogy and leisure-time activity, respec-
tively. In pedagogic riddling, the adult takes on the role of teacher, the child
the role of student. The interactions can occur in the home as well as in the
school. To take the home environment first: Among the Chamula of Cen-
tral America (Gossen 1974, 115-16), mothers may use riddles in teaching
their children to talk. In the Ozark mountains of the United States in the
1930s (Randolph and Spradley 1934), some parents regarded "workin' out
riddles" as an intellectual discipline for children. They posed riddles to their
children in the hope of training the children's minds. Similar motives appear
to have been behind adult-child riddling in other areas of the United States
(Potter 1949, 939) and in Europe (Goldstein 1963). By far, the most frequent
reports of pedagogic riddling in the home come from Africa. There, riddling
is used to amuse children while testing their wit and competence in culture-
specific values (D. Hart 1964). With respect to pedagogic riddling in the
school environment, several curriculum reports (for example, Cazden 1982;
Scriven n. d. ) have suggested that riddling in the classroom can aid young-
sters' development of perceptual and descriptive skills. Although to my
knowledge we have no ethnographic reports of pedagogic riddling within
the mainstream classroom, there exists at least one report treating riddle use
in formal, non-English language instruction. Diane Roskies (cited in
Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1978, 15) studied classroom activities in Kheyder, a
Jewish primary school. There, a variety of verbal art forms were applied in
the teaching of the Jewish alphabet. As one example of the pedagogic play,
the children were encouraged to tell riddles dealing with the shapes of the
letters.
In contrast to pedagogic riddling, leisure-time riddling is pursued as
an end in itself. Entertainment is the primary goal. Generally speaking, lei-
sure-time riddling between children and adults develops in the vicinity of the
home, when practical obligations are few (L. Roberts 1959; Barrick 1963;
Burns 1976, 145-47). Although parents and siblings appear to be children's
most frequent coparticipants (McCosh 1976, 57), youngsters confronted by
more distant relatives and other visitors may find that they can use riddling
to communicate across the "small-talk barrier" (Jansen 1968; Knapp and
Knapp 1976, 106). Of course, it is always possible that this arrangement
can backfire. Proud of their "funny, clever" children, parents have been
known to encourage the youngsters to "perform" riddles for the parents'
friends (McCosh 1976, 129). Trapped, visiting adults may serve not so much
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? ? as coparticipants but as spectators to the children's performances.
Though in-depth analysis is lacking, we have clues to the interactional
parameters of adult-child leisure-time riddling. In such contexts, it appears,
riddle subject matter can become problematic and speaking rights can be
unequally distributed. As to the first point: It seems that youngsters in both
Western and non-Western groups censor the riddles they tell adults. Among
the Venda of Africa (Blacking 1961, 2), children tell certain riddles only in
the company of their peers and never in the presence of their elders. Like-
wise, British and American youngsters delete sexual riddles from those they
share with adults (McCosh 1976, 57). Secondly, turns at talking can be un-
equally distributed during adult-child riddling. In adult-child, nonriddling
conversations, at least among American participants, children's speaking
rights are often limited (Sacks 1972). A similar arrangement appears to be
in effect during at least some adult-child riddling. David Evans's (1976) tran-
script of riddle interaction among four black men and two black boys pro-
vides a possible example. The interaction is dominated by the adults, par-
ticularly by the elderly man who poses most of the riddles. For their part,
the boys try to guess some of the riddles but do not offer any of their own.
On the whole, they are willing to watch and listen, allowing the adults to
take charge of the interaction.
In comparison to adult-child activity, leisure-time riddling in children's
peer groups has received even less documentation. Many of the reports
merely state that such riddling occurs. Those that do investigate the topics
tend to focus on formal riddle sessions. A riddle session (Burns 1976, 142)
consists of a series of riddle acts, possibly interspersed with other perfor-
mance material. The organization of a riddle session can be described in
terms of (1) role relationships among the participants, (2) the conjoining of
the interactional units that make up the sessions, and (3) restrictions or ex-
pectations influencing the selection of acts in one session relative to selec-
tion procedures in other sessions. To date, much of the research has adopted
the first of these foci, summarizing the riddle session as a contest in African
societies (Burns 1976, 147-53). One of the more detailed of these reports
has been published by John Blacking.
According to Blacking (1961), there are not set rules for the compo-
sition of riddling teams among the Venda of Africa. Depending on circum-
stances, teams can be made up of girls, boys, or a combination of both. Age
variables can be relevant, as when younger boys take on a team of older boys.
The most important factor, however, is riddling competence. Since the Venda
place a high positive value on the knowledge of words and on facility with
formal language, the child who knows many riddles is much in demand.
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? ? Other youngsters may try to bribe their way onto the team of such a riddler,
offering him or her oranges or bits of sugar cane.
Riddle contests among the Venda typically begin with some variant
of the proposal A ri thaidze! ("Let's ask each other riddles! "). Once started,
the contest develops in one of two ways: as the event Thai dza u bulelana
("riddles that you reveal to each other") or as Thai dza u rengelana
("riddles that you buy from each other"). Though Venda children use both
types, they prefer the second. They explain that engaging in bartered riddles
is less competitive, easier to play, and lasts longer than the alternate
method.
