trangers:
Cosmopolitisme
et de?
Cult of the Nation in France
62. [Moreau], L'Observateur hollandois, ou troisie`me lettre, 3, 4, 12.
63. [Moreau], L'Observateur hollandois, ou cinquie`me lettre . . . , 6-8.
64. See, for instance, Moreau's disquisition on patriotism in ibid. , 40-42, and the
discussion in Chapter 1 above.
65. Me? moires de Tre? voux (1756), II, 1750-1751.
66. [abbe? Le Blanc], Le patriote anglois, ou re? flexions sur les Hostilite? s que la France
reproche a` l'Angleterre (Geneva, 1756), ii. Le Blanc also wrote that "the hatred
of the name Frenchman only blinds the vile populace. "
67. Journal encyclope? dique, 1756, I, Jan. 15, 30-31.
68. This suppleness would continue. See for instance Sobry, Le mode franc? ois
(see Ch. 1, n. 63), 26-37. Sobry uses the word "nation" to describe England,
France, and Spain, but "peuple" to describe other groups of Europeans.
69. Denis Diderot, "Eloge de Richardson," in Oeuvres comple`tes (Paris, 1951),
1063. Notes to Pages 90-93
70. See, on this phenomenon, Grieder, Anglomania, and Acomb, Anglophobia (see Ch. 1, n. 96). Both draw heavily on Georges Ascoli, La Grande Bretagne
devant l'opinion franc? aise au 18e` sie`cle (Paris, 1930).
71. Quoted in Greenfeld, Nationalism (see Intro. , n. 21), 156. Among the more fa-
mous examples of tracts against Anglomania is Louis Fougeret de Montbron,
Pre? servatif (see Ch. 1, n. 96).
72. Quoted in Dziembowski, Un nouveau patriotisme, 184.
73. Among the voluminous literature on the idea of Europe, see esp. Rene?
Pomeau, L'Europe des lumie`res: Cosmopolitisme et unite? europe? enne au dix- huitie`me sie`cle (Paris, 1995 [1964]); Jean-Baptiste Duroselle, L'ide? e d'Europe dans l'histoire (Paris, 1965), 103-33; Derek Heater, The Idea of European Unity (New York, 1992), 61-90; Denis de Rougemont, The Idea of Europe, trans. Norbert Guterman (New York, 1966), 51-175. On precedents, see Denys Hay, Europe: The Emergence of an Idea (Edinburgh, 1957).
74. Voltaire, Fontenoy, "Discours pre? liminaire," unpaginated.
75. Journal encyclope? dique, 1760, VIII, pt. II, 104. The anonymous writer also commented that "the Orientals themselves recognize the Europeans' mental
superiority. "
76. Quoted in de Rougemont, 150.
77. Rousseau, Oeuvres comple`tes (see Intro. , n. 42), III, 960. Cf. Emile (see Ch. 2,
n. 48), 593: "the original character of peoples is steadily being erased . . . As the races mix and the peoples blend, we see those national differences which once struck one at first glance, little by little disappearing. "
256 Notes to Pages 94-98
? 78. One exception: The Lettre d'un jeune homme (see Intro. , n. 70), published in the War of American Independence, said that the English custom of having women retire early from the dinner table was worthy of "Africans or Orientals" (18).
79. Duchet, 32, and more generally, 25-136; Gilbert Chinard, L'Ame? rique et le re^ve exotique dans la litte? rature franc? aise au XVIIe` et au XVIIIe` sie`cles (Paris, 1913); Geoffroy Atkinson, Les relations de voyages du XVIIe` sie`cle et l'e? volution des ide? es: Contribution a` l'e? tude de la formation de l'esprit du XVIIIe` sie`cle (Paris, 1927).
80. See also Karen Ordahl Kupperman, America in European Consciousness, 1493-1750 (Chapel Hill, 1995), 1-24.
81. See Colley, Britons, 11-54.
82. For a brief summary of these works, see Henry Vyverberg, Human Nature,
Cultural Diversity, and the French Enlightenment (New York, 1989), esp. 66-
71. The arguments about temperate climate go back to Aristotle.
83. Rivarol, L'universalite? de la langue franc? aise (Paris, 1991), 25.
84. D'Espiard, L'esprit des nations, 1753 Hague ed. (see Intro. , n. 38), II, 25.
NotestoPages894-985. Ibid. ,I,145;II,126.
86. [Thomas-Jean Pichon], La physique de l'histoire, ou Conside? rations ge? ne? rales
sur les Principes e? le? mentaires du temperament et du Caracte`re naturel des
Peuples (The Hague, 1765), 262-3.
87. Cited in Kohn, Prelude to Nation States (see Ch. 2, n. 15), 15.
88. On French notions of the translatio studii, spiritual counterpart to the
translatio imperii, see Beaune, Naissance (see Intro. , n. 12), 405-9.
89. The most recent study of the "civilizing mission," Alice Conklin's A Mission to Civilize: The Republican Idea of Empire in French West Africa, 1895-1930 (Stanford, 1997), acknowledges its Enlightenment origins without, however,
discussing them in depth.
90. F. A. Isambert et al. , Recueil des anciennes lois franc? aises, 18 vols. (Paris, 1821-
33), XVI, 423. Colbert quoted in Axtell, The Invasion Within (see Ch. 1, n. 113), 68. More generally, see Axtell, 43-127, and Cornelius J. Jaenen, "Char- acteristics of French-Amerindian Contact in New France," in Stanley H. Palmer and Dennis Reinharz, ed. , Essays on the History of North American Discovery and Exploration (College Station, Tex. , 1988), 79-101.
91. On the influence of the Jesuit Relations in particular, see Duchet, 76.
92. Thomas, Jumonville, 8.
93. Ibid. , 44.
94. Lesuire, 61-62.
95. See the discussion in Duchet, 230-79. See also William B. Cohen, The French Encounter with Africans: White Reponses to Blacks, 1530-1880 (Bloomington, 1980), 80.
96. Buirette de Belloy, Le sie`ge de Calais (see Ch. 1, n. 104), 32. See also, for exam- ple, Audibert, "Poe? me," 47; Basset de la Marelle, La diffe? rence (see Ch. 2, n. 41), 41; Lefebvre de Beauvray, Adresse, 9.
97. Lesuire, Les sauvages de l'Europe, 7.
98. Lefebvre de Beauvray, Adresse, 8.
99. Claude-Rigobert Lefebvre de Beauvray, Le monde pacifie? , poe? me (Paris,
1763), 6.
100. See Gilbert Chinard, George Washington as the French Knew Him (Princeton,
1940), 29. Chinard notes that during the War of American Independence, the French seem not to have drawn the connection between the young and mid- dle-aged Washington. This was possibly as the result of the earlier confusion over Washington's name ("Washington / Wemcheston") and the failure of most French publicists--including Thomas--to use the name at all.
101. Quoted in Grieder, 108.
Notes to Pages 98-100
102. For a summary of this literature see Acomb, Anglophobia, 69-88. Lefebvre's work, a partial rewriting of his earlier Adresse, was published as Claude- Rigobert Lefebvre de Beauvray, "Fragments d'un opuscule en vers, intitule? Hommages ou souhaits patriotiques a` la France, par un citoyen," in Journal encyclope? dique, 1779, V, 105-9.
103. Labourdette, Vergennes (see Intro. , n. 70), 205; see also Edouard Dziembow- ski, "Traduction et propagande: Convergences franco-britanniques de la cul- ture politique a` la fin du dix-huitie`me sie`cle," in K. de Queiros Mattoso, ed. , L'Angleterre et le monde, XVIII-XXe` sie`cle (Paris, 1999), 81-111.
104. Labourdette, 206-7. See for example the coverage in Annonces, affiches et avis divers . . . 156 (1782), 1317-18; 157 (1782), 1326.
105. See Albert Mathiez, La Re? volution et les e?
trangers: Cosmopolitisme et de? fense nationale (Paris, 1918), passim; Wahnich, L'impossible citoyen, 163-85.
106. Quoted in Mathiez, La Re? volution et les e? trangers, 56, and Georges Fournier, "Images du Midi dans l'ide? ologie re? volutionnaire," in Amiras: Repe`res occitans, 15-16 (1987), 85.
107. On the shift, see Wahnich, L'impossible citoyen, 243-327.
108. Robespierre, in Alphonse Aulard, La socie? te? des Jacobins: Recueil de documents
pour l'histoire du club des Jacobins de Paris (Paris, 1889-95), V, 634.
109. Wahnich, 301-25, quotation from 305, 323.
110. Bare`re, Rapport, 13.
111. Sophie Wahnich suggests that the shift in French sentiments towards England
derived above all from the Jacobins' belief that in England, unlike in the other enemy nations, the people were sovereign, and thus responsible for their gov- ernments' actions. While this belief certainly helped shape revolutionary dis- course on the subject, Wahnich overestimates its importance. The polemicists of the Seven Years' War employed similar rhetoric against the British without
Notes to Pages 98-100 257
? 258
Notes to Pages 100-104
? 112.
113. 114. 115.
Notes to Pages 100-104
116.
117.
118. 119. 120.
121. 122.
123. 124. 125.
126.
ever invoking English national sovereignty. The willingness to make pejora- tive characterizations of the English as a people had far more to do with the proximity and perceived similarity between the two nations. See Wahnich, L'impossible citoyen, 281-327.
See the material quoted extensively in Wahnich, 252-80, 318-27. Wahnich's book, which draws heavily on the techniques of linguistic analysis devised by Jacques Guilhaumou, rarely strays beyond the legislative records of the revo- lutionary assemblies (the Archives parlementaires) for source material. Quoted in Wahnich, 323, 326; Hampson, Perfidy, 150.
Bare`re, Rapport sur les crimes de l'Angleterre, 11, 12, 18.
Archives du Ministe`re des Affaires E? trange`res, Me? moires et Documents: France, 651, fol. 239. I am grateful to Professor Thomas Kaiser, of the Univer- sity of Arkansas, to whom I owe this citation, and who cited it in his paper "From the 'Austrian Committee' to the 'Foreign Plot': Marie-Antoinette, Austrophobia, and the Terror," Society for French Historical Studies, Scottsdale, March 2000.
Robespierre, in codicil to Bare`re, Rapport, 29. For examples of Vende? ens de- scribed as barbarians and foreigners, see for instance Rivoire, Le patriotisme (see Ch. 1, n. 40), 91.
De la Chapelle, Lettres d'un Suisse . . . vingtie`me lettre, (second pagination) S3r.
Quoted in Labourdette, 207.
See esp. Pallier, Recherches sur l'imprimerie a` Paris.
[Antoine Arnaud], Coppie de l'anti-espagnol, faict a` Paris (Paris, 1590), 12. In general, see Yardeni, La conscience nationale (see Intro. , n. 12), 270-77, also Mack P. Holt, "Burgundians into Frenchmen: Catholic Identity in Sixteenth- Century Burgundy," in Michael Wolfe, ed. , Changing Identities in Early Mod- ern France (Durham, 1997), 345-70.
Pagden, Lords of All the World, 24; Duchet, 210-11.
See Arthur Hertzberg, The French Enlightenment and the Jews (New York, 1968), 248-313. Bare`re is quoted in Wahnich, 318.
Elie Fre? ron, quoted in Dziembowski, Un nouveau patriotisme, 84.
This will be demonstrated in Chapter 4. And see above, note 7.
Which he actually spoke in Provenc? al: "Aquo es e? gaou, mori per la libertat. " See Patrice Higonnet, "The Politics of Linguistic Terrorism and Grammatical Hegemony During the French Revolution," Social History, V/1 (1980), 57. See for instance Pierre H. Boulle, "In Defense of Slavery: Eighteenth-Century Opposition to Abolition and the Origins of a Racist Ideology in France," in Frederick Krantz, ed. , History from Below: Studies in Popular Protest and Pop- ular Ideology in Honour of George Rude? (Montreal, 1985), 221-41; Laurent Versini, "Hommes des lumie`res et hommes de couleur," in Jean-Claude
Notes to Pages 104-109 259
? Carpanin Marimoutou and Jean-Michel Racault, eds. , Metissages, I (1992), 25-34; Be? atrice Didier, "Le me? tissage de l'Encyclope? die a` la Re? volution: De l'anthropologie a` la politique," in ibid. , 13-24; Ivan Hannaford, Race: The History of an Idea in the West (Washington, 1996). Earlier literature on the same theme includes Duchet, Anthropologie et histoire, and Richard H. Popkin, "The Philosophical Basis of Eighteenth-Century Racism," in Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture, III (1973), 245-62. See also Vyverberg, Human Nature. As intellectual background for the shift, the authors cite the weaken- ing of Christian theology and its insistence on the common descent of the human race from Adam ("monogenesis"), and the increasing influence of the biological sciences with their penchant for classification and ranking.
127. See on this point Hannaford, Race, 235-76.
128. On the meanings of "race," see Boulle, "In Defense of Slavery," 222.
129. Pagden, "The 'Defence of Civilization'" (see Ch. 1, n. 14), 40-44.
4. National Memory and the Canon
1. Antoine-Le? onard Thomas, Essai sur les e? loges (Paris, 1829), 40-41.
2. Bonnet, Naissance du Panthe? on (see Intro. , n. 43). My differences with Bon- net's interpretation will become clear in the course of this chapter. In general on the phenomenon, see also Papenheim's important study, Erinnerung und Unsterblichkeit (see Intro. , n. 43), which Bonnet does not cite. Notes to Pages 104-109
3. Andre? Thevet, Les vrais pourtraits et vies des hommes illustres (Paris, 1584; repr. Delmar, NY, 1973). See also, for instance, Jean-Jacques Boissard, Icones uirorvm illvstirvm, doctrina & eruditione praestantium contines (Frankfurt,
1598).
4. Arlette Jouanna, L'ide? e de race en France au XVIe`me sie`cle (1498-1614), 3 vols.
(Paris, 1976), I, 25.
5. Quoted in Peter Gay, The Enlightenment: An Interpretation, 2 vols. (New York,
1966), I, 47. See also Martha Waling Howard, The Influence of Plutarch in the
Major European Literatures of the Eighteenth Century (Chapel Hill, 1970).
6. Margaret MacGowan, "Le phe? nome`ne de la galerie des portraits des illustres," in Roland Mousnier and Jean Mesnard, eds. , L'a^ge d'or du me? ce? nat (1598-
1661) (Paris, 1985), 411-22, quote from 412.
7. Gabriel Michel de la Rochemaillet, Pourtraictz de plvsievrs hommes illvstres qvi
ont flory en France depvis l'an 1500 ivsques a` present (Paris, 1600) printed as a broadside (Bibliothe`que Nationale, Cabinet des Estampes, Hennin 1200/ G151576). Reprinted as La vie des graves et illustres personnages qui ont diuersement excellee en ce Royaume, sous les re`gnes de Louys XII, Franc? ois I, Henry II, Franc? ois II, Charles IX, Henry III & Henry IIII heureusement regnant (Rouen, 1609). Rev. ed. : C. Malingre, Histoire chronologique de plusieurs
260
Notes to Pages 109-112
? 9. 10.
Notes to Pages 109-112
11. 12.
13. 14.
15.
8.
grands capitaines, princes, seigneurs, magistrats, officiers de la couronne & autres hommes illustres qui ont paru en France depuis cent soixante & quinze ans iusques a` present (Paris, 1617); Scaevole de Sainte-Marthe, Gallorum doctrina illustrium, qui nostra patrumque memoria floruerunt, elogia (Paris, 1602).
See Dowley, "D'Angiviller's Grands Hommes"; Silvestre de Sacy, Le comte d'Angiviller; Locquin, La peinture d'histoire (see Intro. n. 48), 41-69; Marc Furcy-Raynaud, ed. , "Correspondance de M. d'Angiviller avec Pierre," 2 vols. , Nouvelles archives de l'art franc? ais, 3e se? rie, vols. XXI-XXII (1905-6); Andrew McClellan, Inventing the Louvre: Art, Politics and the Origins of the Modern Museum in Eighteenth-Century Paris (Berkeley, 1994), 82-90; McClellan, "D'Angiviller's 'Great Men'" (see Intro. , n. 48); Thomas Crow, Painters and Public Life in Eighteenth-Century Paris (New Haven, 1985), 191-7. Crow points out that at the end of the 1770s, d'Angiviller started to put renewed emphasis on classical antiquity in his painting program. Still, French history paintings continued to appear, as did the sculpture program.
See especially Brenner, L'histoire nationale (see Ch. 2, n. 61); Boe? s, La lanterne magique (see Intro. , n. 44).
These projects are discussed in Mona Ozouf, "Le Panthe? on: L'e? cole normale des morts," in Nora, ed. , Les lieux de me? moire (see Intro. , n. 33), pt. I, 142-44; Papenheim, Erinnerung, 286-7; Bonnet, Naissance, 130-32; John McMan- ners, Death and the Enlightenment: Changing Attitudes to Death in Eighteenth- Century France (Oxford, 1985), 330-33; Dominique Poulot, Muse? e, nation, patrimoine, 1789-1815 (Paris, 1997), esp. 53, 122; McClellan, Inventing, 83. On Louis XV's approval, see Papenheim, Erinnerung, 181.
See Bonnet, Naissance du Panthe? on, 55-66. In general, on the eulogy, see also Bonnet's pioneering article "Naissance du Panthe? on," Poe? tique 33 (1978). See Daniel Roche, Le sie`cle des lumie`res en province: Acade? mies et acade? miciens provinciaux, 1680-1789, 2 vols. (Paris, 1978), I, 344.
Bonnet, Naissance du Panthe? on, 111; Bonnet, "Naissance du Panthe? on," 47. Bonnet, Naissance du Panthe? on, 67-82. On Thomas's friendship with d'Angiviller, see McClellan, Inventing, 83-9.
Schama, Citizens (see Ch. 2, n. 60), 32.
