In the reign of James I, Beaumont and Fletcher,
Massinger and William Rowley, alone among dramatists of note,
drew on Spanish sources for their plays; and, though the question
cannot be regarded as definitely settled, it seems likely that their
sources lay wholly in fiction, translated into other and, to them,
more familiar languages of the continent or into English.
Massinger and William Rowley, alone among dramatists of note,
drew on Spanish sources for their plays; and, though the question
cannot be regarded as definitely settled, it seems likely that their
sources lay wholly in fiction, translated into other and, to them,
more familiar languages of the continent or into English.
Cambridge History of English Literature - 1908 - v08
125 (#147) ############################################
Early Spanish Influences
125
Calisto and Melebea, an adaptation to the stage of the dramatic
novel, Celestina, the work, chiefly if not wholly, of Fernando de
Rojas, and published about 1530. This work has already been
described, together with the violent didactic conclusion with which
the unknown English adapter made amends for his choice of so
romantic a story? As is well known, the Spanish scholar, Juan
Luis Vives, friend of Sir Thomas More, visited England on the
invitation of Henry VIII, who placed him as a reader on rhetoric
at Corpus Christi college, Oxford. It has been thought that the
English dramatic version of Celestina may have had some relation
to Vives and his visit, although he anathematised the Spanish
production as a work of infamy in his treatise De Institutione
Christianae Feminae. It is somewhat strange that Calisto and
Melebea had no successor. However, it played its part in relieving
the old moral drama of abstractions by the substitution of living
human figures in a story of actual life. It was to Italy, not to
Spain, that the predecessors of Shakespeare, as well as most of
his contemporaries, turned instinctively for romantic material.
Spain was an enemy and, as such, was maligned and misunder-
stood? Yet the figure of Philip, once a sovereign of England,
was represented in at least one chronicle history with dignity;
and a number of dramas, strictly Elizabethan, laid their scene in
the peninsula and affected to follow annals of Spain. Kyd's
Spanish Tragedie and its imitation or burlesque, The First
Part of Jeronimo, remain of undiscovered source; and Greene's
Alphonsus King of Arragon is a composite of the biography of
more than one sovereign of that name, as his queen Eleanor
of Edward I is an outrageous distortion of one of the most
estimable and charitable women that ever sat on the throne of
England. The same playwright's Battell of Alcazar and the
anonymous Captain Stukeley, which deals in part with the same
topic, drew on material more nearly approaching the historical.
Yet neither of these, nor Lusts Dominion (although details of
the death of the king in that piece have been thought to have
been suggested by the death of Pbilip II), can be traced to any
definite Spanish source, much less to anything bearing the title
of Spanish literature. Nor need we surmise that such lost
i See ante, vol. 7, pp. 99, 100.
? On the mutual repugnance of the two nations in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, see some excellent paragraphs by Schevill, R. , in Romanische Forschungen,
XX, 1907, pp. 626–634.
Philip II appears as a character in Thomas Heywood's If you know not me,
You know no bodie. A Philip of Spain, now lost, is mentioned by Henslowe in 1602.
3
## p. 126 (#148) ############################################
126
The Restoration Drama
productions as Wadeson's Humorous Earle of Gloster with his
Conquest of Portingall (1600), The Conqueste of Spayne by
John a Gaunt, in which Day, Hathway and Haughton conspired,
or Chettle and Dekker's Kinge Sebastiane of Portingalle (these
last two in 1601), were any more closely associated with actual
literature of the peninsula, however this last may have touched
on a topic of some contemporary historical interest. Indeed, the
number of English dramas up to the death of Elizabeth which
can be traced even remotely to a source ultimately Spanish is
surprisingly small. Marlowe's Tamburlaine was partially drawn
from Pedro Mexia's Silva de varia lección; but this last had
been translated into Italian, French and English (by Thomas
Fortescue in his Foreste or Collection of Histories) long before
Marlowe came to write. And, in Shakespeare's Two Gentlemen
of Verona, the story of Julia and Proteus was suggested by that
of Felix and Felismena in the second book of the Diana of the
Portuguese Spaniard Montemayor. But the probable intervention
of the now lost play, The History of Felix and Philiomena, acted
3 January 1585, should dispose of any theory of a direct Shake-
spearean contact with this much-exploited Spanish source. Other
Shakespearean examples of 'Spanish influence' have been affirmed.
Such are the correspondences between Twelfth Night and the
Comedia de los Engaños of Lope de Rueda; but both could have
found a common source in Bandello or, possibly, in a dramatised
version by an academy at Siena called Gl Ingannati'; and such,
too, is the notion that Shakespeare drew on Conde Lucanor for
his Taming of the Shrew, a comedy obviously recast from the
earlier anonymous Taming of a Shrew, combined with a plot of
Italian extraction, immediately derived from Gascoigne's comedy,
Supposes. A more interesting suggestion is that which traces the
sources of The Tempest to the fourth chapter of 'a collection of
mediocre tales,' entitled Noches de Invierno, the work of one
Antonio de Eslava and first published at Pamplona in 16091.
Fitzmaurice-Kelly has given the weight of his authority to a
respectful treatment of this source, adding:
This provenance may be thought to lend colour to the tradition that
Shakespeare dramatised an episode from Don Quixote-a book that he might
1 For this and much else in these paragraphs, the writer is indebted to Fitzmaurice-
Kelly's most valuable paper, The Relations between Spanish and English Literature,
1910. See, also, two notes by Perott, J. de, on this topic and a Spanish parallel to
Love's Labour's Lost in the Shakespeare-Jahrbuch, vol. XLV, 1908, pp. 151–4; and
the valuable paper by Schevill, R. , 'On the Influence of Spanish Literature on English
in the Early Seventeenth Century' in Romanische Forschungen, u. s.
## p. 127 (#149) ############################################
Spanish Personages in English Plays 127
a
easily have read in Shelton's translation published in 1612, or, perhaps, even
in the manuscript which Shelton had kept by him for some four or five years.
At any rate, the following entry occurs under the date 1633 in the register
of the Stationers' company:-'The History of Cardenio by Mr. Fletcher and
Shakespeare, 208. '1
As to Spanish personages interspersed through Elizabethan drama,
it has been well said: “They were either arrogant, boastful,
pompously affected or cruel,' sheer caricatures, in a word, drawn
with an unfriendly pen? Middleton's Lazarillo in Blurt Master-
.
Constable (a sad perversion of that delightful rascal, his namesake
of Tormes), and Jonson's ridiculous caricature in the pretended
Don Diego of The Alchemist are sufficient illustrations of this.
As to the boasters and bullies of the playwrights, Bobadill, Captain
Tucca, Ancient Pistol and the rest, there was no need to bespeak
them in Spain. For such traits of the kind as were not derived
from observation can show a clear literary descent from the Miles
Gloriosus of Plautus. That Shakespeare contrived to keep his
Don Armado human, as well as absurdly lofty and vainglorious,
is partly due to the fact that Armado is the portrait of an actual
mad Spaniard, known as 'fantastical Monarcho,' who haunted the
London of his day. And Armado, too, had had his immediate
literary model in Lyly's contribution, Sir Thopas in Endimion,
to the Plautine line of descent just mentioned.
Towards the end of the reign of king James I, Spanish litera-
ture became better known in England, and we naturally look for
the effect of this on English drama. But this relation was still
general and established largely through French and Italian trans-
lation; and it is easy to make too much of it. The plays of
Beaumont and Fletcher have been alleged to disclose more
especially that contact between the dramas of the two nations
which some scholars have striven anxiously to establish ; and
this, notwithstanding the accurate statement of Dryden as to
dramatic plots that 'Beaumont and Fletcher had most of theirs
from Spanish novels. ' Some seventeen of the fifty-two plays
commonly attributed to Beaumont and Fletcher have been traced,
in a greater or less measure of indebtedness, to Spanish literature.
? U. s. pp. 21, 22.
2 Underhill, J. G. , Spanish Literature in the England of the Tudors, 1899, p. 357.
3 Middleton might have had his Lazarillo in English, long since translated by
David Rowland and printed in 1576. There is no reason for assuming that Ben
Jonson knew Spanish ; his few allusions to Don Quixote and the Spanish phrases of
The Alchemist to the contrary notwithstanding. See Schevill, R. , U. s. pp. 612, 613.
* Preface to An Evening's Love, Works of Dryden, ed. Scott-Saintsbury, vol. in,
p. 252.
## p. 128 (#150) ############################################
128
The Restoration Drama
Eighteen others remain unidentified as to source, and some of these
disclose a content and a manner not unlike the ruling traits of the
drama of Spain. If, then, we consider the almost incredible mass
of the writings of Lope de Vega (to mention him only), unread by
English and even by Spanish scholars, and further keep in mind
that those conversant with Spanish drama are not always con-
versant with English and vice versa, it would be rash to affirm
that the last word has been said on a topic as yet not seriously
opened. Our present information, however, may be set forth as
follows, although, with regard to the plays on Spanish subjects
attributed to Beaumont and Fletcher, it should be premised that
most of them were composed at a date precluding the possibility
that Beaumont had a hand in them! Cervantes was Fletcher's
favourite Spanish author; and he seems to have been acquainted
solely with his prose. From the Novelas Exemplares, the English
poet drew the major plots of The Chances, The Queene of Corinth,
The Faire Maide of the Inne and Loves Pilgrimage, with the
underplot of Rule a Wife And have a Wife as well. The Custome
of the Countrey is derived from the romance of Persiles y Sigis-
munda, the last work to come from the great Spaniard's hand.
As to Don Quixote, apart from possible suggestions for certain
episodes of Beaumont's Knight of the Burning Pestle, the plot
of The Coxcombe, an episode of The Double Marriage and a
personage of The Prophetesse have been traced by various critics
to the same immortal romances. Besides Cervantes, Fletcher
drew on Lope de Vega for his Pilgrim, on Juan de Flores for
Women pleas'd and on Gonzalo de Cespedes for The Spanish
Curate and The Maid in the Mill; and not one of these originals
is a play, nor need Fletcher have read a word of Spanish to have
become acquainted with them; for all had been translated into
French or English and were readily accessible to his hand4.
About two only of the Fletcherian plays has any question on
these points arisen. Loves Cure, first printed in the folio of
1647, but commonly dated back to the early years of king James,
has been referred to a comedy by Guillen de Castro, written at
>
a
1 Cf. ante, appendix to vol. vi, chap. v.
? On this topic, see the sane words of Schevill, U. 8. pp. 617—624; and the intro-
duction, by Murch, H. S. , in his ed. of this play, Yale Studies in English, 1908.
3 See, on this topic, Fitzmaurice-Kelly, preface to Shelton's Don Quixote, Koeppel,
Quellenstudien,' Münchener Beiträge, 1895, and Rapp, Studien über das englische
Theater, 1892.
4
* See the résumé of this subject in the present writer's Elizabethan Drama, vol. 11,
p. 215.
## p. 129 (#151) ############################################
Later Spanish Influences
129
so late a date as to make it quite impossible that Fletcher could
have seen it? . Again, Fletcher's Island Princesse has been re-
ferred to a source in the writings of the younger Argensola, not
translated out of Spanish at such a date that Fletcher could have
seen it? But these matters are still under discussion, and, on
this particular subject, we may take refuge in the judgment of
Fitzmaurice-Kelly who writes: 'Suffice it to say that, at the
present stage, the balance of probabilities is against the view that
Fletcher knew Spanish. '
If we turn to other dramatists, we find an occasional contempo-
rary of Fletcher following in his footsteps. The Spanish Gipsie, a
tragicomedy by Middleton and William Rowley, is made up of an
effective combination of two stories of Cervantes, La Fuerza de
la Sangre and La Gitanilla. Rowley collaborated, too, with
Fletcher in The Maid in the Mill, a comedy based on a story
of Gonzalo de Cespedes, translated by Leonard Digges and called
Gerardo, the Unfortunate Spaniard. Rowley's own powerful
tragedy Alls Lost by Lust, draws on Spanish story, though his
precise source remains problematic4. Once more, A Very Woman,
by Massinger, is derived from a story of the Novelas Exemplares.
The same dramatist's Renegado is said to be based on Cervantes's
Los Baños de Argel, and similarities have been traced between
the same two authors in The Fatall Dowry and the interlude,
El Viejo celoso. Moreover, it is said that neither of these Spanish
pieces was translated in Massinger's lifetime, although this is not
to be considered certain. We may not feel sure that a Spanish
play has actually influenced an English play by direct borrowing,
until we reach Shirley, who, on credible authority, is reported to
have utilised El Castigo del Pensèque of Tirso de Molina in The
Opportunitie and Lope de Vega's Don Lope de Cardona in The
Young Admirall. Fitzmaurice-Kelly sceptically observes, even as
to these examples : 'a minute demonstration of the extent of
Shirley's borrowings would be still more satisfactory. '
The last two volumes of Dodsley's Old Plays contain several
dramas of the restoration which are Spanish in scene. Of these,
The Rebellion by Thomas Rawlins seems wholly fanciful with its
hero disguised as a tailor and its crowded and improbable in-
· Stiefel in Herrig's Archiv, vol. xcix, p. 271.
2 See the same in vol. II, pp. 277 ff.
: The Relations between Spanish and English Literature, pp. 22, 23.
* On the topic, see the edition of the play by Stork, C. W. , Publications of the
University of Pennsylvania, 1910, vol. XII, p. 70.
5 The Relations, as above, p. 23.
9
E. L. VIII.
CH. V.
## p. 130 (#152) ############################################
130
The Restoration Drama
cident. The Marriage Night, printed in 1664, by Henry viscount
Falkland is an abler drama, reproducing, however, in more than
one forcible passage, personages and situations of the earlier
Elizabethan drama. Both of these were written before the closing
of the theatres, but it is doubtful if the latter was ever acted.
Other pre-restoration dramas of Spanish plot are The Parson's
Wedding, which Killigrew had of Calderon’s Dama Duende, and
Fanshawe's translation of two comedies of Antonio de Mendoza! .
With Tuke's Adventures of Five Hours (written in 1662) and
Digby's Elvira, or The Worst Not always True (printed in 1667),
we reach unquestionable examples of the immediate adaptation
of Spanish dramas to the English stage. This is not the place in
which to dilate on the glories of the Spanish stage, the moral
purpose of Alarcon, the brilliancy and wit of Tirso de Molina, the
happy fertility of Lope de Vega, the clarity of thought and lofty
sentiment of Calderon, greatest of the Spanish dramatists. Both
the comedies just mentioned are favourable specimens of the
popular comedias de capa y espada, invented by Lope de Vega.
Two ladies, a gallant and his friend, their lovers, a jealous brother
or a difficult father, with the attendant servants of all parties ;
mistake, accident, intrigue and involvement, honour touched and
honour righted-such is the universal recipe of the comedy of
cloak and sword. As to these adapters of the species to England,
George Digby, earl of Bristol, had played no unimportant part as
ambassador of king James I at Madrid, where he translated two
other comedies of Calderon besides No Siempre lo peor es cierto,
the original of Elvira. Sir Samuel Tuke had served at Marston
moor and followed the prince into exile. He was much favoured by
Charles, who is said to have suggested Los Empeños de Seis Horas
(now assigned to Antonio Coello and not, as formerly, to Calderon)
as 'an excellent design' for an English play? Elvira is little more
than a translation, stiff
, formal and, while by no means wanting
in action, protracted if not chargeable with repetitions. It was
not printed until 1667, and we have no record of the performance
of it. Tuke's Adventures of Five Hours is a better play and,
as rewritten, was sufficiently adapted to the conditions of the
English stage to gain a deserved success. Into the relations of
Tuke's play to the coming heroic drama of Dryden, we cannot
here enter. Its importance, despite its Castilian gravity and
some rimed couplets, seems, in this respect, likely to be exag-
1 Fiestas de Aranjuez and Querer por solo querer, printed in 1670 and 1671.
9 Fitzmaurice-Kelly, J. , Littérature Espagnole, traduction Davray, 1904, p. 345.
## p. 131 (#153) ############################################
• Spanish Plots'
131
6
gerated! So, too, although important as the earliest play of
Spanish plot acted after the restoration, it is too much to claim for
The Adventures the 'reintroduction of a type of the drama of
intrigue 'which, from that day to this, has never left the English
stage? ' Dryden attacked The Adventures, but Pepys declared :
when all is done, [it] is the best play that ever I read in my
life 3. '
The coffers of Spanish drama, thus opened, continued to afford
English playwrights their treasures. Dryden's Rival-Ladies and
An Evening's Love or the Mock Astrologer have been referred
to Spanish sources : the last is Calderon by way of Corneille.
Dryden's earliest dramatic effort, The Wild Gallant, has also been
thought to be of Spanish origin. But this is an error, referable
to a misreading of the prologue; the source is certainly English
and, doubtless, Dryden's own invention". With Sir Thomas St
Serfe's Taruzo's Wiles, or the Coffee House, founded on Moreto's
No puede ser, the earl of Orrery's Guzman and Mrs Behn's Dutch
Lover and The Rover, we complete the list of dramas in the earlier
years of the restoration which have been alleged to be of Spanish
plot". Crowne's Sir Courtly Nice is a later comedy, said, like-
wise, to have been suggested by the taste of king Charles and
derived from Moreto’s No puede ser, and 'the most amusing
scenes' of Wycherley's comedy, The Gentleman Dancing-master,
have been assigned to a source in Calderon's El Maestro de
Danzar. More commonly, however, Spanish influences filtered
into England through the drama of France. It may be doubted
whether any 'Spanish plot' of Dryden exhibits more than an
indirect origin of this nature. In later decades, this was almost
invariably the case. Thus, Steele's Lying Lover, The Perplexed
6
See Child, O. G. , in Modern Language Notes, vol. xix, 1904, p. 166, and the
unpublished thesis of Gaw, A. , on this play, 1908, in the library of the University o.
Pennsylvania. Cf. ante, p. 16 note 2.
2 Hume, M. , Spanish Influence on English Literature, 1905, p. 291.
3 Pepys's Diary, ed. Wheatley, H. B. , vol. v, p. 403.
• Dryden's words, 'It is your author's lot To be endangered by a Spanish plot,'
not • with a Spanish plot' as often quoted, refer to his rivalry with Tuke's Adventures,
not to the source of his own play. Just below, he affirms, . This play is English and
the growth your own. ' This point is made by Gaw in his thesis, referred to in a note
above.
o The Dutch Lover is referred by Langbaine to a Spanish story; The Rover is
an adaptation of Kiliigrew's Thomaso. For both of these, see below, p. 141 of this
volume. The False Count, 1682, is another play by Mrs Behn of Spanish type.
Langbaine finds a hint' in it, however, . borrowed from Molière's Les Précieuses
Ridicules. '
9--2
## p. 132 (#154) ############################################
132
The Restoration Drama
Lover of Mrs Centlivre and Colley Cibber's She Would and She
Would Not are derivative plays and only remotely Spanish.
We may summarise what has been said on a subject of con-
siderable difficulty as follows. Spanish literary influences on the
drama in Tudor times were slight and confined, almost entirely,
to an occasional plot, derived, as a rule, through some foreign
intermediary.
In the reign of James I, Beaumont and Fletcher,
Massinger and William Rowley, alone among dramatists of note,
drew on Spanish sources for their plays; and, though the question
cannot be regarded as definitely settled, it seems likely that their
sources lay wholly in fiction, translated into other and, to them,
more familiar languages of the continent or into English. It was
in the reign of king Charles I, that Spanish drama for the first
time came into a closer touch with the English stage. That touch
was closest at the restoration, when the cavalier returned with
his foreign luggage and the taste of the king conspired with the
experiences of his courtiers to foster many experiments. But
Spanish influence was soon eclipsed by that of France, aided by
the strong national spirit that prolonged the influence of Jonson
and his contemporaries for generations after their decease.
In turning to a consideration of the influences of French
literature on the drama of the restoration, it is customary to
give unusual weight to the example of the romans de longue
haleine, those extraordinary expressions in protracted hyperbole
of ideal conduct, sentiment and conversation, with which the finer
-pirits of the days of Louis XIV sought to elevate and ennoble
social life? But, as a matter of fact, much of this influence was
already in full flood far back in the reign of king Charles I, as the
cult of Platonic love, about 1633, and the ideals of love and honour
which it fostered are alone sufficient to attest? To what extent
the ideals of this one time fashionable cult may be surmised to
have persisted to affect appreciably the conduct of the returning
exiles is a question for the historian of social conditions. On the
drama, such ideals had a marked, if superficial, effect. The life of
the court of king Charles II, was, at best, a coarse replica of that
of Versailles; and the heroic drama, the roots of which lie deeper
than in the supersoil of romance, reproduced mostly externals,
grandiloquence of language, loftiness of sentiment, incredible
· For a list of restoration plays referred to the influences of the romances of the
Scudérys and other like writers, see Ward, vol. III, p. 309 note.
· See, as to this, especially D'Avenant's apotheosis of Platonic love in his grand
masque, The Temple of Love, his Love and Honour, both 1634, and his Platonick
Lovers, 1635.
## p. 133 (#155) ############################################
Molière and Restoration Comedy 133
valour, with courtesy and honour drawn and twisted into an
impossible code. More immediate in its effects was the con-
temporary French stage, in which much of the literature of
exaggerated sentiment was reproduced by forgotten authors, who
live now only in the satire which their extravagance inspired in
the commonsense of Boileau. But the subject of this influence,
and of that of the classicism of Corneille and Racine in particular,
as well as the use of the rimed couplet in the English drama, and
its relations to the heroic play are treated elsewhere; our concern
here is with comedy,
It was in 1653 that Molière, after his long apprenticeship in
the provinces, brought out his L'Étourdi in Paris; and, from that
date onward to his death, just twenty years later, he remained the
master and the example of the most brilliant comedy of modern
times. Molière's earlier work thus corresponds, in point of time,
with the latest years of exile, when many Englishmen of rank were
amusing themselves in Paris, and peculiarly open to lighter im-
pressions from the idleness of their lives. No one foreign author
has been so plundered by English playwrights as Molière; and his
humane spirit, his naturalness, adaptability and dramatic aptitude
stood the borrowers in good stead, in recalling them from the
intricacies of Spanish intrigue and the wearisome repetition at
second hand of the 'humours' of Ben Jonson. That the finer
qualities of Molière, his verve, his buoyancy, ease and success of
plot, and sure characterisation, escaped his English imitators is
not to be denied; for, apart from the circumstance that few of
them were men of more than mediocre parts, the genius of Molière
towers above the imitation of any age. A list of the borrowings
of restoration comedy from the drama of Molière and his con-
temporaries would unduly burden this page. D'Avenant, Dryden,
Sedley, Wycherley, Vanbrugh, Crowne and Shadwell all owe debts
of plot, character, design and dialogue to French comedy; and,
even where the debt may not be specifically ascertainable, the
1 Cf. ante, pp. 14 . and 18 ff. and post, chap. VII. As to these influences, it is
well to remember that translation and adaptation from the French by no means set
in, for the first time, with the restoration. Apart from the early direct influence of
the Senecan Garnier on Kyd, Greville, Alexander and others, and the plays drawn from
French sources by Fletcher and his group, which it is not pertinent here to recount,
Sir William Lower had translated the Polyeucte of Corneille in 1655 and Horatius the
year after; Carlell, his Héraclius, about the same date, and several persons of honour,'
Waller, Sedley, Godolphin and the earl of Dorset, were busy with his Pompée, as
Mrs Katherine Philips, 'the Matchless Orinda,' was busy with Horatius, encouraged by
lord Orrery, a year or so after the restoration. As to Corneille on the English stage
and in English translation, see Mulert, A. , in Münchener Beiträge, vol. xvm, 1900.
.
>
## p. 134 (#156) ############################################
134
The Restoration Drama.
6
>
tone of the play, the method of its conduct and the conception
of its personages declare the dominant influence of France. To
mention only some examples, Molière supplied scenes, personages
or suggestions to D'Avenant's Playhouse to be Let, Dryden's An
Evening's Love, Amphitryon and Sir Martin Mar-Al, to Sedley's
Mulberry Garden, Wycherley's Country Wife, The Plain Dealer,
Shadwell's Sullen Lovers and The Miser and Crowne's The Country
Wit and The English Frier; while Corneille, Racine, Quinault were
levied on by the playwrights just named and by others besides.
The influence of French opera on the like productions in
England is a matter of less certainty. The attribution of
D'Avenant's experiments in musical drama to direct influences,
either from Italy or from France, seems dubious, if not fanciful,
if his previous experience as a writer of masques for the
court of king Charles I is taken into account. Although Italian
opera had been introduced into France so far back as 1645 and
'the first French opera,' 'a pastoral,' had been performed some
fourteen years later, this by-product of the drama was not thrust
into general acceptance and popularity until the days of the
celebrated partnership between Lulli, the king's musician, and
the librettist Quinault, the first opera of whose joint effort,
Cadmus and Hermione, was acted in 16731. Meanwhile, how-
ever, Cambert, composer of the first French opera,' had written
his Pomone, the earliest opera heard by the Parisian public; and,
when his rivalry with Lulli for the control and management of
the opera in Paris ended in the latter's triumph, Cambert came
over to London and, as leader of one of king Charles's companies
of musicians, took his part in the introduction of French opera
into England Cambert's associate in his operatic labours was
the abbé Pierre Perrin, who had supplied the words for the
pastoral'as well as for Pomone. Another product of this partner-
ship was Ariane, ou Le Mariage de Bacchus ; and an opera of
that title was sung in French at the Theatre Royal in Drury lane
in January 16748 An English version of this opera, published
simultaneously with the French version at the period of pro-
duction, reads Ariadne, or The Marriage of Bacchus, 'an Opera
1 On these subjects, see Parry, Sir C. H. R. , The Oxford History of Music, vol. II,
p. 225, and Lavoix, H. , La Musique Française, pp. 90, 100. Les Fêtes de l'Amour et
de Bacchus, with which Lalli opened his Opera' in the rue Vaugirard in the previous
November, described as little more than a ballet, a species of entertainment long
familiar in France.
· The Oxford History of Music, vol. II, p. 295.
• See Evelyn's Diary, under 6 January 1673/4.
## p. 135 (#157) ############################################
The Opera
135
or a Vocal Representation, first composed by Monsieur P[ierre)
P[errin). Now put into Musick by Monsieur Grabut, Master of
his Majesty's Musick. ' And it is further said that Cambert super-
intended the production? Whatever the solution of this tangle,
) English musicians now took up the writing of opera, Matthew
Locke staging his Psyche in 1675 and Purcell, Dido and Aeneas,
his first opera, in 1680. Dryden's imitations of French opera, of
which Albion and Albanius, 1685, is a typical example, came
later; and so did the tasteless adaptations of earlier plays to
operatic treatment, Shakespeare's Tempest and Fletcher's Pro-
phetesse, for example, done to music, often of much beauty and
effectiveness, by the famous musician of his day, Henry Purcell.
The opera, according to Dryden, is 'a poetical tale, or fiction,
represented by vocal and instrumental music, adorned with scenes,
machines, and dances’; and he adds, somewhat to our surprise,
the supposed persons of this musical drama are generally super-
natural? . ' Unquestionably, the opera lent itself, like the heroic
play, to sumptuous costume and ingenious devices in setting and
stage scenery; and it is not to be denied that, then as now, its
devotees set their greatest store on the music and on the fame
of individual singers.
'I am no great admirer," says Saint-Évremond, of comedies in music
such as nowadays are in request. I confess I am not displeased with their
magnificence; the machines have something that is surprising, the music
in some places is charming; the whole together seems wonderful. But it. . .
is very tedious, for where the mind has so little to do, there the senses must
of necessity languish ?
A discussion of the history of Italian opera in England would
be out of place here, since it came first into England with the
new century. That men of the taste and judgment of Dryden and
Purcell in their respective arts should have lent their talents to
the composition of these 'odd medleys of poetry and music' only
proves the strength of contemporary fashions in art.
9
1 Lawrence, W. J. , 'Early French Players in England,' Anglia, vol. XXXII, pp. 81
82, and Nuitter et Thonan, Les Origines de l'Opéra Français, pp. 303 ff.
2 Preface to Albion and Albanius, Works oj Dryden, ed. Scott-Saintsbury, vol. VII,
p. 228. Compare, also, the definition of Saint-Évremond: 'An odd medlay of poetry
and music wherein the poet and the musician, equally confined one by the other, take
a world of pain to compose a wretched performance. ' Upon Operas, Works of Saint-
Évremond, translation ed. 1714, vol. II, p. 87.
8. Our thoughts run more upon the musician than the hero in the opera : Laigi,
Cavallo, and Cesti are still present to our imagination . . . Baptist is a hundred times
more thought of than Theseus or Cadmus. ' Ibid. pp. 86, 87.
* Ibid. p. 85.
## p. 136 (#158) ############################################
136
The Restoration Drama
But it was well that, before these general French influences
had made themselves felt, a new dramatist, also schooled in France,
began in his productions to give expression to the contemporary
ideal of polite society and to adapt to the changed conditions of
the moment the most persistent form of drama, the comedy of
manners. Of the earlier life of Sir George Etherege, we know
next to nothing. It has been inferred from an allusion by Dryden,
that Etherege was born in 1634 and, by means of other inferences,
that he came of an old Oxfordshire family? . It seems unlikely that
Etherege was ever a student at either university; but his easy
conversancy with French and the ways of the French capital point
to a long sojourn in Paris. The first work of Etherege was The
Comical Revenge, or Love in a Tub. It was published in 1664
and may have been produced for the first time late in the previous
year. This comedy was an immediate success and Etherege found
himself, in a night, famous. Thus introduced to the wits and the
fops of the town, Etherege took his place in the select and dis-
solute circle of Rochester, Dorset and Sedley. On one occasion,
at Epsom, after tossing in a blanket certain fiddlers who refused
to play, Rochester, Etherege and other boon companions so
‘skirmished the watch' that they left one of their number thrust
through with a pike and were fain to abscond. Etherege married
a fortune, it is not certain when, and, apparently for no better
reason, was knighted. On the death of Rochester, he was, for
some time, the protector' of the beautiful and talented actress,
Mrs Barry? Ever indolent and procrastinating, Etherege allowed
four years to elapse before his next venture into comedy. She
Would if she could, 1668, is a better play than The Comical
Revenge, and such was the popular expectation of it, when pro-
duced, that, as Pepys tells us, though he and his wife were there
by two o'clock, there were one thousand people put back that
could not have room in the pit. ' Unhappily, success was partially
defeated, because, adds Pepys, “the actors. . . were out of humour
and had not their parts perfect' Etherege now doubled his
former period of indolence and silence, and, eight years later, in
1676, doubtless stung by a deserved rebuke in Rochester's Session
of the Poets, produced his last and best comedy, The Man of
Mode, or Sir Fopling Flutter. Of the later years of Etherege,
1 Dryden to Etheredge, The Works of Sir George Etheredge, ed. Verity, 1888, p. 403.
* The particulars of these passages in the life of Etherege will be found in Meindl's
study of the poet, Wiener Beiträge, vol. xiv, 1901, pp. 66—73.
3 Pepys's Diary, ed. Wheatley, vol. VII, p. 307.
## p. 137 (#159) ############################################
Sir George Etherege
137
4
we know much, owing to the existence of one of his Letterbooks,
kept by his secretary at Ratisbon, where he was English resident
from 1685 to a time early in 1689. From certain allusions,
Etherege has been supposed to have held similar posts else-
where, in Sweden and, possibly, in Turkey. But, of this, there is
no proof. The particulars of his life in an uncongenial diplomatic
exile need not concern us. His correspondence, which included
letters to and from Dryden, is full of life and gossip about the
wits of his time, all of it expressed with the gaiety, candour and
foppish wit of which Etherege, in his plays, is the acknowledged
master. Etherege is supposed to have died, about 1690, at Paris.
Handsome, witty, brave, profligate though he was, and, perhaps, as
has been charitably suggested, having but a weak head for wine,
the story that 'Sir George Etheredge died by falling down stairs
in a drunken fit,' rests solely 'on the authority of a friend of the
family,' repeated by Oldys? .
Different opinions have been broached as to the place of
Etherege in the history of restoration drama, although no two
much at variance can be held by those familiar with the spirit,
gaiety and brilliancy of the prose dialogue of his comedies, The
discovery of more than one copy of an edition of The Comical
Revengeg dating 1664, has brought Etherege's claim to the intro-
duction of rimed couplets as a regular dramatic metre on the
restoration stage into direct competition with that of Orrery.
Although Etherege abandoned this innovation in his other two
comedies, wisely writing them in prose, in which he is at his best,
this fashion of distinguishing more serious and elevated scenes and
passages of a comedy by couching them in heroic couplets was
continued by certain of his fellows. But the authority of the
writer who has urged the above-mentioned claim on behalf of
Etherege, further invites us to assume that he 'loitered long enough
in Paris' after the first rush of the royalists homewards for Molière
to be revealed to him,' and that, with a new idea thus formed 'of
what comedy ought to be; he returned to England and founded
English comedy as it was successively understood by Congreve,
Goldsmith and Sheridan: Now, indubitably, Etherege had none
of his happy, conscienceless art from Jonson. With the making up
1 Works of Etheredge, ed. Verity, A. , introduction, p. xxvii.
? See Gosse, E. , 'Sir George Etheredge,' in Seventeenth Century Studies, ed. 1897,
p. 265, where the relations of Etherege, in this respect, to Dryden's The Rival-Ladies
and D'Avenant's Siege of Rhodes are discussed. As to Orrery's claim, see ante, chap. 1,
p. 18 and note 2.
3 Note, more especially, Sedley's Mulberry Garden. • Gosse, u. s. pp. 266, 267.
## p. 138 (#160) ############################################
138
The Restoration Drama
of his personages out of changes on a single humour, strained and
contorted, Etherege discarded any pretensions to the knitting
together of a plot. He also discarded literary as well as dramatic
constructiveness, and it is not impossible that Molière pointed
him the way to a freedom from rule which Etherege pressed to
licence. But the merit of Etherege seems to lie less in his
eschewing the moribund fashion of Jonson's humours, than in a
certain natural genius whereby he was able to put upon the stage
a picture, very little heightened, of the roistering, reckless idle-
ness and licentiousness that actually characterised the brilliant,
graceless fops whose society he frequented. "The man of quality,
who can fight at need with spirit and verve, but whose customary
occupation is the pursuit of pleasure without dignity and without
reflection'—this is Etherege's theme; it is his very self, re-
curring in Sir Frederick Frollicke, in Courtall and Freedom, 'two
honest gentlemen of the town,' in She Would if she could and
in the masterly circle of fops—Dorimant, Medley, Bellair and
Sir Fopling Flutter-each one of them equally 'the man of mode. '
'Nature, you know,' says Etherege of himself, 'intended me for
an idle fellow, and gave me passion and qualities fit for that
blessed calling ; but fortune has made a changeling of me and
necessity forces me to set up for a fop of business? ' As to the
women of Etherege, they are fashionable, extravagant, witty as
the men and as bold in their intrigues and amours; there is no
maiden's blush among them. They are such, in a word, as the
restoration rakes and roués knew them.
Attention has been called to Ethereğe's graphic touches of
scene, costume and place in the gay little west-end that knew
him. He is at home in Mulberry garden, a place of public resort
and entertainment, with bordered alleys and adjacent arbours in
which to eat syllabub and to carry on 'hazardous flirtations' like
those of Mistress Ariana and Mistress Gatty, two naughty run-
aways from chaperonage; or, again, in the shop of Mrs Trinket
in the New Exchange, a species of Arcade, whither ladies go
a-shopping for a few fashionable toys to keep 'em in countenance
at a play or in the Park,' and where gallants 'scent their eyebrows
and periwigs with a little essence of oranges or jessamine,' as did
Courtall while waiting for lady Cockwood But the superlative
quality of Etherege as a writer of comedy is the ease and natural-
ness of his prose dialogue, which, almost uniformly witty and, at
1 Letterbook under date 8 March 1688, quoted by Gosse, Seventeenth Century
Studies, ed. 1897, p. 296.
## p. 139 (#161) ############################################
Sir Charles Sedley
139
times, really brilliant, is seldom overdone and unsuited to his
personages, as is not infrequently the case with Congreve. The
very frivolity of Etherege disarms criticism. Who would break
a butterfly on the wheel ? For the time, English men and
women in good society had lapsed into an excess of gallantry,
enjoying their orgy with incorrigible frankness and abandon, and
avowing their enjoyment with incorrigible flippancy and shame-
lessness. In Etherege, comedy, for the moment, touched nature
once more, for such was nature in the society of the restoration.
Congreve is remote and studied in comparison, for he wrote of
these things when in actual life they had come to be mitigated by
a measurable return of public manners to healthier conditions ;
while, as to Sheridan, equally a disciple of Etherege, his comedies
in fact only perpetuated a picture of life that had long since ceased
to be much more than a brilliant tradition of the stage.
The closest immediate follower of Etherege in comedy is
Sir Charles Sedley, whose earliest comedy, The Mulberry Garden,
1668, is based, in part, on Molière's L'École des Maris and is
written in that mixture of prose and heroic couplets which
Etherege introduced in his Comical Revenge. An intimate in
the chosen circle of the king, Sedley was as famous for his wit
as he was notorious for the profligacy of his life. Nevertheless,
he appears to have been a capable man of affairs and, as a writer,
gained a deserved reputation alike for the clearness and ease of
his prose and for a certain poetic gift, more appreciable in his
occasional lyrics than in the serious parts of his dramas. The
Mulberry Garden, no bad comedy in its lighter scenes, is bettered
in Bellamira, or the Mistress, 1687, which, though founded on
the Eunuchus of Terence, presents a lively, if coarsely realistic,
picture of the reckless pursuit of pleasure of Sedley's day. The
Grumbler, printed in 1702, is little more than an adaptation of
Le Grondeur of Brueys and Palaprat. Sedley's tragedies call for
no more than the barest mention. His Antony and Cleopatra,
1667, reprinted as Beauty the Conqueror, is among the feeblest
as it is the latest, of heroic plays written in couplets. His Tyrant
King of Crete, 1702, is merely a revision of Henry Killigrew's
Pallantus and Eudora, little amended in the process.
With examples such as these among writers who pretended
to gentle manners and birth, and with Dryden descending to the
dramatic stews, it is not surprising to find lesser writers and
1 On this topic, see Genest, u. 8. vol. », p. 158, and Lissner, M. , in Anglia, vol.
XXVII, pp. 180—3.
## p. 140 (#162) ############################################
140
The Restoration Drama
stage hacks throwing decency to the winds and substituting sheer
scurrility for wit, and brutality for force of passion. John Lacy
(who died in 1681) is a familiar example of the popular actor
turned playwright. Out of a couple of the comedies of Molière,
butchered in the process, he compounded The Dumb Lady, or
The Furrier made Physician, 1669; in Sarony the Scot, or The
Taming of the Shrew, 1667, Grumio is raised to the chief part in
that much abused comedy of Shakespeare; while, in Sir Hercules
Buffoon, 1684, a more original effort, even the braggart and the fool,
immemorial stock figures of comedy, suffer degradation. The best
comedy of Lacy is The Old Troop (before 1665), in which he tells,
with rude and broad native humour, experiences of his own when
soldiering in the royalist army in civil war times, and, incidentally,
maligns and abuses fallen puritanism. Even more popular in his
day was Edward Ravenscroft, the author of a dozen plays extend-
ing over a career of nearly twenty-five years. Ravenscroft pillaged
the previous drama at large and Molière in particular, taking his
earliest comedy and greatest success, Mamamouchi, or the Citizen
Turned Gentleman, 1671, from Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme and
Monsieur de Pourceaugnac. In his palmy days, Ravenscroft
dared to measure his wit with Dryden? But his one conspicuous
quality was his success in boisterous farce. It was this and its
scandalous satirical nature that secured to his London Cuckolds,
first acted in 1682, an annual revival on the stage on lord mayor's
day for nearly a century? His other plays, among them an altera-
tion of Titus Andronicus, call for no mention here
It is assuredly a matter for comment that the first woman to
write professionally for the English stage should have begun her
career at a moment when the morality of English drama was at
its lowest ebb. Aphra or Aphara Behn was born at Wye in 1640,
the daughter of John Johnson, a barber.
Early Spanish Influences
125
Calisto and Melebea, an adaptation to the stage of the dramatic
novel, Celestina, the work, chiefly if not wholly, of Fernando de
Rojas, and published about 1530. This work has already been
described, together with the violent didactic conclusion with which
the unknown English adapter made amends for his choice of so
romantic a story? As is well known, the Spanish scholar, Juan
Luis Vives, friend of Sir Thomas More, visited England on the
invitation of Henry VIII, who placed him as a reader on rhetoric
at Corpus Christi college, Oxford. It has been thought that the
English dramatic version of Celestina may have had some relation
to Vives and his visit, although he anathematised the Spanish
production as a work of infamy in his treatise De Institutione
Christianae Feminae. It is somewhat strange that Calisto and
Melebea had no successor. However, it played its part in relieving
the old moral drama of abstractions by the substitution of living
human figures in a story of actual life. It was to Italy, not to
Spain, that the predecessors of Shakespeare, as well as most of
his contemporaries, turned instinctively for romantic material.
Spain was an enemy and, as such, was maligned and misunder-
stood? Yet the figure of Philip, once a sovereign of England,
was represented in at least one chronicle history with dignity;
and a number of dramas, strictly Elizabethan, laid their scene in
the peninsula and affected to follow annals of Spain. Kyd's
Spanish Tragedie and its imitation or burlesque, The First
Part of Jeronimo, remain of undiscovered source; and Greene's
Alphonsus King of Arragon is a composite of the biography of
more than one sovereign of that name, as his queen Eleanor
of Edward I is an outrageous distortion of one of the most
estimable and charitable women that ever sat on the throne of
England. The same playwright's Battell of Alcazar and the
anonymous Captain Stukeley, which deals in part with the same
topic, drew on material more nearly approaching the historical.
Yet neither of these, nor Lusts Dominion (although details of
the death of the king in that piece have been thought to have
been suggested by the death of Pbilip II), can be traced to any
definite Spanish source, much less to anything bearing the title
of Spanish literature. Nor need we surmise that such lost
i See ante, vol. 7, pp. 99, 100.
? On the mutual repugnance of the two nations in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, see some excellent paragraphs by Schevill, R. , in Romanische Forschungen,
XX, 1907, pp. 626–634.
Philip II appears as a character in Thomas Heywood's If you know not me,
You know no bodie. A Philip of Spain, now lost, is mentioned by Henslowe in 1602.
3
## p. 126 (#148) ############################################
126
The Restoration Drama
productions as Wadeson's Humorous Earle of Gloster with his
Conquest of Portingall (1600), The Conqueste of Spayne by
John a Gaunt, in which Day, Hathway and Haughton conspired,
or Chettle and Dekker's Kinge Sebastiane of Portingalle (these
last two in 1601), were any more closely associated with actual
literature of the peninsula, however this last may have touched
on a topic of some contemporary historical interest. Indeed, the
number of English dramas up to the death of Elizabeth which
can be traced even remotely to a source ultimately Spanish is
surprisingly small. Marlowe's Tamburlaine was partially drawn
from Pedro Mexia's Silva de varia lección; but this last had
been translated into Italian, French and English (by Thomas
Fortescue in his Foreste or Collection of Histories) long before
Marlowe came to write. And, in Shakespeare's Two Gentlemen
of Verona, the story of Julia and Proteus was suggested by that
of Felix and Felismena in the second book of the Diana of the
Portuguese Spaniard Montemayor. But the probable intervention
of the now lost play, The History of Felix and Philiomena, acted
3 January 1585, should dispose of any theory of a direct Shake-
spearean contact with this much-exploited Spanish source. Other
Shakespearean examples of 'Spanish influence' have been affirmed.
Such are the correspondences between Twelfth Night and the
Comedia de los Engaños of Lope de Rueda; but both could have
found a common source in Bandello or, possibly, in a dramatised
version by an academy at Siena called Gl Ingannati'; and such,
too, is the notion that Shakespeare drew on Conde Lucanor for
his Taming of the Shrew, a comedy obviously recast from the
earlier anonymous Taming of a Shrew, combined with a plot of
Italian extraction, immediately derived from Gascoigne's comedy,
Supposes. A more interesting suggestion is that which traces the
sources of The Tempest to the fourth chapter of 'a collection of
mediocre tales,' entitled Noches de Invierno, the work of one
Antonio de Eslava and first published at Pamplona in 16091.
Fitzmaurice-Kelly has given the weight of his authority to a
respectful treatment of this source, adding:
This provenance may be thought to lend colour to the tradition that
Shakespeare dramatised an episode from Don Quixote-a book that he might
1 For this and much else in these paragraphs, the writer is indebted to Fitzmaurice-
Kelly's most valuable paper, The Relations between Spanish and English Literature,
1910. See, also, two notes by Perott, J. de, on this topic and a Spanish parallel to
Love's Labour's Lost in the Shakespeare-Jahrbuch, vol. XLV, 1908, pp. 151–4; and
the valuable paper by Schevill, R. , 'On the Influence of Spanish Literature on English
in the Early Seventeenth Century' in Romanische Forschungen, u. s.
## p. 127 (#149) ############################################
Spanish Personages in English Plays 127
a
easily have read in Shelton's translation published in 1612, or, perhaps, even
in the manuscript which Shelton had kept by him for some four or five years.
At any rate, the following entry occurs under the date 1633 in the register
of the Stationers' company:-'The History of Cardenio by Mr. Fletcher and
Shakespeare, 208. '1
As to Spanish personages interspersed through Elizabethan drama,
it has been well said: “They were either arrogant, boastful,
pompously affected or cruel,' sheer caricatures, in a word, drawn
with an unfriendly pen? Middleton's Lazarillo in Blurt Master-
.
Constable (a sad perversion of that delightful rascal, his namesake
of Tormes), and Jonson's ridiculous caricature in the pretended
Don Diego of The Alchemist are sufficient illustrations of this.
As to the boasters and bullies of the playwrights, Bobadill, Captain
Tucca, Ancient Pistol and the rest, there was no need to bespeak
them in Spain. For such traits of the kind as were not derived
from observation can show a clear literary descent from the Miles
Gloriosus of Plautus. That Shakespeare contrived to keep his
Don Armado human, as well as absurdly lofty and vainglorious,
is partly due to the fact that Armado is the portrait of an actual
mad Spaniard, known as 'fantastical Monarcho,' who haunted the
London of his day. And Armado, too, had had his immediate
literary model in Lyly's contribution, Sir Thopas in Endimion,
to the Plautine line of descent just mentioned.
Towards the end of the reign of king James I, Spanish litera-
ture became better known in England, and we naturally look for
the effect of this on English drama. But this relation was still
general and established largely through French and Italian trans-
lation; and it is easy to make too much of it. The plays of
Beaumont and Fletcher have been alleged to disclose more
especially that contact between the dramas of the two nations
which some scholars have striven anxiously to establish ; and
this, notwithstanding the accurate statement of Dryden as to
dramatic plots that 'Beaumont and Fletcher had most of theirs
from Spanish novels. ' Some seventeen of the fifty-two plays
commonly attributed to Beaumont and Fletcher have been traced,
in a greater or less measure of indebtedness, to Spanish literature.
? U. s. pp. 21, 22.
2 Underhill, J. G. , Spanish Literature in the England of the Tudors, 1899, p. 357.
3 Middleton might have had his Lazarillo in English, long since translated by
David Rowland and printed in 1576. There is no reason for assuming that Ben
Jonson knew Spanish ; his few allusions to Don Quixote and the Spanish phrases of
The Alchemist to the contrary notwithstanding. See Schevill, R. , U. s. pp. 612, 613.
* Preface to An Evening's Love, Works of Dryden, ed. Scott-Saintsbury, vol. in,
p. 252.
## p. 128 (#150) ############################################
128
The Restoration Drama
Eighteen others remain unidentified as to source, and some of these
disclose a content and a manner not unlike the ruling traits of the
drama of Spain. If, then, we consider the almost incredible mass
of the writings of Lope de Vega (to mention him only), unread by
English and even by Spanish scholars, and further keep in mind
that those conversant with Spanish drama are not always con-
versant with English and vice versa, it would be rash to affirm
that the last word has been said on a topic as yet not seriously
opened. Our present information, however, may be set forth as
follows, although, with regard to the plays on Spanish subjects
attributed to Beaumont and Fletcher, it should be premised that
most of them were composed at a date precluding the possibility
that Beaumont had a hand in them! Cervantes was Fletcher's
favourite Spanish author; and he seems to have been acquainted
solely with his prose. From the Novelas Exemplares, the English
poet drew the major plots of The Chances, The Queene of Corinth,
The Faire Maide of the Inne and Loves Pilgrimage, with the
underplot of Rule a Wife And have a Wife as well. The Custome
of the Countrey is derived from the romance of Persiles y Sigis-
munda, the last work to come from the great Spaniard's hand.
As to Don Quixote, apart from possible suggestions for certain
episodes of Beaumont's Knight of the Burning Pestle, the plot
of The Coxcombe, an episode of The Double Marriage and a
personage of The Prophetesse have been traced by various critics
to the same immortal romances. Besides Cervantes, Fletcher
drew on Lope de Vega for his Pilgrim, on Juan de Flores for
Women pleas'd and on Gonzalo de Cespedes for The Spanish
Curate and The Maid in the Mill; and not one of these originals
is a play, nor need Fletcher have read a word of Spanish to have
become acquainted with them; for all had been translated into
French or English and were readily accessible to his hand4.
About two only of the Fletcherian plays has any question on
these points arisen. Loves Cure, first printed in the folio of
1647, but commonly dated back to the early years of king James,
has been referred to a comedy by Guillen de Castro, written at
>
a
1 Cf. ante, appendix to vol. vi, chap. v.
? On this topic, see the sane words of Schevill, U. 8. pp. 617—624; and the intro-
duction, by Murch, H. S. , in his ed. of this play, Yale Studies in English, 1908.
3 See, on this topic, Fitzmaurice-Kelly, preface to Shelton's Don Quixote, Koeppel,
Quellenstudien,' Münchener Beiträge, 1895, and Rapp, Studien über das englische
Theater, 1892.
4
* See the résumé of this subject in the present writer's Elizabethan Drama, vol. 11,
p. 215.
## p. 129 (#151) ############################################
Later Spanish Influences
129
so late a date as to make it quite impossible that Fletcher could
have seen it? . Again, Fletcher's Island Princesse has been re-
ferred to a source in the writings of the younger Argensola, not
translated out of Spanish at such a date that Fletcher could have
seen it? But these matters are still under discussion, and, on
this particular subject, we may take refuge in the judgment of
Fitzmaurice-Kelly who writes: 'Suffice it to say that, at the
present stage, the balance of probabilities is against the view that
Fletcher knew Spanish. '
If we turn to other dramatists, we find an occasional contempo-
rary of Fletcher following in his footsteps. The Spanish Gipsie, a
tragicomedy by Middleton and William Rowley, is made up of an
effective combination of two stories of Cervantes, La Fuerza de
la Sangre and La Gitanilla. Rowley collaborated, too, with
Fletcher in The Maid in the Mill, a comedy based on a story
of Gonzalo de Cespedes, translated by Leonard Digges and called
Gerardo, the Unfortunate Spaniard. Rowley's own powerful
tragedy Alls Lost by Lust, draws on Spanish story, though his
precise source remains problematic4. Once more, A Very Woman,
by Massinger, is derived from a story of the Novelas Exemplares.
The same dramatist's Renegado is said to be based on Cervantes's
Los Baños de Argel, and similarities have been traced between
the same two authors in The Fatall Dowry and the interlude,
El Viejo celoso. Moreover, it is said that neither of these Spanish
pieces was translated in Massinger's lifetime, although this is not
to be considered certain. We may not feel sure that a Spanish
play has actually influenced an English play by direct borrowing,
until we reach Shirley, who, on credible authority, is reported to
have utilised El Castigo del Pensèque of Tirso de Molina in The
Opportunitie and Lope de Vega's Don Lope de Cardona in The
Young Admirall. Fitzmaurice-Kelly sceptically observes, even as
to these examples : 'a minute demonstration of the extent of
Shirley's borrowings would be still more satisfactory. '
The last two volumes of Dodsley's Old Plays contain several
dramas of the restoration which are Spanish in scene. Of these,
The Rebellion by Thomas Rawlins seems wholly fanciful with its
hero disguised as a tailor and its crowded and improbable in-
· Stiefel in Herrig's Archiv, vol. xcix, p. 271.
2 See the same in vol. II, pp. 277 ff.
: The Relations between Spanish and English Literature, pp. 22, 23.
* On the topic, see the edition of the play by Stork, C. W. , Publications of the
University of Pennsylvania, 1910, vol. XII, p. 70.
5 The Relations, as above, p. 23.
9
E. L. VIII.
CH. V.
## p. 130 (#152) ############################################
130
The Restoration Drama
cident. The Marriage Night, printed in 1664, by Henry viscount
Falkland is an abler drama, reproducing, however, in more than
one forcible passage, personages and situations of the earlier
Elizabethan drama. Both of these were written before the closing
of the theatres, but it is doubtful if the latter was ever acted.
Other pre-restoration dramas of Spanish plot are The Parson's
Wedding, which Killigrew had of Calderon’s Dama Duende, and
Fanshawe's translation of two comedies of Antonio de Mendoza! .
With Tuke's Adventures of Five Hours (written in 1662) and
Digby's Elvira, or The Worst Not always True (printed in 1667),
we reach unquestionable examples of the immediate adaptation
of Spanish dramas to the English stage. This is not the place in
which to dilate on the glories of the Spanish stage, the moral
purpose of Alarcon, the brilliancy and wit of Tirso de Molina, the
happy fertility of Lope de Vega, the clarity of thought and lofty
sentiment of Calderon, greatest of the Spanish dramatists. Both
the comedies just mentioned are favourable specimens of the
popular comedias de capa y espada, invented by Lope de Vega.
Two ladies, a gallant and his friend, their lovers, a jealous brother
or a difficult father, with the attendant servants of all parties ;
mistake, accident, intrigue and involvement, honour touched and
honour righted-such is the universal recipe of the comedy of
cloak and sword. As to these adapters of the species to England,
George Digby, earl of Bristol, had played no unimportant part as
ambassador of king James I at Madrid, where he translated two
other comedies of Calderon besides No Siempre lo peor es cierto,
the original of Elvira. Sir Samuel Tuke had served at Marston
moor and followed the prince into exile. He was much favoured by
Charles, who is said to have suggested Los Empeños de Seis Horas
(now assigned to Antonio Coello and not, as formerly, to Calderon)
as 'an excellent design' for an English play? Elvira is little more
than a translation, stiff
, formal and, while by no means wanting
in action, protracted if not chargeable with repetitions. It was
not printed until 1667, and we have no record of the performance
of it. Tuke's Adventures of Five Hours is a better play and,
as rewritten, was sufficiently adapted to the conditions of the
English stage to gain a deserved success. Into the relations of
Tuke's play to the coming heroic drama of Dryden, we cannot
here enter. Its importance, despite its Castilian gravity and
some rimed couplets, seems, in this respect, likely to be exag-
1 Fiestas de Aranjuez and Querer por solo querer, printed in 1670 and 1671.
9 Fitzmaurice-Kelly, J. , Littérature Espagnole, traduction Davray, 1904, p. 345.
## p. 131 (#153) ############################################
• Spanish Plots'
131
6
gerated! So, too, although important as the earliest play of
Spanish plot acted after the restoration, it is too much to claim for
The Adventures the 'reintroduction of a type of the drama of
intrigue 'which, from that day to this, has never left the English
stage? ' Dryden attacked The Adventures, but Pepys declared :
when all is done, [it] is the best play that ever I read in my
life 3. '
The coffers of Spanish drama, thus opened, continued to afford
English playwrights their treasures. Dryden's Rival-Ladies and
An Evening's Love or the Mock Astrologer have been referred
to Spanish sources : the last is Calderon by way of Corneille.
Dryden's earliest dramatic effort, The Wild Gallant, has also been
thought to be of Spanish origin. But this is an error, referable
to a misreading of the prologue; the source is certainly English
and, doubtless, Dryden's own invention". With Sir Thomas St
Serfe's Taruzo's Wiles, or the Coffee House, founded on Moreto's
No puede ser, the earl of Orrery's Guzman and Mrs Behn's Dutch
Lover and The Rover, we complete the list of dramas in the earlier
years of the restoration which have been alleged to be of Spanish
plot". Crowne's Sir Courtly Nice is a later comedy, said, like-
wise, to have been suggested by the taste of king Charles and
derived from Moreto’s No puede ser, and 'the most amusing
scenes' of Wycherley's comedy, The Gentleman Dancing-master,
have been assigned to a source in Calderon's El Maestro de
Danzar. More commonly, however, Spanish influences filtered
into England through the drama of France. It may be doubted
whether any 'Spanish plot' of Dryden exhibits more than an
indirect origin of this nature. In later decades, this was almost
invariably the case. Thus, Steele's Lying Lover, The Perplexed
6
See Child, O. G. , in Modern Language Notes, vol. xix, 1904, p. 166, and the
unpublished thesis of Gaw, A. , on this play, 1908, in the library of the University o.
Pennsylvania. Cf. ante, p. 16 note 2.
2 Hume, M. , Spanish Influence on English Literature, 1905, p. 291.
3 Pepys's Diary, ed. Wheatley, H. B. , vol. v, p. 403.
• Dryden's words, 'It is your author's lot To be endangered by a Spanish plot,'
not • with a Spanish plot' as often quoted, refer to his rivalry with Tuke's Adventures,
not to the source of his own play. Just below, he affirms, . This play is English and
the growth your own. ' This point is made by Gaw in his thesis, referred to in a note
above.
o The Dutch Lover is referred by Langbaine to a Spanish story; The Rover is
an adaptation of Kiliigrew's Thomaso. For both of these, see below, p. 141 of this
volume. The False Count, 1682, is another play by Mrs Behn of Spanish type.
Langbaine finds a hint' in it, however, . borrowed from Molière's Les Précieuses
Ridicules. '
9--2
## p. 132 (#154) ############################################
132
The Restoration Drama
Lover of Mrs Centlivre and Colley Cibber's She Would and She
Would Not are derivative plays and only remotely Spanish.
We may summarise what has been said on a subject of con-
siderable difficulty as follows. Spanish literary influences on the
drama in Tudor times were slight and confined, almost entirely,
to an occasional plot, derived, as a rule, through some foreign
intermediary.
In the reign of James I, Beaumont and Fletcher,
Massinger and William Rowley, alone among dramatists of note,
drew on Spanish sources for their plays; and, though the question
cannot be regarded as definitely settled, it seems likely that their
sources lay wholly in fiction, translated into other and, to them,
more familiar languages of the continent or into English. It was
in the reign of king Charles I, that Spanish drama for the first
time came into a closer touch with the English stage. That touch
was closest at the restoration, when the cavalier returned with
his foreign luggage and the taste of the king conspired with the
experiences of his courtiers to foster many experiments. But
Spanish influence was soon eclipsed by that of France, aided by
the strong national spirit that prolonged the influence of Jonson
and his contemporaries for generations after their decease.
In turning to a consideration of the influences of French
literature on the drama of the restoration, it is customary to
give unusual weight to the example of the romans de longue
haleine, those extraordinary expressions in protracted hyperbole
of ideal conduct, sentiment and conversation, with which the finer
-pirits of the days of Louis XIV sought to elevate and ennoble
social life? But, as a matter of fact, much of this influence was
already in full flood far back in the reign of king Charles I, as the
cult of Platonic love, about 1633, and the ideals of love and honour
which it fostered are alone sufficient to attest? To what extent
the ideals of this one time fashionable cult may be surmised to
have persisted to affect appreciably the conduct of the returning
exiles is a question for the historian of social conditions. On the
drama, such ideals had a marked, if superficial, effect. The life of
the court of king Charles II, was, at best, a coarse replica of that
of Versailles; and the heroic drama, the roots of which lie deeper
than in the supersoil of romance, reproduced mostly externals,
grandiloquence of language, loftiness of sentiment, incredible
· For a list of restoration plays referred to the influences of the romances of the
Scudérys and other like writers, see Ward, vol. III, p. 309 note.
· See, as to this, especially D'Avenant's apotheosis of Platonic love in his grand
masque, The Temple of Love, his Love and Honour, both 1634, and his Platonick
Lovers, 1635.
## p. 133 (#155) ############################################
Molière and Restoration Comedy 133
valour, with courtesy and honour drawn and twisted into an
impossible code. More immediate in its effects was the con-
temporary French stage, in which much of the literature of
exaggerated sentiment was reproduced by forgotten authors, who
live now only in the satire which their extravagance inspired in
the commonsense of Boileau. But the subject of this influence,
and of that of the classicism of Corneille and Racine in particular,
as well as the use of the rimed couplet in the English drama, and
its relations to the heroic play are treated elsewhere; our concern
here is with comedy,
It was in 1653 that Molière, after his long apprenticeship in
the provinces, brought out his L'Étourdi in Paris; and, from that
date onward to his death, just twenty years later, he remained the
master and the example of the most brilliant comedy of modern
times. Molière's earlier work thus corresponds, in point of time,
with the latest years of exile, when many Englishmen of rank were
amusing themselves in Paris, and peculiarly open to lighter im-
pressions from the idleness of their lives. No one foreign author
has been so plundered by English playwrights as Molière; and his
humane spirit, his naturalness, adaptability and dramatic aptitude
stood the borrowers in good stead, in recalling them from the
intricacies of Spanish intrigue and the wearisome repetition at
second hand of the 'humours' of Ben Jonson. That the finer
qualities of Molière, his verve, his buoyancy, ease and success of
plot, and sure characterisation, escaped his English imitators is
not to be denied; for, apart from the circumstance that few of
them were men of more than mediocre parts, the genius of Molière
towers above the imitation of any age. A list of the borrowings
of restoration comedy from the drama of Molière and his con-
temporaries would unduly burden this page. D'Avenant, Dryden,
Sedley, Wycherley, Vanbrugh, Crowne and Shadwell all owe debts
of plot, character, design and dialogue to French comedy; and,
even where the debt may not be specifically ascertainable, the
1 Cf. ante, pp. 14 . and 18 ff. and post, chap. VII. As to these influences, it is
well to remember that translation and adaptation from the French by no means set
in, for the first time, with the restoration. Apart from the early direct influence of
the Senecan Garnier on Kyd, Greville, Alexander and others, and the plays drawn from
French sources by Fletcher and his group, which it is not pertinent here to recount,
Sir William Lower had translated the Polyeucte of Corneille in 1655 and Horatius the
year after; Carlell, his Héraclius, about the same date, and several persons of honour,'
Waller, Sedley, Godolphin and the earl of Dorset, were busy with his Pompée, as
Mrs Katherine Philips, 'the Matchless Orinda,' was busy with Horatius, encouraged by
lord Orrery, a year or so after the restoration. As to Corneille on the English stage
and in English translation, see Mulert, A. , in Münchener Beiträge, vol. xvm, 1900.
.
>
## p. 134 (#156) ############################################
134
The Restoration Drama.
6
>
tone of the play, the method of its conduct and the conception
of its personages declare the dominant influence of France. To
mention only some examples, Molière supplied scenes, personages
or suggestions to D'Avenant's Playhouse to be Let, Dryden's An
Evening's Love, Amphitryon and Sir Martin Mar-Al, to Sedley's
Mulberry Garden, Wycherley's Country Wife, The Plain Dealer,
Shadwell's Sullen Lovers and The Miser and Crowne's The Country
Wit and The English Frier; while Corneille, Racine, Quinault were
levied on by the playwrights just named and by others besides.
The influence of French opera on the like productions in
England is a matter of less certainty. The attribution of
D'Avenant's experiments in musical drama to direct influences,
either from Italy or from France, seems dubious, if not fanciful,
if his previous experience as a writer of masques for the
court of king Charles I is taken into account. Although Italian
opera had been introduced into France so far back as 1645 and
'the first French opera,' 'a pastoral,' had been performed some
fourteen years later, this by-product of the drama was not thrust
into general acceptance and popularity until the days of the
celebrated partnership between Lulli, the king's musician, and
the librettist Quinault, the first opera of whose joint effort,
Cadmus and Hermione, was acted in 16731. Meanwhile, how-
ever, Cambert, composer of the first French opera,' had written
his Pomone, the earliest opera heard by the Parisian public; and,
when his rivalry with Lulli for the control and management of
the opera in Paris ended in the latter's triumph, Cambert came
over to London and, as leader of one of king Charles's companies
of musicians, took his part in the introduction of French opera
into England Cambert's associate in his operatic labours was
the abbé Pierre Perrin, who had supplied the words for the
pastoral'as well as for Pomone. Another product of this partner-
ship was Ariane, ou Le Mariage de Bacchus ; and an opera of
that title was sung in French at the Theatre Royal in Drury lane
in January 16748 An English version of this opera, published
simultaneously with the French version at the period of pro-
duction, reads Ariadne, or The Marriage of Bacchus, 'an Opera
1 On these subjects, see Parry, Sir C. H. R. , The Oxford History of Music, vol. II,
p. 225, and Lavoix, H. , La Musique Française, pp. 90, 100. Les Fêtes de l'Amour et
de Bacchus, with which Lalli opened his Opera' in the rue Vaugirard in the previous
November, described as little more than a ballet, a species of entertainment long
familiar in France.
· The Oxford History of Music, vol. II, p. 295.
• See Evelyn's Diary, under 6 January 1673/4.
## p. 135 (#157) ############################################
The Opera
135
or a Vocal Representation, first composed by Monsieur P[ierre)
P[errin). Now put into Musick by Monsieur Grabut, Master of
his Majesty's Musick. ' And it is further said that Cambert super-
intended the production? Whatever the solution of this tangle,
) English musicians now took up the writing of opera, Matthew
Locke staging his Psyche in 1675 and Purcell, Dido and Aeneas,
his first opera, in 1680. Dryden's imitations of French opera, of
which Albion and Albanius, 1685, is a typical example, came
later; and so did the tasteless adaptations of earlier plays to
operatic treatment, Shakespeare's Tempest and Fletcher's Pro-
phetesse, for example, done to music, often of much beauty and
effectiveness, by the famous musician of his day, Henry Purcell.
The opera, according to Dryden, is 'a poetical tale, or fiction,
represented by vocal and instrumental music, adorned with scenes,
machines, and dances’; and he adds, somewhat to our surprise,
the supposed persons of this musical drama are generally super-
natural? . ' Unquestionably, the opera lent itself, like the heroic
play, to sumptuous costume and ingenious devices in setting and
stage scenery; and it is not to be denied that, then as now, its
devotees set their greatest store on the music and on the fame
of individual singers.
'I am no great admirer," says Saint-Évremond, of comedies in music
such as nowadays are in request. I confess I am not displeased with their
magnificence; the machines have something that is surprising, the music
in some places is charming; the whole together seems wonderful. But it. . .
is very tedious, for where the mind has so little to do, there the senses must
of necessity languish ?
A discussion of the history of Italian opera in England would
be out of place here, since it came first into England with the
new century. That men of the taste and judgment of Dryden and
Purcell in their respective arts should have lent their talents to
the composition of these 'odd medleys of poetry and music' only
proves the strength of contemporary fashions in art.
9
1 Lawrence, W. J. , 'Early French Players in England,' Anglia, vol. XXXII, pp. 81
82, and Nuitter et Thonan, Les Origines de l'Opéra Français, pp. 303 ff.
2 Preface to Albion and Albanius, Works oj Dryden, ed. Scott-Saintsbury, vol. VII,
p. 228. Compare, also, the definition of Saint-Évremond: 'An odd medlay of poetry
and music wherein the poet and the musician, equally confined one by the other, take
a world of pain to compose a wretched performance. ' Upon Operas, Works of Saint-
Évremond, translation ed. 1714, vol. II, p. 87.
8. Our thoughts run more upon the musician than the hero in the opera : Laigi,
Cavallo, and Cesti are still present to our imagination . . . Baptist is a hundred times
more thought of than Theseus or Cadmus. ' Ibid. pp. 86, 87.
* Ibid. p. 85.
## p. 136 (#158) ############################################
136
The Restoration Drama
But it was well that, before these general French influences
had made themselves felt, a new dramatist, also schooled in France,
began in his productions to give expression to the contemporary
ideal of polite society and to adapt to the changed conditions of
the moment the most persistent form of drama, the comedy of
manners. Of the earlier life of Sir George Etherege, we know
next to nothing. It has been inferred from an allusion by Dryden,
that Etherege was born in 1634 and, by means of other inferences,
that he came of an old Oxfordshire family? . It seems unlikely that
Etherege was ever a student at either university; but his easy
conversancy with French and the ways of the French capital point
to a long sojourn in Paris. The first work of Etherege was The
Comical Revenge, or Love in a Tub. It was published in 1664
and may have been produced for the first time late in the previous
year. This comedy was an immediate success and Etherege found
himself, in a night, famous. Thus introduced to the wits and the
fops of the town, Etherege took his place in the select and dis-
solute circle of Rochester, Dorset and Sedley. On one occasion,
at Epsom, after tossing in a blanket certain fiddlers who refused
to play, Rochester, Etherege and other boon companions so
‘skirmished the watch' that they left one of their number thrust
through with a pike and were fain to abscond. Etherege married
a fortune, it is not certain when, and, apparently for no better
reason, was knighted. On the death of Rochester, he was, for
some time, the protector' of the beautiful and talented actress,
Mrs Barry? Ever indolent and procrastinating, Etherege allowed
four years to elapse before his next venture into comedy. She
Would if she could, 1668, is a better play than The Comical
Revenge, and such was the popular expectation of it, when pro-
duced, that, as Pepys tells us, though he and his wife were there
by two o'clock, there were one thousand people put back that
could not have room in the pit. ' Unhappily, success was partially
defeated, because, adds Pepys, “the actors. . . were out of humour
and had not their parts perfect' Etherege now doubled his
former period of indolence and silence, and, eight years later, in
1676, doubtless stung by a deserved rebuke in Rochester's Session
of the Poets, produced his last and best comedy, The Man of
Mode, or Sir Fopling Flutter. Of the later years of Etherege,
1 Dryden to Etheredge, The Works of Sir George Etheredge, ed. Verity, 1888, p. 403.
* The particulars of these passages in the life of Etherege will be found in Meindl's
study of the poet, Wiener Beiträge, vol. xiv, 1901, pp. 66—73.
3 Pepys's Diary, ed. Wheatley, vol. VII, p. 307.
## p. 137 (#159) ############################################
Sir George Etherege
137
4
we know much, owing to the existence of one of his Letterbooks,
kept by his secretary at Ratisbon, where he was English resident
from 1685 to a time early in 1689. From certain allusions,
Etherege has been supposed to have held similar posts else-
where, in Sweden and, possibly, in Turkey. But, of this, there is
no proof. The particulars of his life in an uncongenial diplomatic
exile need not concern us. His correspondence, which included
letters to and from Dryden, is full of life and gossip about the
wits of his time, all of it expressed with the gaiety, candour and
foppish wit of which Etherege, in his plays, is the acknowledged
master. Etherege is supposed to have died, about 1690, at Paris.
Handsome, witty, brave, profligate though he was, and, perhaps, as
has been charitably suggested, having but a weak head for wine,
the story that 'Sir George Etheredge died by falling down stairs
in a drunken fit,' rests solely 'on the authority of a friend of the
family,' repeated by Oldys? .
Different opinions have been broached as to the place of
Etherege in the history of restoration drama, although no two
much at variance can be held by those familiar with the spirit,
gaiety and brilliancy of the prose dialogue of his comedies, The
discovery of more than one copy of an edition of The Comical
Revengeg dating 1664, has brought Etherege's claim to the intro-
duction of rimed couplets as a regular dramatic metre on the
restoration stage into direct competition with that of Orrery.
Although Etherege abandoned this innovation in his other two
comedies, wisely writing them in prose, in which he is at his best,
this fashion of distinguishing more serious and elevated scenes and
passages of a comedy by couching them in heroic couplets was
continued by certain of his fellows. But the authority of the
writer who has urged the above-mentioned claim on behalf of
Etherege, further invites us to assume that he 'loitered long enough
in Paris' after the first rush of the royalists homewards for Molière
to be revealed to him,' and that, with a new idea thus formed 'of
what comedy ought to be; he returned to England and founded
English comedy as it was successively understood by Congreve,
Goldsmith and Sheridan: Now, indubitably, Etherege had none
of his happy, conscienceless art from Jonson. With the making up
1 Works of Etheredge, ed. Verity, A. , introduction, p. xxvii.
? See Gosse, E. , 'Sir George Etheredge,' in Seventeenth Century Studies, ed. 1897,
p. 265, where the relations of Etherege, in this respect, to Dryden's The Rival-Ladies
and D'Avenant's Siege of Rhodes are discussed. As to Orrery's claim, see ante, chap. 1,
p. 18 and note 2.
3 Note, more especially, Sedley's Mulberry Garden. • Gosse, u. s. pp. 266, 267.
## p. 138 (#160) ############################################
138
The Restoration Drama
of his personages out of changes on a single humour, strained and
contorted, Etherege discarded any pretensions to the knitting
together of a plot. He also discarded literary as well as dramatic
constructiveness, and it is not impossible that Molière pointed
him the way to a freedom from rule which Etherege pressed to
licence. But the merit of Etherege seems to lie less in his
eschewing the moribund fashion of Jonson's humours, than in a
certain natural genius whereby he was able to put upon the stage
a picture, very little heightened, of the roistering, reckless idle-
ness and licentiousness that actually characterised the brilliant,
graceless fops whose society he frequented. "The man of quality,
who can fight at need with spirit and verve, but whose customary
occupation is the pursuit of pleasure without dignity and without
reflection'—this is Etherege's theme; it is his very self, re-
curring in Sir Frederick Frollicke, in Courtall and Freedom, 'two
honest gentlemen of the town,' in She Would if she could and
in the masterly circle of fops—Dorimant, Medley, Bellair and
Sir Fopling Flutter-each one of them equally 'the man of mode. '
'Nature, you know,' says Etherege of himself, 'intended me for
an idle fellow, and gave me passion and qualities fit for that
blessed calling ; but fortune has made a changeling of me and
necessity forces me to set up for a fop of business? ' As to the
women of Etherege, they are fashionable, extravagant, witty as
the men and as bold in their intrigues and amours; there is no
maiden's blush among them. They are such, in a word, as the
restoration rakes and roués knew them.
Attention has been called to Ethereğe's graphic touches of
scene, costume and place in the gay little west-end that knew
him. He is at home in Mulberry garden, a place of public resort
and entertainment, with bordered alleys and adjacent arbours in
which to eat syllabub and to carry on 'hazardous flirtations' like
those of Mistress Ariana and Mistress Gatty, two naughty run-
aways from chaperonage; or, again, in the shop of Mrs Trinket
in the New Exchange, a species of Arcade, whither ladies go
a-shopping for a few fashionable toys to keep 'em in countenance
at a play or in the Park,' and where gallants 'scent their eyebrows
and periwigs with a little essence of oranges or jessamine,' as did
Courtall while waiting for lady Cockwood But the superlative
quality of Etherege as a writer of comedy is the ease and natural-
ness of his prose dialogue, which, almost uniformly witty and, at
1 Letterbook under date 8 March 1688, quoted by Gosse, Seventeenth Century
Studies, ed. 1897, p. 296.
## p. 139 (#161) ############################################
Sir Charles Sedley
139
times, really brilliant, is seldom overdone and unsuited to his
personages, as is not infrequently the case with Congreve. The
very frivolity of Etherege disarms criticism. Who would break
a butterfly on the wheel ? For the time, English men and
women in good society had lapsed into an excess of gallantry,
enjoying their orgy with incorrigible frankness and abandon, and
avowing their enjoyment with incorrigible flippancy and shame-
lessness. In Etherege, comedy, for the moment, touched nature
once more, for such was nature in the society of the restoration.
Congreve is remote and studied in comparison, for he wrote of
these things when in actual life they had come to be mitigated by
a measurable return of public manners to healthier conditions ;
while, as to Sheridan, equally a disciple of Etherege, his comedies
in fact only perpetuated a picture of life that had long since ceased
to be much more than a brilliant tradition of the stage.
The closest immediate follower of Etherege in comedy is
Sir Charles Sedley, whose earliest comedy, The Mulberry Garden,
1668, is based, in part, on Molière's L'École des Maris and is
written in that mixture of prose and heroic couplets which
Etherege introduced in his Comical Revenge. An intimate in
the chosen circle of the king, Sedley was as famous for his wit
as he was notorious for the profligacy of his life. Nevertheless,
he appears to have been a capable man of affairs and, as a writer,
gained a deserved reputation alike for the clearness and ease of
his prose and for a certain poetic gift, more appreciable in his
occasional lyrics than in the serious parts of his dramas. The
Mulberry Garden, no bad comedy in its lighter scenes, is bettered
in Bellamira, or the Mistress, 1687, which, though founded on
the Eunuchus of Terence, presents a lively, if coarsely realistic,
picture of the reckless pursuit of pleasure of Sedley's day. The
Grumbler, printed in 1702, is little more than an adaptation of
Le Grondeur of Brueys and Palaprat. Sedley's tragedies call for
no more than the barest mention. His Antony and Cleopatra,
1667, reprinted as Beauty the Conqueror, is among the feeblest
as it is the latest, of heroic plays written in couplets. His Tyrant
King of Crete, 1702, is merely a revision of Henry Killigrew's
Pallantus and Eudora, little amended in the process.
With examples such as these among writers who pretended
to gentle manners and birth, and with Dryden descending to the
dramatic stews, it is not surprising to find lesser writers and
1 On this topic, see Genest, u. 8. vol. », p. 158, and Lissner, M. , in Anglia, vol.
XXVII, pp. 180—3.
## p. 140 (#162) ############################################
140
The Restoration Drama
stage hacks throwing decency to the winds and substituting sheer
scurrility for wit, and brutality for force of passion. John Lacy
(who died in 1681) is a familiar example of the popular actor
turned playwright. Out of a couple of the comedies of Molière,
butchered in the process, he compounded The Dumb Lady, or
The Furrier made Physician, 1669; in Sarony the Scot, or The
Taming of the Shrew, 1667, Grumio is raised to the chief part in
that much abused comedy of Shakespeare; while, in Sir Hercules
Buffoon, 1684, a more original effort, even the braggart and the fool,
immemorial stock figures of comedy, suffer degradation. The best
comedy of Lacy is The Old Troop (before 1665), in which he tells,
with rude and broad native humour, experiences of his own when
soldiering in the royalist army in civil war times, and, incidentally,
maligns and abuses fallen puritanism. Even more popular in his
day was Edward Ravenscroft, the author of a dozen plays extend-
ing over a career of nearly twenty-five years. Ravenscroft pillaged
the previous drama at large and Molière in particular, taking his
earliest comedy and greatest success, Mamamouchi, or the Citizen
Turned Gentleman, 1671, from Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme and
Monsieur de Pourceaugnac. In his palmy days, Ravenscroft
dared to measure his wit with Dryden? But his one conspicuous
quality was his success in boisterous farce. It was this and its
scandalous satirical nature that secured to his London Cuckolds,
first acted in 1682, an annual revival on the stage on lord mayor's
day for nearly a century? His other plays, among them an altera-
tion of Titus Andronicus, call for no mention here
It is assuredly a matter for comment that the first woman to
write professionally for the English stage should have begun her
career at a moment when the morality of English drama was at
its lowest ebb. Aphra or Aphara Behn was born at Wye in 1640,
the daughter of John Johnson, a barber.
